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LIBRARY 

OF    THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 
Cla&s  I  I  / 

Ese 


TUDOR    TRACTS 


<i4N    ENGLISH    G<iARNE% 


TUDOR    TRACTS 

1532-1588 

WITH    AN    INTRODUCTION    BY 
A.  F.  POLLARD,  M.A.,  F.R.  Hist.  S. 

Author  of  England  under  Protector  Somerset  and  of  Henry  VIII, 


I 


NEW    YORK 
E.    P.    DUTTON    AND    CO. 


PUBLISHERS'    NOTE 

The  texts  contained  in  the  present  volume  are  re- 
printed with  very  slight  alterations  from  the  English 
(Jarw^r  issued  in  eight  volumes  (1877- 1890,  London, 
8vo)  by  Professor  Arber,  whose  name  is  sufficient 
guarantee  for  the  accurate  collation  of  the  texts 
with  the  rare  originals,  the  old  spelling  being  in 
most  cases  carefully  modernised.  The  contents  of 
the  original  Garner  have  been  rearranged  and  now 
for  the  first  time  classified,  under  the  general 
editorial  supervision  of  Mr.  Thomas  Seccombe. 
Certain  lacunae  have  been  filled  by  the  interpolation 
of  fresh  matter.  The  Introductions  are  wholly 
new  and  have  been  written  specially  for  this  issue. 
The  references  to  volumes  of  the  Garner  (other  than 
the  present  volume)  are  for  the  most  part  to  the 
editio  princeps,  8  vols.  1877-90. 


Edinburgh  :  Printed  by  T.  and  A.  Constable. 


CONTENTS 


Date  of  Events 
Described. 


Date  of  Date  of 

Composition.  Publication. 


Page. 

1.  The   Manner   of  the  Triumph  at 

Calais, 1532  1532  1532  I 

2.  The  Coronation  of  Anne  Boleyn,  1533  1533  1533  9 

3.  How  Cromwell  helped  Cranmer's 

Secretary 1539  1565  (?)  iS70  29 

4.  The  late  Expedition  into  Scotland,  1544  1544  1544  37 

5.  Patten's  Expedition  into  Scotland,  1547  1547  1548  53 

6.  John  Bon  and  Master  Parson,       .  —  1548  (?)  154S  IS9 

7.  Underhill's  Narrative,  .         .         .  1553-4  1562  (?)  1859  170 

8.  History  of  Wyatt's  Rebellion,        .  1554  1554  1555  199 

9.  Brice's  Register  of  Martyrs,           .  IS55-8  1559  1559  259 

10.  The   Winning   of    Calais    by   the 

French, 1558  —  1569  289 

11.  The  Siege  of  Guisnes,  .         .         .  1558  —  1579  321 

12.  The  Death  of  Queen  Mary,  .         .  1558  —  1570  331 

13.  The    Imprisonment     of    Princess 

Elizabeth,        ....  1553-5  —  1563  333 

14.  Elizabeth's  Coronation  Procession,  1559  1559  1559  365 

15.  Elizabeth  arms  England,       .         .  1559  (?)  —  1588  396 

16.  The  Burning  of  S.  Paul's,     .         .  1561  1561  1561  401 

17.  A   False   Imagination   of  Fire  at 

Oxford, 1556  (?)  —  1563  409 

18.  The  Spoil  of  Antwerp,          .        .  1576  1576  1576  419 

19.  The  Apprehension  of  Campion,     .  1581  1581  1581  451 

20.  The  Scottish  Queen's  Burial,         .1587  —  1589  475 

21.  The  Spanish  Armada,  .         .         .  1588  1588  1588  485 


t 1 a^i Q 


INTRODUCTION 

Of  all  the  forms  and  methods  of  historical  representation, 
the  best  is  said  to  be  that  which  echoes  original  voices. 
But  it  is  not  echoes  we  hear  in  this  and  its  fellow-volumes ; 
it  is  the  original  voices  themselves.  They  speak  in  no 
borrowed  accents ;  no  interpreter  mars  their  meaning ;  no 
medium  muffles  their  tones.  History  is  a  glass  through 
which  we  behold  the  past ;  but  the  glass  is  coloured  by 
the  historian's  mind,  and  we  see  through  it  sometimes 
darkly.  Contemporary  writings  are  a  glass  of  truth,  a 
mirror  of  the  age  in  which  they  are  written.  If  we  seek 
to  know  how  men  thought,  and  felt,  and  talked  in  the 
days  of  bluff  King  Hal,  or  of  Good  Queen  Bess,  it  is  a 
sorry  expedient  to  take  down  from  the  shelf  the  volumes 
of  this  or  of  that  historian,  however  learned  and  accurate, 
brilliant  or  imaginative  he  may  be.  The  golden  rule  is 
to  ascend  to  the  fountain-head,  to  imbibe  historical  truth 
at  its  source  before  it  has  lost  its  original  purity  in  its 
tedious  passage  across  the  dusty  arena  of  religious  and 
secular  controversy. 

Not  that  these  Tudor  Tracts  contain  the  whole  truth 
or  nothing  but  the  truth.  They  are  perhaps  as  full  of 
misrepresentations  as  the  news-sheet  and  review  of  to-day, 
and  errors  of  fact  may  crowd  their  pages  as  closely  as 
those  of  the  most  brilliant  of  modern  historians.  Their 
writers  were  no  more  exempt  than  we  from  a  human 
delight  in  error.     Nay,  since  they  cared  more  than  we  do 


viii  Tudor  Tracts 

for  what  they  beh'eved,  they  were  even  more  anxious  than 
we  to  prove  that  each  other's  opinions  were  the  outcome, 
not  merely  of  perverted  intelligence,  but  also  of  evil  hearts. 
There  are  in  these  tracts  striving  and  crying  and  jangling 
enough  ;  the  din  of  battle  is  never  far  off,  and  the  passions 
of  war  have  not  subsided  in  the  breasts  of  those  who  record 
it.  There  may  be  more  heat  than  light,  but  heat  is  a 
proper  subject  of  scientific  investigation  ;  it  produces  more 
than  light,  and  he  who  would  understand  history  must 
know  something  of  the  causes  of  popular  passions.  These 
tracts  reflect  many  phases  of  popular  feeling  in  Tudor 
times ;  they  are  real  phenomena,  whatever  the  truth  of 
their  contentions  may  be.  Of  that  the  reader  must  judge 
for  himself.  He  stands  in  the  position  of  the  audience 
at  an  Attic  theatre,  while  the  editor,  like  a  Greek  chorus, 
may  give  an  occasional  hint.  As  the  messengers  of  the 
Greek  stage  came  on  to  relate  what  they  had  seen  and 
heard  of  the  battles,  murders,  and  sudden  deaths,  which 
Greek  sensitiveness  would  not  suffer  to  be  enacted  on 
the  boards,  so  in  these  pages  each  pamphleteer  comes 
forward  in  turn  to  tell  of  ancient  deeds  of  which  himself 
was  witness  or  partaker.  The  use  of  messengers  was  the 
nearest  approach  to  dramatic  realism  which  the  Greeks 
would  tolerate ;  the  perusal  of  these  tracts  will  best  enable 
modern  minds  to  realise  the  conditions  of  a  bygone  age. 

Metaphors  from  the  drama  are  naturally  suggested  by 
the  contents  of  this  volume,  for  these  tracts  illustrate  a 
period,  of  which  the  dramatic  unity  is  complete,  and  the 
dramatic  interest  unsurpassed.  Within  the  fifty  odd  years 
between  1532  and  1588  there  was  fought  the  greatest 
struggle  in  English  history,  the  battle  for  spiritual  in- 
dependence between  England  and  the  forces  of  the  Roman 


Introduction  ix 

Catholic  Church.  Our  first  piece  marks  the  inception  of 
the  contest,  our  last  is  a  song  of  triumph.  The  tide  of 
victory  flows  and  ebbs  and  flows  again  ;  reaction  succeeds  to 
reform  and  fails  ;  and  for  half  a  century  the  issue  hangs  in 
the  balance.  Henry  VIII.  throws  down  the  challenge  to 
Rome  by  marrying  Anne  Boleyn  in  1533,  and  in  1588  Anne 
Boleyn's  daughter  defeats  the  last  effort  made  by  Rome 
to  rivet  again  by  force  the  bonds  which  Henry  had  burst. 

The  interview  between  Francis  I.  and  Henry  viii. 
described  in  The  Manner  of  the  Triumph  at  Calais  and 
Boulogne}  was  not  the  first  occasion  on  which  those  two 
doughty  monarchs  had  met.  Twelve  years  before,  amid 
surroundings  of  unparalleled  splendour,  they  had  pledged 
eternal  friendship  on  the  Field  of  Cloth  of  Gold ;  but 
the  display  which  flaunted  over  that  scene  was  not 
more  portentous  than  the  perfidy  which  it  concealed. 
Henry  VIII.  went  from  his  interview  with  Francis  I.  to 
negotiate  that  secret  alliance  with  the  Emperor  Charles  v., 
which  in  five  years'  time  made  Charles  dictator  of  Europe 
and  the  Pope  little  more  than  his  chaplain.  Wolsey,  the 
prime  mover  in  the  deception,  was  one  of  the  first  to  suffer 
from  the  Nemesis  which  dogged  its  steps.  Clement  vil. 
amid  the  clash  of  imperial  arms  was  deaf  to  the  mutterings 
of  the  storm  in  England ;  and,  helpless  in  the  Emperor's 
hands,  he  refused  Henry  Vlil.'s  petition  for  divorce  from 
the  Emperor's  aunt.  The  refusal  precipitated  Wolsey's 
fall,  and  Henry  determined  to  effect  by  other  means  that 
divorce  which  he  had  for  five  years  begged  in  vain  from 
the  Pope.     He  had  made  up  his  mind  that  the  power  of 

^  First  printed  London,  1532,  4to ;  it  was  reprinted  the  same  year,  and  then 
not  again  till  1884,  when  it  appeared  in  E.  M.  Goldsmid's  Bibliotheca  Curios^. 
Its  authorship  is  unknown. 


X  Tudor  Tracts 

Rome  was  but  an  imposing  image.  For  twenty  years 
he  had  seen  its  authority  spurned  by  the  most  Christian 
and  Catholic  kings,  whenever  it  stood  in  the  way  of  their 
secular  interests ;  he  had  watched  a  humble  monk  of 
Wittenberg  defy  all  the  weapons  of  the  Papal  armoury ; 
and  he  had  observed  the  steady  growth  in  England  of 
contempt  for  the  Papacy  and  dislike  for  the  Church.  For 
fifteen  years  Wolsey  had  staved  off  the  revolution  by 
allowing  Parliament  no  voice  in  the  government,  and  lay- 
men as  little  as  possible,  and  by  plunging  the  king  into 
the  maelstrom  of  foreign  war  and  foreign  intrigue.  But 
at  last  that  game  was  played  out ;  the  treasures  amassed 
by  Henry  VII.  were  spent ;  the  enthusiastic  loyalty  with 
which  Henry  Vlil.  had  been  greeted  on  his  accession  was 
turned  to  discontent ;  heavy  taxation  was  demanded  and 
refused;  and  England  stood  no  higher  in  1529  in  the 
councils  of  Europe  than  she  had  done  when  Wolsey  first 
grasped  the  reins.  From  his  own  point  of  view  Wolsey 
had  been  right;  a  Cardinal  of  the  Roman  Church  could 
not  desire  a  breach  with  Rome ;  he  had  tried  the  only 
possible  means  of  averting  it,  and  he  had  failed,  as  he  was 
bound  to  do.^ 

In  1529,  with  or  without  the  fall  of  Wolsey,  with  or 
without  the  divorce  of  Catherine  of  Aragon,  an  attack  on 
the  Church  and  the  Papacy  was  imminent.  The  only 
question  was,  in  which  ranks  would  the  crown  be  found 
fighting?  The  importance  of  the  divorce  was  that  it 
determined  Henry  viii.  to  side  against  the  Papacy.  It 
brought  over  to  the  cause  of  reform  that  royal  influence, 
the  hostility  of  which  had  paralysed  the  anti-ecclesiastical 
movement  in  the  early  years  of  the  fifteenth  century.     The 

*  See  the  present  writer,  Henry  VIII.,  1902,  cap.  iii.-iv. 


Introduction  xi 

extent  of  Henry's  power  was  largely  due  to  the  fact  that 
he  stood  between  opposing  and  well-matched  forces, 
and  that  comparatively  little  was  required  to  turn  the 
balance.  No  one,  whose  perceptions  were  not  dulled  by 
theological  bias,  would  now  maintain  that  in  one  scale 
were  the  forces  of  the  Papacy,  the  wishes  of  the  English 
laity,  and  the  influence  of  the  English  Church ;  and  in  the 
other  nothing  but  Henry  VIII.  and  his  evil  passions.  To 
believe  that  the  divorce  of  Catherine  of  Aragon  was  the 
sole  cause  of  the  breach  with  Rome  is  to  be  blind  not 
merely  to  the  facts  of  Tudor  history,  but  to  the  fundamental 
conditions  which  govern  human  affairs.  No  ruler  can  effect 
anything  except  by  using  forces  which  exist  independently 
of  his  personal  will,  and  Henry  Vlll.  would  have  been 
powerless  against  the  Church  of  Rome  without  the  help 
of  collaborating  tendencies.  One  man  cannot  alter  a 
nation's  character,  and  it  is  not  possible  to  believe  that, 
but  for  Henry  Vlll.,  England  would  have  remained  per- 
manently within  the  Roman  Catholic  communion. 

But,  if  the  divorce  was  not  the  sole  cause  of  the  breach 
with  Rome,  neither  was  Anne  Boleyn  the  sole  cause  of  the 
divorce.  Henry  VIII.  had  had  mistresses  before  Anne, 
without  their  existence  giving  rise  to  the  least  hint 
of  a  separation  from  Catherine  of  Aragon.  They  were 
recognised  royal  institutions,  with  which  Popes  no  more 
thought  of  interfering  than  they  expected  kings  to  meddle 
with  equally  delicate  questions  of  Papal  morals.  Henry 
did  not  want  a  divorce  because  his  marriage  with  Catherine 
stood  in  the  way  of  his  passion  for  Anne  Boleyn,  but 
because  it  stood  in  the  way  of  his  having  a  wife  who  should 
bear  him  an  heir  to  the  throne.  He  might  have  had  Anne 
as  his  mistress,  he  desired   her  as  his  wife ;    and,  if  the 


xii  Tudor  Tracts 

difference  was  not  due  to  the  need  of  an  heir,  it  was 
due  to  scruples  with  which  we  are  not  inclined  to  credit 
Henry  VIII.  But  to  marry  Anne  Boleyn  meant  a  complete 
repudiation  of  the  Pope's  authority,  and — what  seemed 
more  important  to  men  of  that  time — it  involved  the  risk 
of  a  quarrel  with  Charles  V.  Not  that  any  personal  insult 
to  Catherine  would  have  moved  her  imperial  nephew ;  but 
the  divorce  of  Catharine  implied  the  destruction  of  Haps- 
burg  influence  at  the  English  court,  the  ruin  of  Mary's 
hopes  of  the  English  crown  and  of  the  prospect  of  adding 
England  to  the  already  monstrous  Hapsburg  empire. 
Charles's  view  of  the  divorce  was  purely  political ;  Henry's 
marriage  with  Anne  Boleyn  meant  that,  in  the  great 
struggle  for  predominance  in  Europe,  England's  weight 
would  be  transferred  from  the  scale  of  Charles  V.  to  that 
of  Francis  I.  For  that  same  reason  the  divorce  was 
popular  in  France,  and  the  interview  at  Calais  in  1532  was 
marked  by  a  genuine  desire  for  friendship  which  had  been 
absent  from  the  meeting  on  the  Field  of  Cloth  of  Gold. 
The  French  king  was  once  more  a  match  for  the  Emperor, 
and  Henry  could  with  impunity  brave  the  Pope  so  long  as 
there  was  no  fear  that  Charles  and  Francis  would  combine 
to  carry  out  the  Pope's  decrees. 

No  allusion  to  such  matters  of  high  policy  is,  however, 
allowed  to  transpire  in  the  popular  account  of  the 
meeting.  Our  tract  is  confined  exclusively  to  its  spec- 
tacular aspect ;  and  the  only  symbolical  incident  appears  to 
be  the  wrestling  match  in  which  the  Englishmen  overthrew 
a  band  of  priests — a  possible  mimicry  of  the  struggle 
between  Church  and  State  then  raging  in  England.  It  is 
probable,  however,  that  the  two  monarchs  came  to  a  suffi- 
cient understanding.  At  any  rate,  events  followed  each  other 
rapidly  after  Henry's  return.    In  January  1533  Anne  Boleyn 


Introduction  xiii 

was  pregnant ;  her  issue  must  at  all  costs  be  legitimate. 
It  could  only  be  legitimate  if  the  English  king  were 
divorced  from  Catherine  and  married  to  Anne.  Warham, 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  had  died  in  the  previous 
August ;  a  successor  willing  to  execute  the  royal  wishes 
was  found  in  Thomas  Cranmer.  By  threatening  to  deprive 
the  Roman  curia  of  the  first-fruits  of  English  sees,  Henry 
induced  the  Pope  to  grant  Cranmer  his  bulls,  though 
Clement  must  have  known  for  what  purpose  they  were 
wanted.  As  soon  as  they  arrived  Cranmer  was  con- 
secrated, and  a  few  days  later  he  opened  his  court  at 
Dunstable  to  determine  the  validity  of  Henry's  marriage 
with  his  deceased  brother's  wife.  His  verdict  was  a 
foregone  conclusion,  as  was  his  pronouncement  that  Henry 
and  Anne  were  legally  husband  and  wife,  though  the  date 
and  manner  of  their  union  remain  doubtful  to  this  day. 
On  Whitsunday,  the  ist  of  June  1533,  took  place  The 
noble  triumphant  Coronation  of  Queen  Anne,  wife  unto  the 
most  noble  King,  Henry  the  Vlllth}  The  reason  of  the 
honour  done  her  is  plainly  indicated  in  the  verses  recited 
before  her ;  she  was  expected  to  bear  the  king  a  son  ;  then 
the  terror  of  a  disputed  succession  would  cease,  and  the 
golden  age  would  come  to  an  anxious  people  (pp.  17,  20, 

*  This  tract,  which  was  originally  printed  in  quarto  in  1533,  has  only  been 
reprinted  in  Goldsmid's  Bibliotheca  Curiosa,  1884.  It  is  obviously  an  officially 
inspired  account,  and  for  a  more  impartial  description  the  reader  is  referred  to 
the  Letters  and  Papers  of  Henry  VIII.,  vol.  vi.  No.  584,  where  many  interest- 
ing and  curious  details  will  be  found.  Anne's  popularity  was  by  no  means  so 
great  as  this  tract  would  lead  us  to  suppose  ;  the  people  as  a  whole  sympathised 
with  Catherine,  and  at  times  even  the  royal  influence  could  scarcely  protect 
Anne  Boleyn  from  insult.  Nicholas  Udall,  the  writer  of  the  verses  appended  to 
the  tract,  is  famous  as  the  author  of  the  earliest  known  English  comedy  ;  he  was 
also  headmaster  of  Eton  and  Westminster,  his  connection  with  the  former  school 
being  terminated  by  a  very  scandalous  episode.  See  Diet.  Nat.  Biogr.,  Iviii.  6. 
The  MS.  of  Udall's  verses  is  in  the  British  Museum,  Royal  MS.  18  A  LXiv. 


xiv  Tudor  Tracts 

2i).  The  nation  had  not  long  to  wait  for  the  expected 
issue,  but  it  was  not  a  son.  On  7th  September  following 
Anne  gave  birth  to  a  child  at  Greenwich.  Chapuys,  the 
Spanish  ambassador,  scarcely  deigned  to  notice  the  event 
in  his  despatches  to  his  master.  The  king's  mistress  had 
borne  a  daughter,  a  matter  of  no  moment  to  so  mighty  a 
monarch  as  the  Hapsburg  emperor.  Yet  the  child  thus 
ushered  into  a  contemptuous  world  lived  to  be  Queen 
Elizabeth,  to  humble  the  pride  of  Spain,  and  to  bear  to  a 
final  triumph  the  banner  which  Henry  had  raised. 

So  the  curtain  rings  down  on  the  first  act  of  the  drama. 
It  rises  on  a  different  scene.  The  interest  of  the  next  tract 
lies  in  the  religious  and  not  the  political  aspect  of  the 
Reformation,  and  the  contest  is  domestic  rather  than 
foreign.  It  need  hardly  be  repeated  that  the  motives  of 
the  separation  from  Rome  were  in  a  very  slight  degree 
doctrinal ;  and  few  of  those  who  assisted  Henry  vill.  to 
break  the  Roman  yoke  had  any  taste  for  a  tincture  of 
Lutheran  dogma.  That  redoubtable  monarch  had,  indeed, 
digested  many  formulas  and  swallowed  not  a  few  scruples ; 
he  was  keeping  an  open  and  receptive  mind  for  new  truth 
and  fresh  support  from  whatever  quarter  it  might  come ; 
and  more  than  once,  when  a  Catholic  storm  was  brew- 
ing, he  signalled  for  Protestant  help  by  professing  his 
anxiety  for  the  preaching  of  the  Word  and  pretending  to 
be  a  true  evangelical.  But  this  was  only  in  extremis;  if 
the  Pope  and  the  Catholic  powers  would  let  him  enjoy 
his  peculiar  conscience  in  peace,  he  would  abstain  from 
Lutheran  gods,  if  not  from  Lutheran  goddesses ;  and 
although  the  imperial  ambassador  described  Anne  Boleyn 
and  her  relatives  as  the  real  apostles  of  the  new  sect,  they 
failed  to  make  a  convert  of  their  king.      New  doctrines 


Introduction  xv 

began,  however,  to  spread  in  England ;  even  the  guarded 
precincts  of  the  court  were  not  free  from  infection,  and  in 
the  privy  council  itself  the  two  most  prominent  members 
from  1532  to  1540  were  Thomas  Cromwell  and  Thomas 
Cranmer.  The  archbishop  was  gradually  leaning  towards 
Lutheran  doctrine,  and  Cromwell  believed  in  a  Lutheran 
policy  if  not  in  the  Lutheran  creed.  But  they  were  in  a 
minority  ;  their  colleagues,  headed  by  Norfolk  and  Bishop 
Gardiner,  had  no  love  for  the  two  arch-heretics,  and  their 
enmity  often  threatened  Cranmer  and  proved  fatal  to 
Thomas  Cromwell,  It  was  almost  on  the  eve  of  his  fall 
that  Cromwell  was  able  to  do  Cranmer  the  service 
described  in  the  amusing  extract  here  reprinted  from 
Foxe  (pp.  29-35).! 

From  ecclesiastical  and  domestic  questions,  we  turn 
to  a  real  imperial  issue,  the  Union  between  England  and 
Scotland.  That  design  was  the  uppermost  thought  in 
Henry's  mind  for  the  last  six  years  of  his  reign,  and, 
indeed,  it  occupied  the  attention  of  Tudor  monarchs  during 
the  whole  of  the  time  they  sat  on  the  English  throne. 
Henry  VII.  no  doubt  had  it  in  view  when  he  married  his 
daughter  Margaret  to  the  Scottish  king ;  but  in  the  earlier 
years  of  Henry  viii.  English  interests  in  Scotland  had  been 
sacrificed  to  Wolsey's  passion  for  playing  a  prominent  part 
in  European  politics.  As  soon  as  Henry  viii.  had  emanci- 
pated himself  from  Wolsey's  and  other  clerical  control,  and 
had  triumphantly  asserted  his  authority  over  Church  and 

^  How  the  Lord  Cromwell  helped  Archbishop  Cranmer' s  Secretary ;  the 
secretary  was  Ralph  Morice,  whose  anecdotes  of  Cranmer  constitute  one  of  the 
best  authorities  for  the  Archbishop's  life.  As  Morice  furnished  Foxe  with 
information  for  his  ecclesiastical  works,  there  is  little  doubt  that  this  story 
comes  from  Morice's  own  lips.  It  affords  some  interesting  glimpses  at  the 
court  and  manners  of  Henry  Vlll.'s  time. 


xvi  Tudor  Tracts 

State  at  home,  he  turned  his  energy  towards  the  extension 
of  England's  dominion  beyond  her  borders.  He  first  com- 
pleted the  union  of  England  and  Wales,  he  then  brought 
Ireland  into  better  order  than  it  had  enjoyed  since  the  days 
of  Poynings,  and  finally  he  set  about  the  reduction  of  Scot- 
land. The  age  was  one  of  national  expansion  and  consolida- 
tion, and  nature  seemed  to  have  designed  the  formation  of 
the  British  Isles  into  one  empire,  quite  as  clearly  as  she  had 
the  union  of  Castile  and  Aragon,  or  of  France  and  Brittany. 
Moreover,  the  inconvenience  of  an  independent  Scotland 
had  been  forcibly  brought  home  to  Henry  during  his 
struggle  with  Rome.  James  V.  of  Scotland,  although,  or 
perhaps  because,  he  was  Henry's  nephew,  had  been  regarded 
by  Pope  and  by  Emperor  as  the  most  promising  instrument 
of  their  schemes  against  the  schismatic  king.  Beaton  had 
been  made  a  Cardinal  and  sent  from  Rome  to  Scotland 
with  the  express  object  of  publishing  the  papal  bull  of 
deposition  on  the  Borders,  and  inciting  the  northern 
counties  to  revolt ;  James  himself  had  been  urged  to 
claim  the  English  throne ;  and  a  Scots  invasion  might 
generally  be  reckoned  on,  whenever  England  found  itself  in 
difficulties.  The  last  and  most  reckless  of  these  inroads  had 
ended  in  1542  with  the  rout  of  the  Scots  at  Sol  way  Moss, 
the  death  of  James  v.,  and  the  succession  to  the  throne  of  a 
week-old  infant,  Mary,  Queen  of  Scots.  The  time  seemed 
apt  for  Henry's  intervention  ;  nearly  half  the  nobility  of 
Scotland  had  been  killed  or  captured  at  Solway  Moss  ;  and 
before  the  prisoners  were  released,  they  were  made  to  swear 
allegiance  to  Henry  as  sovereign  of  Scotland,  and  to  promise 
their  co-operation  in  effecting  a  marriage  between  Queen 
Mary  and  Henry's  son.  Prince  Edward.  But  dealing  with 
the  Scottish  Government  was  no  easy  task;  there  was  an 


Introduction  xvii 

English  faction  in  Scotland  and  a  French  faction,  and  the 
two  were  constantly  fighting  for  control  of  Scottish  policy  ; 
when  an  understanding  had  been  reached  with  a  foreign 
state,  the  opposite  faction  often  expelled  its  rival  and  re- 
versed its  acts.  Such  was  the  case  in  1543  ;  the  disastrous 
effects  of  the  war  with  England  had  brought  the  English 
party  into  power,  and  mainly  through  Henry's  abating  his 
terms,  a  treaty  was  actually  signed  for  the  marriage  alliance. 
But  the  arrival  of  French  ships,  men,  and  money  produced 
its  effect ;  the  French  party  was  once  more  in  the  ascendant. 
The  treaty  with  England  was  repudiated,  and  one  with 
France  was  substituted.^  To  Englishmen,  the  Scots  Govern- 
ment appeared  to  have  been  guilty  of  the  grossest  perfidy, 
and  to  repay  it  the  expedition  described  in  the  next  tract 
was  despatched  against  Scotland  in  May  1544.^ 

The  object  of  this  invasion,  and  of  the  devastation  which 
marked  its  course,  is  not  at  once  apparent.  A  desire  for 
revenge  was  the  ostensible  motive,  and  partly  no  doubt  the 
real  one,  but  the  ultimate  end  in  view  was  to  convince  the 
Scots  that  England  could  make  herself  more  unpleasant  as 
an  enemy  than  France,  and  therefore  that  the  English 
alliance  was  the  better  policy  for  Scotland  to  pursue. 
Henry  VIII.  never  attempted  to  conquer  Scotland,  for  the 
simple  reason  that  he  had  not  the  means  to  hold  it  when 
conquered,  The  only  union  with  Scotland  effected  by  force 
was  Oliver  Cromwell's ;  the  conquest  of  Scotland  was  possible 
to  him  and  to  no  one  else,  because  Cromwell  was  head  of  an 
efficient  and  permanent  army.  He  ruled  Scotland  by  the 
methods  of  a  military  despot,  but  a  military  despotism  was 

^  For  the  negotiations  during  that  year,  see  the  latest  volume  (xviii.)  of  the 
Letters  arid  Papers  of  Henry  VIII.,  ed.  Gairdner. 

^  See  pp.  39-51  ;  this  tract,  which  was  almost  certainly  published  in  IS44> 
has  never  been  reprinted  except  for  this  Gamer. 

b  I 


xviii  Tudor  Tracts 

an  impossibility  in  Tudor  times,  and  Henry's  standing  army 
was  limited  to  a  few  gentlemen-pensioners  and  yeomen  of 
the  guard.  Hence  he  had  to  resort  to  coercion  by  methods 
of  barbarism,  to  the  slow  and  feeble  policy  of  repeated  and 
ruthless  raids,  which  in  the  end  failed  of  their  purpose. 
Henry  VIIL,  however,  had  come  within  measurable  distance 
of  success,  when  he  was  baulked  by  the  treachery  of  his 
friend  and  ally,  the  Emperor.  The  experience  of  1543  had 
taught  him  that  Scotland  would  never  yield  so  long  as  she 
could  look  for  effective  assistance  from  France.  So,  with 
the  object  of  putting  France  hors  de  combat^  Henry  had 
joined  Charles  V.  in  an  alliance  which  was  to  crush  for 
generations  the  French  King's  power.  Both  monarchs  led 
powerful  armies  into  France  in  1544,  but  when  Charles  was 
in  the  heart  of  the  French  dominions,  he  made  peace  and  left 
the  English  in  the  lurch.^  All  thoughts  of  beating  Scotland 
to  her  knees  had  now  to  be  abandoned ;  and  England  in 
1545  had  to  bend  all  her  energies  towards  resisting  a 
threatened  French  invasion.  Peace  was  made  in  1546,  and 
in  the  midst  of  his  preparations  for  a  renewed  attack  on 
Scotland,  Henry  died.^ 

His  successor,  the  Protector  Somerset,  was  as  resolute  as 
Henry  had  been  to  effect  the  union  with  Scotland  by  means 
of  the  marriage  between  Queen  Mary  and  Edward  VI.,  but 
he  approached  his  task  in  a  somewhat  different  spirit.  He 
first  made  strenuous  efforts  to  persuade  the  Scots  by 
peaceful  means  to  carry  out  the  treaty  of  1543.  On  their 
failure,  he  determined  to  prove  by  an  overwhelming  display 

^  See  for  the  latest  information  on  these  events  vol.  vii.  of  the  Calendar  of 
Spanish  State  Papers,  ed.  M.  A.  S.  Hume. 

-  That  Henry  was  resolved  to  renew  his  attempt  on  Scotland,  is  clear  from 
the  despatches  in  the  Correspondauce  Politique  d'Odet  de  Selve,  published  in 
1886  by  the  French  Government. 


Introduction  xix 

of  force  the  hopelessness  of  Scots  resistance.  A  large  and 
well-equipped  army  was  collected  on  the  Borders  in  August 
1547  ;  a  fleet  under  Clinton  sailed  up  the  coast  to  co-operate 
with  the  land  forces  ;  and  at  Pinkiecleugh  or  Musselburgh, 
the  Protector  inflicted  on  the  Scots  one  of  the  most  crushing 
defeats  in  the  whole  of  their  history.^  Somerset,  however, 
was  no  great  believer  in  coercion,  and  he  next  set  to  work 
to  secure  Scottish  consent  to  the  union  with  England.  He 
promised  the  Scots  autonomy  ;  he  suggested  that  the  use  of 
the  names  England  and  Scotland  should  be  discontinued, 
that  the  united  kingdom  should  be  called  by  the  'old 
indifferent  name'  of  the  Empire  of  Great  Britain,  and  that 
there  should  be  complete  freedom  of  trade  between  the 
two.2  But  these  offers  proved  unavailing.  The  French 
faction  controlled  the  Government;  zealously  aided  by  the 
Church,  it  prevented  Somerset's  terms  from  reaching  the 
ears  of  the  people,  and  fanned  to  a  flame  the  inveterate 
hatred  of  the  Scots  for  their  English  neighbours.     French 

^  The  account  of  this  expedition  here  printed  (pp.  53-157)  is  one  of  the  ear- 
liest, most  interesting,  and  most  detailed  of  military  tracts  ;  it  is  even  furnished 
with  sketch  maps  and  plans.  The  author,  William  Patten,  had  excellent  oppor- 
tunities for  writing  a  history  of  the  campaign  ;  he  was  one  of  the  'judges  of  the 
marshalsea,'  that  is,  one  of  those  appointed  to  administer  martial  law  in  the 
provost-marshal's  court.  His  colleague  was  William  Cecil,  afterwards  the  great 
Lord  Burghley,  who  assisted  Patten  in  his  literary  as  well  as  in  his  judicial  work. 
Patten's  book  was  reprinted  in  Dalzell's  Fragmetits  of  Scottish  History,  1798  ;  it 
was  also  largely  used  by  Holinshed  and  by  Hayward  in  his  Reign  of  Edward  VI. 
There  are,  however,  several  lacunae  in  Patten's  story ;  he  makes  scarcely  any 
allusion  to  the  importance  of  the  presence  of  the  English  fleet.  Other  accounts 
by  eyewitnesses  are  that  by  the  Sieur  de  Barteville  (mentioned  on  pp.  90,  95),  a 
French  adventurer  in  the  English  service,  whose  narrative  was  printed  by  the 
Bannatyne  Club  in  1825;  the  descriptions  given  to  the  French  ambassador  by 
Jean  Ribauld,  another  Frenchman  in  English  service,  and  by  the  Scots  chan- 
cellor, Huntly,  which  may  be  found  in  the  Correspondance  d'Odet  de  Selve,  pp. 
220  sqq.  ;  the  best  Scots  accounts  are  in  the  Diurnal  of  Occurrenls  (Bannatyne 
Club),  pp.  44-5,  and  Lesly's  'History'  (Bannatyne  Club),  pp.  195-9.  See  the 
present  writer's  England  under  Protector  Somerset,  pp.  155-160. 

'  Ibid.  pp.  163-5. 


XX  Tudor  Tracts 

gold  was  lavished  among  the  nobility,  French  arms  and 
French  soldiers  were  poured  into  the  country,  and  eventu- 
ally France  herself  declared  war  upon  England.  Nor  was 
that  all.  At  the  same  time  the  social  discontent,  which 
troubled  England  throughout  the  Tudor  period,  came  to  a 
head ;  ^  revolts  of  the  commons  broke  out  in  the  east  and  in 
the  west ;  levies  intended  for  the  Scottish  Borders,  or  for 
service  in  France,  had  to  be  diverted  to  Norfolk  and  Devon. 
The  Protector,  whose  attempts  to  alleviate  the  distress  had 
been  frustrated  by  the  Council,  was  held  responsible  for 
risings  due  to  the  rejection  of  his  policy.  He  was  driven 
from  office,  and  his  successor,  the  Duke  of  Northumberland, 
made  an  ignominious  peace  with  France  and  with  Scotland, 
in  the  hope  that  France  would  abet  him  in  his  unprincipled 
scheme  for  placing  his  daughter-in-law  on  the  English 
throne.2 

But,  before  we  come  to  that  pitiful  tragedy,  we  must  refer 
to  the  predominant  factor  in  the  reign  of  Edward  VI.,  the 
struggle  between  the  old  faith  and  the  new.  The  Reforma- 
tion in  England  had  originally  little  to  do  with  dogma  ;  no 
doctrine  played  the  part  in  England  that  justification  by 
faith  did  in  Germany,  or  predestination  in  Switzerland. 
The  English  movement  arose  from  antagonism  to  the 
privileges,  powers,  and  possessions  of  the  clergy,  and  began 
with  an  attack  on  clerical  fees.  When,  in  the  reign  of 
Edward  VI.,  theological  questions  came  to  the  front  of  the 
political  stage,  the  doctrine  round  which  controversy  waged 
most  furiously  was,  for  an  obvious  reason,  the  doctrine  of 
the  Eucharist.  For,  if  priests  could  perform  daily  miracles, 
there  was  something  more  than  human  about  them,  some- 
thing which  raised  them  above  their  fellow  men  and  justified 

'  England  under  Protector  Somerset,  cap.  viii.  '  Ibid. ,  caps.  ix.  and  x. 


Introduction  xxi 

their  claim  to  exceptional  privileges  and  exceptional 
authority  ;  and,  in  their  hatred  of  these  clerical  claims,  men 
began  to  attack  the  doctrinal  basis  upon  which  they  rested. 
The  controversy  was  fierce,  and  in  its  popular  manifestations 
at  any  rate  was  not  very  edifying,  though  the  materialistic 
views  of  the  sacrament  of  the  altar  expounded  by  not  very 
literate  priests  were  to  some  extent  responsible  for  the 
coarseness  with  which  they  were  attacked.  The  dialogue 
between  John  Bon  and  Master  Parson  ^  is  no  doubt  typical 
of  many  an  argument  in  the  tavern  and  at  the  street  corner, 
when  the  leniency  of  Protector  Somerset  had  opened  the 
floodgates  of  that  diversity  of  opinion  which  Henry  VIII. 
had  striven  by  means  of  his  royal  supremacy  and  his 
statute  of  Six  Articles  to  keep  shut. 

It  was  not,  however,  religious  motives  which  precipitated 
the  downfall  of  the  Duke  of  Northumberland  and  of  that 
innocent  traitress.  Lady  Jane  Grey.  The  Duke  had  earned 
a  well-nigh  universal  detestation  by  a  government  that  was 
more  violent  than  that  of  Henry  VIII.  and  more  pusillanimous 
than  that  of  Mary.  Even  his  daughter-in-law  declared 
that  he  was  *  hated  and  evil  spoken  of  by  the  commons.' 
His  judicial  murder  of  his  rival,  the  Duke  of  Somerset,  his 
revival  and  extension  of  the  harsh  laws  of  Henry  Vlii.,  and 
his  attempts  to  pack  parliament  and  the  privy  council  had 
offended  three-quarters  of  the  nation  before  his  insane  plot 

^  This  metrical  tract  was  published  by  Luke  Shepherd,  M.D.,  in  1548  ; 
Professor  Arber  from  a  misapprehension  of  Underbill's  remarks  on  pp.  194-5 
assigned  the  tract  to  1551,  but  there  is  a  copy  in  the  British  Museum  dated  1548, 
there  was  no  Protector  in  155 1  (see  p.  195),  and  Sir  John  Gresham  (p.  194)  was 
Lord  Mayor  in  1547-8;  these  facts  make  the  date  certain.  The  tract  was 
reprinted  in  facsimile  in  1807  from  the  only  copy  known  to  be  extant,  and  in 
1852  was  re-ediled  for  the  Percy  Society.  Bale's  opinion  that  Dr.  Shepherd's 
verse  was  not  inferior  to  Skelton's  is  scarcely  borne  out  by  John  Bon  and 
Master  Parson.  The  doctor  appears  to  have  been  imprisoned  in  Mary's  reign 
for  his  authorship  of  this  work. 


xxii  Tudor  Tracts 

to  alter  the  succession  alienated  the  rest.  It  was  no  question 
of  Protestant  against  Catholic  ;  the  issue  was  decided  against 
Northumberland  by  the  most  Protestant  parts  of  the  country 
before  the  Catholics  had  time  to  stir.  East  Anglia  and  the 
city  of  London  were  hotbeds  of  the  new  learning,  yet  the 
men  of  Norfolk  and  Suffolk  flocked  to  Mary's  standard,  and 
London  gave  her  such  a  welcome  as  had  not  been  seen  in 
the  memory  of  man.^  Even  Edward  Underbill,  the  Hot 
Gospeller  and  author  of  our  next  tract,^  would  not  raise  a 
finger  for  Lady  Jane  Grey.  The  people  had  already  suffered 
enough  under  Northumberland ;  that  alone  would  have 
made  them  side  with  Mary,  and  there  were  powerful  reasons 
besides.  Then,  and  throughout  the  sixteenth  century,  men 
saw  in  the  Tudor  dynasty  their  only  bulwark  against  a 
recurrence  of  the  Wars  of  the  Roses,  and  they  will  submit 
to  much  from  a  government  when  the  only  alternative  is 
anarchy.  There  were,  no  doubt,  objections  to  Mary  as  the 
prot^gie  of  Rome  and  Spain,  but  those  who  felt  these  objec- 
tions most  keenly  were  not  partisans  of  Lady  Jane  Grey,  but 
of  the  daughter  of  Anne  Boleyn.  Elizabeth  was  as  effectually 
excluded  as  Mary  from  the  throne  by  Northumberland's 
plot ;  hence  its  speedy  and  ignominious  collapse. 

Mary's  accession  was  welcomed  as  a  relief  from  the 
tyranny  of  Northumberland's  rule,  and  at  first  she  did 
something  to  justify  the  high  hopes  with  which  she  had 
been  received.  The  worst  of  the  treason  laws  enacted  after 
Somerset's   fall    were  repealed,  and    although   there    was 

^  See  the  present  writer's  England  under  Protector  Somerset,  1900,  pp.  31 1-13. 

"^  Underbill's  Narrative  was  partly  printed  by  Strype,  and  also  in  the 
Chronicles  of  Queen  Jane  and  Queen  Mary  (Camden  Society) ;  but  it  was  first 
printed  in  full  in  Narratives  of  the  Reformation  (Camden  Society) ;  it  was  used 
by  Miss  Strickland  for  her  Queens  of  England  and  by  Harrison  Ainsworth  for 
his  Tower  of  London  ;  see  Diet.  Nat.  Biogr.,  Iviii.  29-30. 


Introduction  xxiii 

naturally  a  return  to  the  old  religion,  there  was  not  at  first 
any  great  persecution  of  the  devotees  of  the  new.  Though 
Edward  Underhill's  Narrative  is  a  graphic  description  of  the 
perils  to  which  Protestants^  were  liable,  it  also  shows  that 
escape  was  comparatively  easy  even  for  'Hot  Gospellers' 
so  long  as  they  had  taken  no  active  part  in  the  '  rebellion  ' 
of  Lady  Jane  Grey.  But  this  fair  promise  soon  withered 
away  ;  the  threatened  marriage  of  Mary  with  Philip  of  Spain 
revived  all  those  apprehensions  upon  which  Henry  vili,  had 
played  so  successfully  when  he  pleaded  the  necessity  of  a 
male  heir  to  the  throne  as  a  justification  for  his  divorce 
from  Catherine  of  Aragon.  No  Queen  had  ever  wielded  the 
English  sceptre  in  peace  ;  one  only  had  tried  to  seize  it — 
the  Empress  Matilda — and  the  effects  of  that  attempt 
had  been  such  as  to  make  Englishmen  shrink  from  the 
prospect  of  its  repetition.  It  was  a  popular  impression 
in  England,  based  on  the  experience  of  four  centuries,  that 
women  were  excluded  from  the  English  throne,  as  they 
were  from  that  of  France.  If  a  woman  succeeded,  she  must 
either  marry  or  she  would  leave  the  kingdom  without  heirs  ; 
if  she  married,  she  must  wed  either  an  English  noble  or  a 
foreign  prince.  If  she  chose  an  English  noble,  she  would 
provoke  a  repetition  of  those  jealousies  which  had  led  to 
the  Wars  of  the  Roses  ;  and  if  she  preferred  a  foreign  prince, 
she  might  endanger  the  nation's  independence.  By  marriage, 
Brittany  had  been  merged  in  France  ;  by  marriage,  the 
Netherlands  had  been  brought  under  the  yoke  of  Spain, 
with  results  soon  to  be  luridly  illustrated  ;  by  marriage, 
Hungary  had  come  under  the  sway  of  the  same  Hapsburg 


^  The  employment  of  this  term  by  Underhill,  pp.  174,  179,  188,  is  one  of  the 
earliest  occasions  on  which  it  is  used  to  denote  a  religious  party  in  England; 
of.  Dixon,  Church  History,  v.  262,  338,  vi.  92. 


xxiv  Tudor  Tracts 

family,  had  been  torn  by  civil  war  and  left  a  prey  to  the 
Turk.  Was  it  so  groundless  a  fear  that  by  marriage  to  a 
Hapsburg,  Mary  might  entail  upon  England  the  disasters 
that  had  attended  similar  unions  in  other  countries?  So 
the  prospect  of  a  Spanish  marriage  evoked  a  storm  of  protest 
which  no  religious  reaction  could  produce,  and  only  a  total 
want  of  preparation  robbed  Wyatt's  rebellion  of  the  success 
to  which  it  so  nearly  attained.^ 

It  was  probably  well  for  England  that  the  rising  did 
fail,  for  the  capture  of  London  by  the  insurgents  would 
almost  certainly  have  been  followed  by  a  religious  civil 
war,  which  might  have  devastated  England  for  a  generation, 
like  the  wars  of  religion  in  France.  But  the  results  of  the 
failure  were  bad  enough.  The  rebellion  gave  Mary  and  her 
episcopal  advisers  an  excuse  for  maintaining  that  treason 
was  a  natural  development  of  heresy,  and  that  there  could 
be  no  peace  until  the  heretics  had  been  extirpated.  Then 
began  the  bloodiest  persecution  with  which  England  has 
ever  been  cursed  ;  neither  old  nor  young,  man  nor  woman, 
bishop  nor  parish  priest  was  spared,  unless  he  would 
abjure  his  faith,  or  seek  safety  in  craven  silence  and 
cowardly  compliance  with  the  powers  that  were.     Attempts 

^  In  this  volume  we  have  accounts  of  Wyatt's  rebellion  from  two  different 
points  of  view.  Underhill's  Narrative  relates  to  the  experience  of  a  gentleman- 
pensioner  who  helped  to  defeat  the  rebels,  while  Proctor's  History  is  obviously 
compiled  from  facts  supplied  by  eyewitnesses  who  accompanied  Wyatt's  forces. 
John  Proctor,  who  was  an  ardent  adherent  of  the  Roman  Catholic  faith,  had 
already  dedicated  to  Mary,  when  Princess,  a  work  entitled  The  Fall  of  the  Late 
Arian,  written  on  Somerset's  deposition  from  the  Protectorate.  The  History 
of  IVyatt's  Rebellion,  originally  published  in  1554,  and  here  reprinted  from  the 
second  edition  of  1555,  was  largely  used  by  Holinshed,  and  is  described  by  the 
learned  antiquary,  Hearne,  as  'a  book  of  great  authority.'  In  spite  of  his 
Romanism,  Proctor  was  in  Elizabeth's  reign  rector  of  St.  Andrew's,  Holborn, 
dying  in  1584.  Tennyson's  Queen  Mary  embodies  an  interesting  dramatisation 
of  Wyatt's  story. 


Introduction  xxv 

have  been  made  to  shift  from  one  to  another  the  responsi- 
bility for  the  blood  of  the  martyrs,  enumerated  in  the 
pages  of  Foxe  and  in  Brice's  Register.'^  Clerical  writers 
have  pretended  that  the  bishops,  like  Gardiner  and  Bonner, 
were  ever  on  the  side  of  mercy,  and  that  it  was  a  *  reck- 
lessly base  legislature'  which  caused  the  holocaust.  Others 
have  sought  to  lighten  the  burden  which  lies  so  heavy  on 
Mary's  memory.  Yet  even  Mary  may  claim  some  Protes- 
tant gratitude ;  though  the  good  she  did  was  undesigned. 
It  was  not  Henry  Vlll.,  it  was  not  Edward  VI.,  nor  even 
Queen  Elizabeth  who  made  certain  the  triumph  of  the 
Reformation  in  England.  It  was  the  champion  of  the 
Roman  Church  herself,  whose  cruelties  planted  an  in- 
eradicable detestation  of  Rome  in  the  average  English- 
man's heart. 

The  final  overthrow  of  the  Roman  Catholic  cause  was 
not  the  only  unrehearsed  effect  of  Mary's  reign.  She  not 
merely  alienated  men's  minds  from  the  faith  she  professed, 
but  from  the  temporal  policy  she  pursued.  She  had  tied 
England  to  the  chariot  wheels  of  Spain,  and  plunged  her 
into  war  with  France  to  serve  the  purposes  of  the  Haps- 
burg  family.  The  result  was  the  loss  of  Calais,  which  had 
been  in  England's  unbroken  possession  since  its  capture  by 
Edward  III.  two  centuries  before.  It  was  a  sore  blow  to 
English  pride ;  feebleness  abroad  was  no  compensation 
for  Mary's  ferocity  at  home.  But  the  ultimate  results 
were  all  for  England's  good  ;  the  alliance  with  Spain  was 

^  This  doggerel  tract  was  published  at  London  in  1559  in  duodecimo,  and 
another  edition  was  issued  in  1597.  As  it  was  written  some  years  before  Foxe's 
Book  of  Martyrs,  and  almost  immediately  after  Mary's  death,  it  is  probably  the 
most  trustworthy  list  we  possess,  though  the  attacks  made  by  S.  R.  Maitland 
and  others  on  Foxe  have  not  materially  impaired  the  martyrologist's  reputation 
for  accuracy.  See  Diet.  iVai.  Biogr.,  s.v.  FoxE,  John;  and  Canon  Dixon's 
Church  History,  vol.  v.  p.  327. 


xxvi  Tudor  Tracts 

hopelessly  discredited,  and  England  was  relieved  from  the 
Continental  embarrassments  in  which  the  retention  of 
Calais  would  have  perpetually  involved  her.  Here  again 
the  responsibility  for  disaster  has  been  removed  from 
Mary's  shoulders  to  those  of  her  privy  council.  Her 
council,  it  is  true,  was  most  incompetent ;  Wentworth,  the 
deputy  of  Calais,  was  a  man  of  no  ability,  though  even  he 
had  repeatedly  demanded  reinforcements  which  the  council 
refused  to  send.^  But  Mary  had  chosen  her  own  privy 
council ;  and  if  she  had  made  the  best  selections  possible, 
the  result  illustrates  the  astonishing  intellectual  sterility 
which  seems  to  have  smitten  the  party  of  reaction  in  Eng- 
land. To  Mary,  indeed,  must  be  ascribed  the  principal  part 
in  the  blunders  and  crimes  of  her  reign,  as  well  as  in  the 
unpremeditated  blessings  which  ultimately  flowed  from 
them.  Yet  it  is  impossible  not  to  feel  the  pathos  of  Mary's 
last  hours  ;  she  died  fully  conscious  that  her  life  had  been 
a  failure  ;  she,  like  her  mother,  had  lost  the  love  of  her 
husband  ;  to  her,  as  to  her  mother,  the  longed-for  son  was 
denied ;  the  throne  would  pass  to  the  daughter  of  her 
mother's  supplanter ;  and  the  faith  for  which  she  and  her 
mother   had   suffered   so   much  would    become    anathema 

^  The  story  of  the  loss  of  Calais  is  here  (pp.  289-330)  told  in  great  detail  from 
the  original  sources  ;  the  two  main  narratives  are  those  of  George  Ferrers  and 
Thomas  Churchyard,  both  of  them  poets  of  some  repute.  Churchyard's  account 
is  only  accessible  in  Grafton's  Chronicle,  published  in  1569,  if  so  rare  a  volume 
can  be  called  accessible  ;  and  Churchyard's  General  Rehearsal  of  Warres,  1579, 
is  quite  out  of  the  reach  of  any  but  the  most  lucky  or  most  lavish  of  book- 
collectors.  The  rest  ol'  the  account  is  made  up  from  the  MS.  correspondence  of 
the  deputy  of  Calais  and  his  subordinates.  So  sensational  an  event — a  modern 
parallel  miglit  be  supplied  by  the  capture  of  Gibraltar — evoked  quite  a  litera- 
ture on  the  Continent ;  a  volume  entitled  La  Reduction  de  Calais  appeared  at 
Paris,  and  an  Italian  account,  Discorso  sopra  la  presa  della  inespugnabile  citth  di 
Calh,  was  published  at  Rome,  both  in  1558 ;  and  two  centuries  later  a  novel  by 
Gueria  de  Tencin,  dealing  with  the  subject,  was  published  at  the  Hague,  and 
attained  a  wide  popularity  (2nd  ed.  1739 ;  3rd  ed.  1740  ;  4th  ed.  1749). 


Introduction  xxvii 

unto  her  people.  Well  might  men  say  '  that  she  died  of 
thought  and  sorrow,'  and  believe,  with  Mary  herself,  that 
'Calais  would  be  found  in  her  heart' ^ 

But  sombre  reflections  were  little  in  harmony  with  men's 
mood  when  they  heard  of  Mary's  death.  It  was  an  event 
for  which  the  majority  of  Englishmen  had  been  eagerly 
watching  for  years  ;  and  the  private  grief  of  the  few  was 
drowned  in  the  public  joy  of  the  multitude.  The  fear  of 
Spanish  dominion  passed  away ;  the  nation  breathed  again, 
and  its  pulse  began  to  beat  with  a  vigour  it  had  never 
known  before.  The  new  queen  was  not  half-Spanish  like  her 
sister;  she  was  the  most  English  of  all  English  monarchs 
since  the  Norman  Conquest.  To  trace  a  drop  of  foreign 
blood  in  her  veins,  men  had  to  go  back  more  than  a  century 
to  her  great-great-grandmother,  Catherine  of  France,  the 
widow  of  Henry  v.,  and  wife  of  Owen  Tudor,  No  wonder 
she  appealed  to 'all  English  hearts.' ^  It  was  well  for  her 
and  for  England  that  she  established  her  throne  in  the 
hearts  of  her  people,  for  no  sovereign  inherited  a  more 
doubtful  position  or  essayed  a  more  arduous  task.  She 
was  beset  by  perils  at  home  and  perils  abroad.  The  mere 
fact  that  Anne  Boleyn's  daughter  should  have  ascended 
the  throne  at  all  would  seem  to  indicate  that  the  stars  in 
their  courses  fought  on  her  side.  Branded,  by  the  strangest 
and  most  erratic  of  her  father's  acts,^  with  the  stigma  of 

'P.  331  ;  the  passage  relating  Queen  Mary's  death,  which  is  here  reprinted 
from  Foxe,  is  the  origin  of  the  well-known  story  about  Mary  and  Calais,  which 
was  told  to  Foxe  by  '  Master  Ryse  and  Mistress  Clarentius,'  attendants  on  the 
queen ;  from  Foxe  it  was  adopted  by  Holinshed  ;  Froude,  who  was  apparently 
unaware  of  its  origin,  describes  the  story  as  'having  come  somehow  into  existence.' 

2  See  p.  395. 

^  No  satisfactory  explanation  of  Henry  Vlil.'s  motive  in  divorcing  as  well  as 
beheading  Anne  Boleyn  has  yet  been  suggested  ;  he  gained  little  or  nothing  by 
it,  while  he  added  enormously  to  the  difficulties  with  which  Elizabeth  was  sur- 
rounded at  her  accession.     See  the  present  writer's  Henry  VIII,  pp.  232-3. 


xxviii  Tudor  Tracts 

bastardy  from  the  third  year  of  her  childhood,  she  had  been  to 
Catholic  Europe,  and  to  many  of  her  own  people,  the  emblem 
of  the  prevailing  of  the  gates  of  hell ;  she  was  the  fruit  of  that 
passion  which  was  thought  to  have  led  her  father  into  the 
sin  of  schism  ;  and  the  repudiation  and  shameful  death  of  her 
mother  left  her  with  no  support  but  the  somewhat  capricious 
will  of  Henry  VIII.  She  had  suffered  ignominy  enough 
in  his  reign,  and  in  that  of  her  brother  Edward  VI.,  though 
she  escaped  the  religious  persecution  which  troubled  her 
sister  Mary ;  she  was  brought  into  greater  peril  by  the 
intrigues  of  her  bold,  bad  lover,  Lord  Seymour  of 
Sudeley.^  Mary's  accession  placed  Elizabeth  in  an  even 
worse  case  ;  that  queen  was  never  forgiving,  and  the 
temptation  was  strong  to  visit  on  Anne  Boleyn's  daughter 
the  wrongs  which  Anne  had  inflicted  on  Mary's  mother. 
The  desire  was  inflamed  by  Mary's  suspicion  that  Eliza- 
beth was  the  real  centre  of  all  the  plots  against  her  throne, 
and  after  Wyatt's  rebellion  Elizabeth's  life  hung  by  a 
slender  thread.  She  was  only  saved  by  her  consummate 
caution  and  assumed  acquiescence  in  Mary's  religious 
policy.  Therein  her  conduct  seems  to  compare  unfavour- 
ably with  Mary's  stout  resistance  to  the  reforming  measures 
of  Edward  VI.  ;  but  no  one  in  Edward's  reign  thought  of 
sending  Mary  to  the  block  or  even  to  the  Tower,  while  Mary 
would  have  given  her  sister  short  shrift  had  she  displayed 
the  religious  obstinacy  on  which  Mary  had  prided  herself. 

^  The  somewhat  compromising  relations  between  Elizabeth  and  the  Lord 
High  Admiral  are  discreetly  passed  over  by  Foxe,  from  whose  pages  we  reprint 
the  account  of  Elizabeth's  early  years  and  imprisonment.  The  curiov.s  about 
such  matters  will  find  full  details  in  Haynes'  Burghlcy  State  Papers,  from  which 
Lingard  has  printed  such  particulars  as  would  most  damage  Elizabeth's  character. 
Foxe's  encomiums  must  be  received  with  caution  ;  he  would  not  be  likely  to  say 
anything  disagreeable  to  the  queen  in  1563  ;  nor  would  she  have  let  him,  had 
he  been  so  minded. 


Introduction  xxix 

At  length  there  came  a  happy  issue  out  of  all  her 
afflictions,  and  Elizabeth  was  no  worse  a  queen  for  the 
bread  of  bitterness  she  had  eaten  for  twenty  years.  She 
ascended  the  throne  the  last  of  the  Tudors ;  there  was  no 
rival  to  divide  the  confidence  and  affection  which  the 
people  lavished  on  that  dynasty,  as  they  did  on  no  other 
before  or  since.  '  Remember  old  King  Henry  Vlll.,'  shouted 
one  in  the  throng  as  Elizabeth  rode  to  her  coronation^  in 
Westminster  Abbey  on  the  14th  of  January  1559;  and  the 
queen,  we  are  told,  'rejoiced  at  his  name  whom  this  Realm 
doth  hold  of  so  worthy  memory,'  while  the  people  hoped 
she  would  'in  her  doings  resemble  the  same.'^  The  hope 
was  signally  fulfilled  ;  Elizabeth  avoided  some  errors 
which  Henry  VIII.  committed,  and  she  was  saved  by  her 
council  from  some  risks  which  Henry  would  not  have 
provoked  ;  but  on  the  whole  she  carried  out  with  remark- 
able success  the  work  which  he  had  begun.  She  was  a 
true  daughter  of  her  father ;  and  when  we  speak  of  Tudor 
characteristics,  we  really  mean  those  of  Henry  Vlll.  and 
Elizabeth,  whose  reigns  covered  nearly  eighty  years  of  the 
sixteenth  century.  Elizabeth  had  not  perhaps  the  majestic 
force  of  Henry,  but  in  subtlety  of  intellect,  consummate 
and  unprincipled  statecraft,  indomitable  courage  and 
superb  self-confidence  she  was  little,  if  at  all  inferior;  and 
the  two  together  stand  in  a  class  apart  from  the  rest  of 
England's  monarchs. 

Both  needed  all  their  qualities  for  the  work  they  had  to 
do.     Elizabeth  came  to  the  throne  in  a  blaze  of  popular 

^  The  tract  describing  Elizabeth's  coronation  is  reprinted  from  Tottel's 
edition  of  1558,  4to ;  another  edition  appeared  in  the  same  year,  printed  by 
'  S.  S.  for  John  Bury ' ;  neither  seems  to  have  been  reprinted  except  for  this 
Garner. 

>  See  p.  393. 


XXX  Tudor  Tracts 

favour  largely  due  to  Mary's  blunders  ;  and  her  coronation 
was  the  occasion  of  rejoicings  in  striking  contrast  with  the 
sullen  disapproval,  which  had  greeted  her  mother  twenty- 
five  years  before.  But  the  curtain  was  raised  on  the  final 
act  of  the  great  sixteenth  century  drama  amid  omens  that 
boded  ill  for  England's  victory.  Mary  had  left  her  country 
well-nigh  defenceless,  and  our  second  extract^  dealing  with 
Elizabeth's  reign  describes  the  measures  she  took  to  repair 
the  condition  of  English  arms.  It  was  not  merely  weapons 
but  ships  and  money  which  England  needed  ;  for  the  navy, 
of  which  Henry  Vlll.  has  been  called  the  father,  had  been 
suffered  to  decay,  and  the  currency  consisted  of  more  than 
half  alloy.2  Abroad,  too,  a  formidable  rival  appeared;  one 
Mary  succeeded  another  as  the  champion  of  Roman 
Catholicism.  The  second  was  Mary  Stuart,  the  infant  who  had 
been  left  Queen  of  Scotland  by  the  death  of  James  v.,  who 
was  now  Queen  of  France  by  her  marriage  to  Francis  II.,  and 
who  claimed  to  be  Queen  of  England  by  reason  of  Eliza- 
beth's bastardy  and  of  her  own  descent  from  Margaret, 
sister  to  Henry  VIII.  So  began  the  contest  which  ended  in 
the  tragic  scene  at  Fotheringay. 

But  of  all  the  problems  that  Elizabeth  had  to  solve,  the 
hardest  was  that  of  religion.  The  exact  proportion  of 
Protestants  to  Catholics  in  England  at  the  time  of  her 
accession  was  probably  unknown  to  the  queen  herself,  and 
it  has  been  a  matter  of  dispute  ever  since.  It  is  reasonable 
to  suppose  that  the  two  parties  were  not  unevenly  matched  ; 
and  it  is  almost  certain  that  the  complete  estrangement  of 


^  Pp.  396-400 ;  for  its  author,  William  Harrison,  see  Diet,  Nat.  Biog. 
XXV.  46. 

2  For  the  debasement  of  the  English  coinage  in  the  sixteenth  century,  see 
England  under  Protector  Somerset,  pp.  45-52. 


Introduction  xxxi 

either  at  any  time  within  the  first  five  years  of  her  reign 
would  have  wrecked  Elizabeth's  throne.  Fortunately,  there 
was  a  large  class  which  belonged  to  neither  of  the  extreme 
parties,  and  more  fortunately  still,  all  but  a  very  few  were 
willing,  in  default  of  any  practicable  alternative,  to  put  up 
for  a  time  with  the  Elizabethan  settlement  ;  they  regarded  it 
as  merely  temporary,  and  hoped,  the  Puritans  for  a  speedy 
extirpation  of  papistical  remains,  and  the  Catholics  for  an 
early  return  to  the  Roman  fold.  The  object  of  Elizabeth 
and  her  council  was  to  keep  both  in  a  state  of  tolerable 
suspense.  Uniformity  was  considered  essential  to  national 
unity,  but  articles  of  religion  were  to  be  worded  so  as  to 
admit  of  as  many  interpretations  as  possible.  Adherents 
of  the  old  learning  were  persuaded  to  subscribe  the  Articles 
because  they  were  Catholic  ;  adherents  of  the  new,  because 
they  were  Protestant.  The  same  studied  ambiguity  per- 
vaded the  rules  about  rites  and  ceremonies ;  and  it  is  pro- 
bable that  the  famous  Ornaments  Rubric  itself,  which  still 
puzzles  the  priest  and  the  lawyer,  was  vague  and  obscure 
with  deliberate  intent.  It  prescribed  such  ornaments  as 
were  in  use  by  authority  of  Parliament  in  the  second  year 
of  Edward  VI.  But  it  is  not  clear  that  there  were  any  such 
ornaments,  for  Parliament  did  not  interpose  its  authority  in 
the  matter  of  ornaments  until  the  third  year  of  Edward  VI., 
and  the  ornaments  in  use  in  the  second  year  were  the 
result  of  ancient  custom  and  canon  law,  and  not  of  Parlia- 
mentary definition.  The  net  result  of  the  Ornaments  Rubric 
must  have  been  practically  an  order  to  '  go  as  you  please,' 
so  long  as  the  peace  was  kept.  That,  indeed,  was  the  first 
requisite ;  it  was  Elizabeth's  boast  that  she  '  made  no 
windows  into  men's  hearts.'  There  were  plenty  of  Catholics 
at  her  court ;  one  commanded  her  fleet  against  the  Armada; 


xxxii  Tudor  Tracts 

and  Essex's  friends  were  described  as  '  a  damnable  crew  of 
atheists.'  People  could  believe  what  they  liked,  so  long  as 
they  respected  the  persons  of  bishops  and  went  to  church 
on  Sundays.  The  settlement  was  not  at  the  time  regarded 
as  more  than  a  makeshift,  and  many  were  indignant  at 
what  they  considered  to  be  paltering  with  the  truth.  They 
thought  it  would  bring  down  on  England  the  wrath  of 
Heaven,  and  interpreted  disasters  like  the  burning  of  St. 
Paul's  as  divine  judgments  either  for  going  too  far  along  the 
path  of  religious  change,  or  else  not  far  enough.^ 

The  makeshift  was  none  the  less  successful ;  and 
however  much  opposing  parties  to-day  may  lament  the 
indefiniteness  of  the  Elizabethan  settlement,  it  is  that  very 
indefiniteness  which  keeps  them  now  and  kept  them  then 
within  one  Church.  It  saved  England  from  becoming  a 
prey  to  civil  war,  as  France  was  at  that  moment,  as 
the  Netherlands  were  to  become  within  ten  years,  and 
Germany  two  generations,  later.  What  religious  wars 
could  mean  was  vividly  brought  home  to  Englishmen  by 
the  Spoil  of  Antwerp^  an  event  comparable  to  the  Sack  of 
Rome,  the  Massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew,  and  the  Sack  of 
Magdeburg.  It  was  a  valuable  object-lesson  ;  it  warned 
Englishmen  of  what  they  might  expect  if  ever  Spanish 
soldiery  gained  a  foothold  on  English  shores ;  it  con- 
tributed not  a  little  to  the  zeal  with  which  they  rallied 

^  See  p.  407.  Bishop  Pilkington's  sermon  is  not  now  extant.  See  Pilking- 
ton's  Works  (Parker  Soc),  pp.  481  sqq.  A  facsimile  reprint  of  this  tract  on  the 
burning  of  St.  Paul's  was  included  in  Gatealogica  Curiosa,  vol.  iii.  1885.  The 
extract  from  Foxe  which  here  follows  is  a  piece  of  pure  comedy  placed  a  little 
out  of  chronological  order  because  of  its  natural  connection  with  the  fire  at  St. 
Paul's  ;  the  incident  must  have  taken  place  during  Mary's  reign. 

-  This  tract  has  only  been  printed  in  this  Garner;  the  documents  prefixed  to 
it  prove  conclusively  that  its  author  was  Gascoigne,  and  not  a  hypothetical 
Gaston,  as  stated  in  Diet.  A^at.  Biogr.,  xxi.  38. 


Introduction  xxxiii 

round  their  Queen  when  danger  became  acute  ;  and  it  made 
them  tolerant  of  the  strong  measures  which  Elizabeth  and 
her  council  took  to  parry  plots  against  the  government. 
Genuine  Englishmen  would  look  with  little  patience  on  the 
schemes  of  men  like  the  Northern  Earls,  whose  punishment 
is  now  said  to  prove  Elizabeth  more 'bloody '  than  Queen 
Mary,  but  whose  efforts,  if  successful,  would  then  have 
involved  England  in  the  throes  of  civil  war,  and  have  left 
her  a  prey  to  foreign  foes.  It  is  easy  to  say  that  the  con- 
ditions which  prevailed  on  the  continent  could  not  have 
been  repeated  in  England  ;  but  it  is  difficult  to  say  why  not, 
unless  it  was  because  the  strong  right  arm  and  the  iron  will 
of  the  Tudors  withstood  the  beginnings  of  debate. 

The  necessity  for  rigorous  rule  is  not  to  be  denied,  but 
necessity  is  after  all  the  tyrant's  facile  plea,  and  it  will 
scarcely  be  held  to  justify  all  the  steps  which  Elizabeth 
took  to  secure  her  throne.  Religious  toleration  was  not 
a  popular  idea  in  the  sixteenth  century,  but  the  cruelties 
they  had  suffered  under  Mary  made  Protestants  a  little 
ashamed  to  persecute  for  religious  opinion.  At  the  same 
time,  they  instinctively  regarded  Jesuits  and  other  emissaries 
of  the  Roman  Church  as  enemies  to  whom  no  mercy  could 
be  shown.  It  was  a  ready  escape  from  the  dilemma  to 
represent  them  not  as  martyrs  to  their  faith,  but  as  traitors 
to  their  queen.  And,  indeed,  it  was  not  always  easy  to 
distinguish  religion  from  politics,  especially  when  a  religious 
person  like  the  Pope  was  also  a  great  political  power. 
Had  not  the  Pope  excommunicated  and  deposed  Elizabeth? 
Was  it  not  the  duty  of  a  faithful  Roman  Catholic  to 
respect  and  further  the  decrees  of  the  Holy  Father?  Then, 
how  could  a  true  son  of  the  Church  be  a  loyal  subject  of 
Queen  Elizabeth?     The  problem  was  not  an  easy  one  to 

c  I 


xxxiv  Tudor  Tracts 

solve ;  but  of  all  the  Catholic  sufferers  under  Elizabeth, 
none  has  better  title  to  the  martyr's  crown  than  Edmund 
Campion,  He  was  a  saint  far  removed  from  political 
intriguers^  like  Parsons,  for  the  Jesuits  had  not  yet  become 
the  instruments  of  Spanish  policy  in  England,  and  Campion 
was  purely  and  simply  a  missioner  of  his  faith.  The  con- 
duct of  George  Elliot'^  in  using  his  former  intimacy  with 
Roman  Catholics  to  effect  Campion's  arrest  has  been 
described  as  patriotic,  but  it  was  the  kind  of  patriotism 
which  Dr.  Johnson  defined  as  the  last  refuge  of  scoundrels. 

Another  head  more  illustrious,  but  less  innocent,  than 
that  of  the  Jesuit  martyr  was  next  to  fall  on  the  scaffold. 
The  execution  of  Mary,  Queen  of  Scots,  was  as  illegal  as 
that  of  Charles  I.,  for  in  neither  case  had  the  court  which 
tried  the  prisoner  any  jurisdiction.  But  then  monarchs 
are  not  subject  to  courts  of  law ;  they  may  murder  and 
plot  and  steal  to  their  hearts'  content,  and  the  law  cannot 
touch  them.  Hence  it  has  sometimes  happened  that  not 
only  expedie-ncy,  but  also  justice  has  demanded  that  the 
law  should  be  overridden.  It  is  not  so  easy  to  believe  that 
Mary's  execution  was  unjust  as  that  it  was  illegal,  and  we 
are  less  indignant  with  Elizabeth  for  signing  Mary's  death- 
warrant  than  for  the  infamous  means  she  took  to  shift  the 
responsibility  from  her  own  to  subordinate  shoulders.^     By 

^  For  the  political  intrigues  of  the  Jesuits  of  Elizabeth's  later  years,  see  The 
Archpriest  Controversy  (Camden  Soc. ),  Taunton's  History  of  the  Jesuits,  and 
Hume's   Treason  and  Plot. 

^  See  pp.  451-474,  A  very  true  Repoit  of  the  apprehension  and  taking  of  that 
Arch-Papist,  Edmund  Campion.  The  official  record  of  the  payment  to  Elliot 
and  Jenkins  for  their  services  will  be  found  in  the  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  ed. 
Dasent,  1581-2,  p.  398. 

'  See  Hume,  The  Great  Lord  Burghley,  1898,  pp.  4 1 7-22,  where  the  plot  which 
ruined  Secretary  Davison  is  exposed ;  the  wretched  man  was  made  to  suffer 
under  the  imputation  that  he  had  forged  the  warrant,  in  order  to  save  Elizabeth 
from  the  resentment  of  the  Catholic  powers. 


Introduction  xxxv 

a  strange  coincidence  Mary  was  buried  ^  in  Peterborough 
Cathedral,  where  fifty-one  years  before  another  unfortunate 
queen  had  been  laid  to  rest.  Catherine  of  Aragon  was 
the  earliest,  as  Mary  was  the  latest,  crowned  victim  in  the 
strife  between  England  and  Rome  ;  but  even  in  the  battle 
of  the  creeds  spotless  purity  of  life  counts  for  little  against 
feminine  beauty,  and  Catherine  has  found  no  such  band  of 
defenders  as  the  noble  army  of  writers  who  have  risen  to 
champion  the  doubtful  character  of  the  Scottish  queen. 
Charles  V.  believed  that  his  aunt  had  been  poisoned,  but  no 
imperial  hosts  flew  to  avenge  the  crime.  Mary  was  more 
fortunate ;  the  greatest  fleet  that  the  modern  world  had 
seen  sailed  from  the  ports  of  Spain  to  exact  retribution  for 
her  death.  Was  Philip  a  truer  son  of  the  Church  than 
Charles?  It  may  be,  but  Mary  had  also  bequeathed  him 
her  claim  to  the  English  throne,  and  he  had  thus  a  more 
substantial  motive  than  mere  religious  zeal  for  seeking  the 
conquest  of  England.  Possibly,  too,  he  was  not  so  wise  as 
his  father.  Henry  Vlll.  had  hinted  that  a  Spanish  fleet 
might  come  to  English  waters  and  might  not  perhaps 
return.  *  Surely,'  writes  Gascoigne  of  the  Spaniards  in 
1576  in  The  Spoil  of  Antwerp^  '  their  boasting  and  bragging 
of  iniquity  is  over  great  to  escape  long  unscourged ' ;  and 
again,  '  I  leave  the  scanning  of  their  deeds  unto  God,  who 
will  bridle  their  insolency  when  He  thinketh  good  and  con- 
venient' Twelve  years  later  the  hour  struck,  and  the 
Spanish   Armada  sailed.      No  Spaniard,  except  its  com- 

^  This  description  (pp.  475-484)  of  Mary's  funeral  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  reprinted  except  in  this  Garner.  For  Robert  Scarlett,  see  Did.  Nat. 
Biogr.  xl.  6.  The  fact  that  they  were  buried  by  the  same  sexton  creates  one 
more  curious  link  between  Catherine  of  Aragon  and  Mary  Queen  of  Scots. 


xxxvi  Tudor  Tracts 

mander,  doubted  of  its  success  ;  according  to  Deloney,^  the 
expedition  was  even  furnished  with  instruments  of  torture 
to  be  applied  to  the  vanquished  heretics.  The  Pope  had 
blessed  the  crusaders,  but '  God  blew  and  they  were  scattered.' 
So  ran  the  inscription  on  the  medal  struck  to  commemorate 
the  victory,  and  so  Englishmen  loved  to  think.  But  the 
winds  and  the  waves  only  help  those  who  help  themselves ; 
they  buffet  English  ships  as  well  as  Spanish  galleons  ; 
in  September  1588  they  proved  fatal  to  the  one  and  not  to 
the  other  because  English  arms  had  already  beaten  the 
Spaniards  from  off  the  English  shores.  But  for  that  ten 
days'  running  fight  up  the  English  channel,  the  storm 
would  have  swept  harmlessly  over  the  Spanish  Armada  as 
it  lay  snug  in  Plymouth  Sound,  in  Portsmouth  Harbour,  or 
under  the  lee  of  the  Downs. 

With  the  defeat  of  the  Spanish  Armada,  the  work  of  the 
Tudors  was  done.  Elizabeth  lingered  a  few  more  years  on 
the  stage,  but  she  was  losing  touch  with  her  people.  No 
sooner  was  the  peril  from  abroad  averted  than  the  voice 
of  domestic  discontent  began  to  be  heard  in  the  land. 
Parliament  was  girding  itself  for  its  hundred  years'  war 
with  the  Crown.  England  had  proved  in  the  sixteenth 
century  that  no  foreign  power  should  have  dominion  or 
jurisdiction  over  her ;  she  was  to  prove  in  the  seventeenth 
that  she  would  govern  herself  in  the  way  that  pleased  her 
best,  caring  no  more  for  tyrannous  kings  than  she  had  done 
for  absolute  Popes. 

A.  F.  POLLARD. 

1  These  three  ballads  are  only  accessible  in  the  original  broadsides,  in  a 
limited  edition  of  thirty  copies  issued  by  Halliwell-Phillipps  in  i860,  and  in  this 
Garner. 


cCJje  manner  of  tfje 

triumpl)  at 
CalaisanliiSoulDpe. 

Cl)e  fieconU  printing.    WHtl) 

more  aDDitions  as  it 

toas  Done  inUeeD. 


Cum  prit)ilegio  iJlegali. 


Of-  THE 

UNIVERSITY 


C  Cl^e  name^  of  tl^e  il5ol)Iemen  of  prance. 


{[  First,  the  French  King. 

The  King  of  Navarre, 

The    Dauphin,    Francis,    Duke 

de  Bretagne. 
Henry,  Duke  d' Orleans. 
Charles,  Duke   d'Angouleme. 
Charles,  Duke  de  Vend6me. 
The  Duke  de  Guise. 
The  Duke  de  Longueville. 

The  Cardinal  de  Bourbon. 

The  Cardinal  de  Loraine. 

The  Legate,  and  Cardinal  Chan- 
cellor of  France,  Antony  de 
Prayt. 

The  Cardinal  Tournon. 

The  Cardinal  Gramond. 

The  Marquis   de    Loraine    de 

PONT. 

The  Marquis  de  Rocheline. 

The  two  sons   of  the  Duke  de 

Vend6me. 
The  son  of  the  Duke  de  Guise, 

Comte  D'Aumalle. 
The    Comte   de    Saint    Paul, 

Francois  de  Bourbon. 
The  Comte  de  Nevers. 
The  Comte  Louis  de  Nevers, 

Comte  Danseore. 
The  Lord  Marshal,  Seigneur  de 

Floraine. 
The  Lord    Mirepois,  Marechal 

de  la  Foy . 
The  Comte  de  Porsean. 
The  Comte  de  Brene. 
The  Comte  de  Tonnore. 


The  Comte  de  Sensare. 
The  Comte  de  Grand  Pr£ 
The  Comte  d'Apremont. 
The  Lord  Great  Master,  Anne 

DE  MONTMERANCY. 

The   Lord   Admiral,     Philippe 

Chabot. 
The      Lord     Grand      Esquire, 

Galliot. 
The  Prince  of  Molse. 
The  Comte  de  Tande. 
The  Comte  de  Villars. 
The  Comte    d'Estampes,  Jean 

DE  la  berre. 
The  Comte  de  Chambre. 
The  Lord  Canamples. 
The  Lord  Barbelviez. 
The  Lord  Hummeres. 
The  Lord  Rochepiot. 
The  Lord  of  Saint  Andrews. 
The  Lord  Montigue. 
The  Lord  Piennes. 
The  Lord  Pontremy. 
Monsieur  de  Lange. 
Monsieur  de  Bellay. 

The  Archbishop  of  Rouen. 
The  Archbishop  of  Vienne. 


The  Bishop 
The  Bishop 
The  Bishop 
The  Bishop 
The  Bishop 
The  Bishop 
The  Bishop 
The  Bishop 
The  Bishop 
The  Bishop 


of  LiSIEUX. 

of  Langres. 
of  Chartres. 
of  Limoges. 
of  Beauvais, 
of  Auvergne. 
of  Macon. 
of  Castres. 
of  Paris. 
of  Angouleme. 


C  ^ntJ  a0  concerning  tlie  noblz^  ant)  ro^al 
0tate$i  of  t\)i^  realm ;  (t  neenetl^  not  to  be 
ejcpre^^  bv  name. 


4       Henry  VIII.  arrives  at  Calais,      [i 


Nov.  1532 


Will  certify  you  of  our  news  in  the  parts  of 
Calais. 

First,  the  nth  day  of  October  [1532],  which 
was  Friday  ;  in  the  morning  at  five  o'clock,  the 
King's  Grace  took  his  ship  called  the  Swallow  : 
and  so  came  to  Calais  by  ten  o'clock. 

And  there  he  was  received  with  procession, 
and  with  the  Mayor  and  the  Lord  Deputy,  and 
all  the  spears  [knights]  and  the  soldiers  in  array ;  with  a 
great  peal  of  guns :  and  lay  in  Calais  till  the  Sunday 
se'nnight  after  [the  20th  of  October]. 

And  on  the  i6th  day  of  October,  my  lord  of  Norfolk, 
accompanied  with  my  lord  of  Derby  and  a  great  number 
of  gentlemen  besides,  met  with  the  Great  Master  of  France 
six  miles  from  Calais  at  the  "English  Pale:"  the  said 
Great  Master  having  two  great  lords  in  his  company  of  their 
order,  and  a  hundred  gentlemen  attending  upon  them. 
And  there  my  lord  of  Norfolk  and  the  Great  Master 
devised  the  place  where  the  two  kings  should  meet  :  which 
was  at  Sandingfield.  And  that  so  done ;  they  went  both  to 
Calais  with  their  companies. 

And  the  said  Great  Master,  with  divers  other  strangers, 
dined  that  day  with  the  King  :  and  after  dinner,  my  lord  of 
Norfolk  brought  them  forth  of  their  way  a  mile  or  two ; 
and  so  departed  for  that  time. 

And  on  the  Monday,  the  21st  day  of  October,  the  King  of 
England  took  his  way  to  meet  with  the  French  King  at  the 
place  before  appointed,  with  seven  score  [gentlemen]  all  in 
velvet  coats  afore  him,  lords  and  knights ;  and  forty  of  his 
guard,  and  others  to  the  number,  as  we  think,  of  six  hundred 
horse,  and  as  well  horsed  as  ever  was  seen. 

And  the  King,  our  Master,  met  with  the  French  King  at 
Sandingfield,  within  the  English  Pale  three  miles.  There  the 
French  King  tarried  for  our  Master  the  space  of  an  hour  or 
two :  the  French  King  being  accompained  with  the  Knig 
of  Navarre,  the  Cardinal  de  Lorraine,  the  Duke  de 
Vendome  ;  with  divers  others  noblemen  well  and  richly 
appointed,  being  of  like  number  as  our  King  was  of,  that  is 
to  say,  six  hundred  persons. 


Nov. '153^1  Goes  with  Francis  L  to  Boulogne.       5 

There  was  the  lovingest  meeting  that  ever  was  seen ;  for 
the  one  embraced  the  other  five  or  six  times  on  horseback ; 
and  so  did  the  lords  on  either  party  each  to  other  :  and  so  did 
ride  hand  in  hand  with  great  love  the  space  of  a  mile. 

At  the  meeting  of  these  two  noble  Kings,  there  were  [Eng- 
lish] sakers  and  sakretscast  off:  and  at  divers  flights  [of  shot], 
two  kites  were  beaten  down,  which  were  soaring  in  the  air, 
with  such  like  pastime,  which  greatly  pleased  all  the  nobles  of 
both  parties.  And  then  they  did  light  off  their  horses,  and 
drank  each  to  other.  The  French  King  drank  first  to  our  King : 
and  when  they  had  drunk  they  embraced  each  other  again 
with  great  love  ;  and  so  rode  towards  Boulogne,  our  King  on 
the  right  hand. 

And  when  they  came  within  a  mile  of  Boulogne,  there  met 
with  the  Kings,  the  Dauphin,  being  accompanied  with  his 
two  brethren  the  Duke  d'Orleans  and  the  Duke  d'Angou- 
LfiME ;  very  goodly  children  :  and  attending  on  them,  four 
Cardinals  ;  with  a  thousand  horse,  very  well  beseen. 

And  when  they  came  near  the  town,  the  French  King 
caused  our  Master  to  tarry,  while  the  gunshot  was  shot ; 
which  was  heard  twenty  English  miles  from  Boulogne :  and 
so  entered  the  town. 

Where  stood  the  Captain  with  the  soldiers  in  good  order. 
And  above  them  stood  a  hundred  Switzers  of  the  French 
King's  Guard,  in  their  doublets  and  their  hose  of  yellow 
velvet  cut,  goodly  persons ;  and  above  them,  stood  two 
hundred  more  of  the  French  King's  Guard,  Scots  and 
Frenchmen,  in  coats  of  yellow,  blue,  and  crimson  velvet, 
bearing  halberts  in  their  hands ;  and  above  them  stood  two 
hundred  gentlemen,  being  in  their  gowns  well  and  richly 
beseen,  every  man  having  a  battle  axe  in  his  hand,  and 
their  captains  standing  by  them. 

And  so  they  tarried  in  Boulogne ;  Monday,  Tuesday, 
Wednesday,  and  Thursday  all  day. 

The  Tuesday,  being  the  second  day  of  this  their  being 
there,  the  French  King  gave  our  King  rich  apparel  wrought 
with  needle  work  purled  [fringed]  with  gold ;  in  the  which 
like  apparel  both  the  Kings  went  to  our  Lady's  Church  at 
Boulogne.  At  that  time,  our  King  obtained  release  and 
liberty  from  the  French  King,  for  all  prisoners  at  that  time 
prisoners  in  Boulogne.  And  in  like  wise,  did  the  French 
King  in  Calais  of  our  King  and  Master  at  his  being  there ; 


The  great  cheer  at  Boulogne.  [^ 


ov.    3532. 


and  obtained  grace  for  all  banished  men  that  would  make 
suit  for  their  pardon.  And  to  esteem  the  rich  traverses 
\low  curtains]  that  were  in  our  Lady's  Church  in  Boulogne,  and 
in  our  Lady's  Church  in  Calais  likewise,  for  both  the  Kings ; 
the  rich  ordinances  and  provision  for  the  same :  it  is  too 
much  to  write ! 

And  as  for  the  great  cheer  that  was  there,  no  man  can 
express  it.  For  the  King's  Grace  was  there  entertained  all 
at  the  French  King's  cost  and  charges.  And  every  day 
noblemen  of  France  desired  our  nobles  and  gentlemen  home 
to  their  lodgings :  where  they  found  their  houses  richly 
hanged  [with  tapestry],  great  cupboards  of  plate,  sumptuous 
fare,  with  singing  and  playing  of  all  kinds  of  music.  And 
also  there  was  sent  unto  our  lodgings  great  fare  with  all 
manner  of  wines  for  our  servants  ;  and  our  horses'  meat  was 
paid  for :  and  all  at  their  charges. 

And  every  day  the  French  king  had  at  dinner  and  supper 
with  him  certain  noblemen  of  England :  and  the  King's 
Grace  had  in  like  wise  certain  of  their  nobles  at  dinner  and 
supper ;  during  the  time  of  their  being  at  Boulogne.  And 
this  continued  with  as  great  cheer  and  familiarity  as  might  be. 
And  as  concerning  ladies  and  gentlewomen,  there  were  none. 

And  on  the  Friday  following,  the  Kings  came  towards 
Calais.  And  the  Dauphin,  with  the  Cardinals  and  all  their 
gentlemen,  brought  the  Kings  unto  the  place  where  they 
first  met  them ;  and  then  departed.  The  French  King  had 
great  carriage  [baggage] ;  for  there  came  more  than  three 
hundred  mules  laden  with  stuff. 

And  so  coming  towards  Calais,  the  Duke  of  Richmond, 
accompanied  with  Bishops,  and  many  other  noblemen  that 
were  not  with  the  King  at  Boulogne  ;  and  all  the  King's 
Guard,  which  were  with  all  others  marvellously  well  horsed 
and  trimmed  ;  they  stood  in  a  place  appointed,  in  array  and 
good  order  in  the  way,  two  miles  out  of  Calais  where  the 
French  King  should  come  :  who  saluted  the  French  King 
with  great  honour,  in  like  manner  as  the  King  our  Master 
was  saluted  at  Boulogne,  with  amicable  and  goodlysalutations 
as  ever  were  seen.  They  were  saluted  with  great  melody ; 
what  with  guns,  and  all  other  instruments  [!]:  and  the  order 
of  the  town,  it  was  a  heavenly  sight  for  the  time  ! 

First  at  Newnam  Bridge,  400  shot ;  at  the  Block  House, 


Nov.  1532 


]    The  two  Kings  return  to  Calais.      7 


30  shot ;  at  Risbank  Tower  [in  Calais  harbour]  300  shot ; 
within  the  town  of  Calais  2,000  shot,  great  and  small ; 
besides  the  ships.  It  was  all  numbered  at  3,000  shot.  And 
at  Boulogne,  by  estimation,  it  passed  not  200  shot ;  but  they 
were  great  pieces  [cannon]. 

Also  for  the  order  of  the  town  there  was  set  all  serving  men 
on  the  one  side,  in  tawny  coats  ;  and  soldiers  on  the  other 
side,  all  in  coats  of  red  and  blue,  with  halberts  in  their  hands. 

And  so  the  Kings  came  riding  in  the  midst  :  and  so  the 
French  King  went  to  Staple  Hall ;  which  is  a  princely  house. 

And  upon  Saturday,  both  the  Kings  rode  to  our  Lady's 
Church  to  mass  ;  and  in  the  afternoon  both  their  councils 
sat  together. 

And  upon  Sunday,  both  the  Kings  heard  mass  in  their 
lodgings.  And  at  afternoon,  the  King  of  England  rode  to 
Staple  Hall  to  the  French  King  ;  and  there  was  both  bear- 
baiting  and  bull-baiting  till  night. 

And  at  night,  the  French  King  supped  with  our  King,  and 
there  was  great  banqueting. 

After  supper,  there  came  in  a  Masque,  my  Lady  Marquess 
of  Pembroke  [i.e.,  Anne  Boleyn],  my  Lady  Mary  [Boleyn], 
my  lady  Derby,  my  lady  Fitz-Walter,  my  lady  Rochford, 
my  lady  L'Isle,  and  my  lady  Wallop,  gorgeously  apparelled, 
with  visors  on  their  faces  :  and  so  came  and  took  the  French 
King,  and  other  lords  of  France,  by  the  hand  ;  and  danced  a 
dance  or  two. 

After  that,  the  King  took  off  their  visors ;  and  then  they 
danced  with  gentlemen  of  France  an  hour  after :  and  then 
they  departed  to  their  lodgings. 

As  for  the  apparel  of  the  French  lords,  my  tongue  cannot 
express  it,  and  especially  the  French  King's  apparel  passeth  my 
pen  to  write  ;  for  he  had  a  doublet  set  over  all  with  stones  and 
rich  diamonds,  which  was  valued  by  discreet  men  at  a  £100,000 
[  =  £800,000  m  the  present  day].  They  far  passed  our  lords  and 
knights  in  apparel  and  richesse. 

They  had  great  cheer  in  Calais,  and  loving  also  ;  and  all 
at  our  King's  costs  and  charges. 

Also  the  same  day  that  the  Kings  came  from  Boulogne, 
the  French  King  made  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  and  the  Duke  of 
Suffolk,  of  the  Order  of  Saint  Michael.  And  upon  Monday, 
which  was  the   29th   day  of  October,  at   Calais  ;  our  King 


8      Francis  I.   returns  to  Paris.    [nov.',s32. 

made  the  Great  Maister  of  France  and  the  Admiral  of  France, 
Knights  of  the  Garter. 

And  that  day,  there  was  a  great  wrestHng  between 
Enghshmen  and  Frenchmen,  before  both  the  Kings.  The 
French  King  had  none  but  priests  that  wrestled,  which  were 
big  men  and  strong  (they  were  brethren) ;  but  they  had  most 
falls. 

As  concerning  the  abundance  and  liberal  multitude  of  gifts 
that  were  so  lovingly  and  cordially  given  on  both  parties  (to 
the  great  honour  of  both  the  Kings)  my  pen  or  capacity 
cannot  express  it :  as  well  among  the  great  lords  as  with  the 
lowest  yeoman  that  bare  any  office  in  either  King's  house ; 
and  specially  the  King's  gifts,  on  both  parties,  always 
rewarded  the  one  like  unto  the  other. 

And  all  other  gifts  were  nothing  but  rich  plate,  and  gold 
coin — silver  was  of  no  estimation — besides  raiments,  horses, 
geldings,  falcons,  bears,  dogs  for  the  game  :  with  many  other, 
which  were  too  much  to  write. 

And  upon  the  29th  day  of  October,  the  French  King 
departed  from  Calais  to  Paris  ward  :  and  our  King  brought 
him  as  far  as  Morgyson,  which  is  from  Calais,  seven  miles  ; 
and  so  came  to  Calais  again. 

And  he  purposeth,  GOD  willing,  to  be  at  Canterbury  the 
8th  day  of  November,  and  so  home.  Whom  GOD,  of  His 
goodness,  ever  preserve  !  and  send  good  passage,  and  safe 
again  into  England.     Amen, 

C  (15013  saU  tl)e  i^ing. 

C  Jmprmtei  ftp  Mpnltpn  fie  SHorfie, 

unfier  tt^t  grace  anfi  prrtilege  of  our 

most  ropal  anfi  refiouhtefi  j&rince, 

Mim  ^tnvv  tl)e  Wjtt),  for  3Jot)ii 

d^ougl)  fitoeUtng  at  ^auVs 

gate  in  C^eap 

[/.^.  Cheapside^, 

Cum  pritJilegio. 


C  %))t  noble  triumpl)ant 
(Coronation  of 

©ueen  Qinnt 

azatfe  unto  tl)e  most 

noble  Mim 
^tnxv  ti)e  toiiitt)* 


iRst,  the  29th  day  of  May  [1533],  being 
Thursday;  all  the  worshipful  Crafts  and 
Occupations  in  their  best  array,  goodly 
beseen,  took  their  barges  which  were 
splayed  [displayed]  with  goodly  banners 
fresh  and  new,  with  the  cognizance  and 
arms  of  their  faculty  ;  to  the  number  of 
fifty  great  barges,  comely  beseen,  and 
every  barge  had  minstrels  making  great  and  sweet  harmony. 
Also  there  was  the  Bachelors'  Barge  comely  beseen, 
decked  with  innumerable  banners  and  all  about  hanged  with 
rich  cloth  of  gold  ;  and  foists  [swift  boats]  waiting  upon  her, 
decked  [adorned]  with  a  great  shot  of  ordnance :  which 
descended  the  river  afore  all  the  barges ;  the  Batchelors' 
Barge  foremost.  And  so  following  in  good  order,  every  Craft 
[i.e.,  City  Company]  in  their  degree  and  order,  till  they  came 
to  Greenwich,  and  there  tarried  ;  abiding  the  Queen's  Grace  : 
which  was  a  wonderful  and  goodly  sight  to  behold. 

Then  at  three  o'clock,  the  Queen's  Grace  came  to  her 
barge  :  and  incontinent  [immediately]  all  the  citizens  with 
that  goodly  company  set  forth  towards  London  in  good 
array,  as  is  before  said.  And  to  write  what  number  of  gun 
shots — what  with  chambers,  and  great  pieces  of  ordnance — 
were  shot  off  as  she  passed  by,  in  divers  places,  and  especially 
at  Ratcliff  and  at  Limehouse  out  of  certain  ships  ;  it  passeth 
my  memory  to  write  or  to  tell  the  number  of  them  1  And  so 
the  Queen's  Grace,  being  in  her  rich  barge  among  her  nobles, 
the  citizens  accompanied  her  to  London,  unto  the  Tower 
wharf. 


12  The  Procession  up  the  River.   [june.s33. 

Also  ere  she  came  near  the  Tower,  there  were  shot  off 
innumerable  pieces  of  ordnance,  as  ever  there  was  there  by 
any  men's  remembrances :  where  the  King  received  her 
Grace  with  a  noble  loving  countenance ;  and  so  gave  thanks 
and  praise  to  all  the  citizens  for  all  their  great  kindness  and 
loving  labour  and  pains  taken  in  that  behalf,  to  the  great  joy 
and  comfort  of  all  the  citizens. 

Also  to  behold  the  wonderful  number  of  people  that  ever 
was  seen,  that  stood  on  the  shore  on  both  sides  of  the  river ; 
it  was  never  seen,  in  one  sight,  out  of  the  City  of  London. 
What  in  goodly  lodgings  and  houses  that  be  on  the  river 
side  between  Greenwich  and  London ;  it  passeth  all  men's 
judgements  to  esteem  the  infinite  number  of  them  :  wherein 
her  Grace  with  all  her  ladies  rejoiced  much. 

C  l^niQ{)t0  matie  at  (KreetttDicIj  tlje  »)untiap 
before  (l(llljit'.0untiap* 

C  And  the  Sunday  before  this  Triumph,  being  the  25th  day 
of  May  [1533] ;  the  King  made  at  his  Manor  of  Greenwich 
all  these  knights. 

Sir  Christopher  Danby.  Sir  Thomas  Butteller. 

Sir  Christopher  Hylard.  Sir  William  Walgrave. 

Sir  Brian  Hastings.  Sir  William  Fielding. 
Sir  Thomas  Methem. 

C  ^t)e  jfritiap,  to  ere  matie  l^ni^W  of  tlje  Barl), 
nineteen  ;  VDl)O0e  name0  follotoetlj. 

C  Also  on  Friday  the  30th  day  of  May,  the  king  created 
and  made  in  the  Tower  of  London,  nineteen  noblemen, 
Knights  of  the  Bath  :  whose  names  follow. 

The  Lord  Marquis  Dorset. 
The  Earl  of  Derby. 

The  Lord  Clifford,  son  and  heir  to  the  Earl  of  Cumber- 
land. 
The  Lord  Fitz-Walter,  son  and  heir  to  the  Earl  of  Sussex. 
The  Lord  Hastings,  son  and  heir  to  the  Earl  of  Huntingdon. 
The  Lord  Bkrkeley. 


june^issaJ  The  large  number  of  Knights  made,  13 

The  Lord  Monteagle. 

The  Lord  Vaux. 

Sir  Henry  Parker,  son  and  heir  to  the  Lord  Morley. 

Sir  William  Windsor,  son  and  heir  to  the  Lord  Windsor. 

Sir  John  Mordaunt,  son  and  heir  to  the  Lord  Mordaunt. 

Sir  Francis  Weston. 

Sir  Thomas  Arundell. 

Sir  John  Hudleston. 

Sir  Thomas  Ponings. 

Sir  Henry  Saville. 

Sir  George  Fitzwilliam,  of  Lincolnshire. 

Sir  John  Tyndall. 

Sir  Thomas  Jermey. 


C  Also  Saturday,  the  last  day  of  May,  the  King  made  those 
Knights  of  the  sword,  in  the  Tower  of  London,  whose  names 
follow  : 


Sir  William  Drury. 
Sir  John  Gerningham. 
Sir  Thomas  Rush. 
Sir  Randolph  Buerton. 
Sir  George  Calverley. 
Sir  Edward  Fytton. 
Sir  George  Conyers. 
Sir  Robert  Nedham. 
Sir  John  Chaworth. 
Sir  George  Gresley. 
Sir  John  Constable. 
Sir  Thomas  Umpton. 
Sir  John  Horsley. 
Sir  Richard  Lygon. 
Sir  John  Saint  Clere. 
Sir  Edward  Maidison. 
Sir  Henry  Feryngton. 
Sir  Marmaduke  Tunstall. 
Sir  Thomas  Halsall. 
Sir  Robert  Kirkham. 
Sir  Anthony  Windsor. 
Sir  Walter  Hubbert. 
Sir  John  Willoughby. 


Sir  Thomas  Kitson. 
Sir  Thomas  Mysseden. 
Sir  Thomas  Foulehurst. 
Sir  Henry  Delves. 
Sir  Peter  Warburton. 
Sir  Richard  Bulkeley. 
Sir  Thomas  Laking. 
Sir  Walter  Smith. 
Sir  Henry  Everyngham. 
Sir  William  Uvedall. 
Sir  Thomas  Massingberd. 
Sir  William  Sandon. 
Sir  James  Baskervylle. 
Sir  Edmond  Trafford. 
Sir  Arthur  Eyre. 
Sir  Henry  Sutton. 
Sir  John  Nories. 
Sir  William  Malory. 
Sir  John  Harcourt. 
Sir  John  Tyrell. 
Sir  William  Browne. 
Sir  Nicholas  Sturley. 
Sir  Randolph  Manering. 


14   The   Coronation   Procession.  [;„„ J, 


une  1533 


([  Alsothe  Sunday  after  Whit-sunday,  being  Trinity  Sunday, 
and  the  8th  day  of  June  ;  were  made  at  Greenwich,  these 
Knights  following. 

Sir  Christopher  Corwen.  Sir  John  Dawn. 

Sir  Geofrey  Mydleton.  Sir  Richard  Haughton. 

Sir  Hugh  Trevyneon.  Sir  Thomas  Langton. 

Sir  George  West.  Sir  Edward  Bowton. 

Sir  Clement  Herleston.  Sir  Henry  Capel. 
Sir  Humphrey  Feries. 

C  Also  all  the  pavements  of  the  City,  from  Charing  Cross 
to  the  Tower,  were  covered  over  and  cast  with  gravel. 

And  the  same  Saturday,  being  Whitsun  Eve,  the  Mayor 
with  all  the  Aldermen  and  the  Crafts  of  the  City  prepared 
array  in  a  good  order  to  stand  and  receive  her  Grace  ;  and  with 
rails  for  every  Craft  to  stand  and  lean,  from  the  press  of  people. 

The  Mayor  met  the  Queen's  Grace  at  her  coming  forth  of 
the  Tower.  All  his  brethren  and  aldermen  standing  in  Cheap 
[Cheapside]. 

And  upon  the  same  Saturday,  the  Queen  came  forth  from 
the  Tower  towards  Westminster,  in  goodly  array  ;  as 
hereafter  followeth. 

She  passed  the  streets  first,  with  certain  strangers,  their 
horses  trapped  with  blue  silk ;  and  themselves  in  blue  velvet 
with  white  feathers,  accompanied  two  and  two.  Likewise 
Squires,  Knights,  Barons,  and  Baronets,  Knights  of  the  Bath 
clothed  in  violet  garments,  edged  with  ermine  like  judges. 
Then  following:  the  Judges  of  the  law,  and  Abbots.  All 
these  estates  were  to  the  number  of  two  hundred  couple  and 
more  :  two  and  two  accompanied. 

And  then  followed  Bishops,  two  and  two ;  and  the 
Archbishops  of  York  and  Canterbury ;  the  Ambassadors  of 
France  and  Venice  ;  the  Lord  Mayor  with  a  mace  :  Master 
Garter  the  King  of  Heralds,  and  the  King's  coat  armour  upon 
him,  with  the  Officers  of  Arms,  appointing  every  estate  in 
their  degree. 

Then  followed  two  ancient  Knights  with  old  fashioned 
hats,  powdered  on  their  heads,  disguised,  who  did  represent 
the  Dukes  of  Normandy  and  of  Guienne,  after  an  old 
custom :  the  Lord  Constable  of  England  for  the  time,  being  the 


june'isas]    Udall's  Pageant  at  Leadenhall.      15 

Duke  of  Suffolk  ;  the  Lord  William  Howard,  the  Deputy 
for  the  time  to  the  Lord  Marshal,  the  Duke  of  Norfolk. 

Then  followed  the  Queen's  Grace  in  her  litter,  costly  and 
richly  beseen,  with  a  rich  canopy  over  her :  which  was  borne 
by  the  Lords  of  the  Five  Ports  [i.e.,  Barons  of  the  Cinque 
Ports].  After  her,  following  the  Master  of  her  Horse  with  a 
spare  white  palfrey  richly  appointed,  and  led  in  his  hand. 

Then  followed  her  noble  Ladies  of  Estate  richly  clothed  in 
crimson  powdered  with  ermines  ;  to  the  number  of  twelve. 

Then  the  Master  of  the  Guard,  with  the  guard  on  both 
sides  of  the  streets  in  good  array  ;  and  all  the  Constables  well 
beseen  in  velvet  and  damask  coats  with  white  staves  in  their 
hand ;  setting  every  man  in  array  and  order  in  the  streets 
until  she  came  to  Westminster. 

Then  followed  four  rich  chariots  with  Ladies  of  Honour. 
After  them  followed  thirty  Ladies  and  gentlewomen  richly 
garnished  :  and  so  the  serving  men  after  them. 

And  as  she  was  departed  from  the  Tower  a  marvellously 
great  shot  of  guns  [cannonade]  was  there  fired,  and  shot  off. 

So  this  most  noble  company  passed,  till  her  Grace  came  to 
Fenchurch ;  where  was  a  pageant  fair  and  seemly,  with 
certain  children  who  saluted  her  Grace  with  great  honour 
and  praise,  after  a  goodly  fashion  :  and  so  passed  forth  to 
Gracechurch.  Where  was  a  rightly  costly  pageant  of  Apollo, 
with  the  Nine  Muses  among  the  mountains,  sitting  on  the 
mount  of  Parnassus  :  and  every  of  them  having  their  instru- 
ments and  apparel  according  to  the  description  of  poets,  and 
namely  [particularly]  of  Virgil  ;  with  many  goodly  verses  to 
her  great  praise  and  honour. 

And  so  she  passed  forth  through  Gracious  [Gracechurch] 
Street  unto  Leaden  Hall  where  was  built  a  sumptuous  and 
costly  pageant  in  manner  of  a  castle  wherein  was  fashioned  a 
heavenly  roof  and  under  it  upon  a  green  was  a  root  or  a  stock, 
whereout  sprang  a  multitude  of  white  and  red  roses  curiously 
wrought.  So  from  the  heavenly  roof  descended  a  white 
falcon,  and  lighted  upon  the  said  stock  and  root :  and 
incontinent  [immediately]  descended  an  angel  with  goodly 
harmony,  having  a  close  crown  between  his  hands,  and  set  it 
on  the  falcon's  head.  And  on  the  said  floor  sat  Saint  Anne 
in  the  highest  place.  And  on  that  one  side,  her  progeny  with 
Scripture,  that  is  to  wit,  the  three  Maries  with  their  issue, 


i6      The  Pageants  in  Cheapside.     Lju,J.s33. 

that  is  to  understand,  Mary,  the  mother  of  Christ,  Mary 
Salome  the  mother  [or  rather  the  wife]  of  Zebedee  with  the 
two  children  of  them.  Also  Mary  Cleophas  with  her 
husband  Alpheus,  with  their  four  children  on  the  other  side. 
With  other  poetical  verses  [see  p.  20]  said  and  sung  ;  and  with 
a  ballad  in  English  [see  p.  22]  to  her  great  praise  and  honour, 
and  to  all  her  progeny  also. 

And  so  she  passed  forth  from  thence,  through  Cornhill ; 
and  at  the  Conduit  was  a  sumptuous  pageant  of  the  Three 
Graces.  At  the  coming  of  the  Queen's  Grace  a  poet  declared 
the  nature  of  all  those  three  Ladies ;  and  gave  high  praises 
unto  the  Queen.  And  after  this  preamble  finished,  each 
Lad}^  in  particular  spake  great  honour  and  high  praise  of  the 
Queen's  Grace. 

And  so  she  passed  forth  with  all  her  nobles  till  she  came  in 
Cheap  [Cheapside],  And  at  the  Great  Conduit  was  made  a 
costly  fountain,  where  out  ran  white  wine,  claret,  and  red 
wine,  in  great  plenty,  all  that  afternoon.  And  there  was 
great  melody,  with  speeches. 

And  so  passed  forth  through  Cheap  to  the  Standard,  which 
was  costly  and  sumptuously  garnished  with  gold  and  azure, 
with  [coats  of]  arms  and  stories  [?  galleries]  :  where  was 
great  harmony  and  melody. 

And  so  passed  she  forth  by  the  Cross  in  Cheap,  which  was 
new  garnished  :  and  so  through  Cheap  towards  the  lesser  Con- 
duit.  And  in  the  midway  between,  the  Recorder  of  London 
received  her  before  the  Aldermen ;  with  great  reverence  and 
honour  saluting  her  Grace,  with  a  loving  and  humble  proposi- 
tion, presenting  her  Grace  with  a  rich  and  costly  purse  of  gold, 
and  in  it  a  thousand  marks  [=  ;^666  or  about  £5,000  in  present 
value]  in  gold  coin;  given  unto  her  as  a  free  gift  of  honour. 
To  whom  she  gave  great  thanks  both  with  heart  and  mind. 

And  so  her  Grace  passed  a  little  further,  and  at  the  lesser 
Conduit  was  a  costly  and  rich  pageant ;  whereat  was  goodly 
harmony  of  music  and  other  minstrels,  with  singing.  And 
within  that  pageant  were  five  costly  seats,  wherein  were 
set  these  five  personages,  that  is  to  wit,  Juno,  Pallas, 
Mercury,  Venus,  and  Paris;  who  having  a  ball  of  gold 
presented  it  to  her  Grace  with  certain  verses  of  great  honour 
[see  p.  25]:  and  children  singing  a  ballad  [see  p.  27]  to  her 
Grace,  and  praise  to  all  her  ladies. 


june'isssJ  Those  IN   St.   Paul's  Churchyard.     17 

And  so  passed  forth  to  Paul's  Gate,  where  was  a  proper 
and  sumptuous  pageant,  that  is  to  wit,  there  sat  three  fair 
ladies,  virgins,  costly  arrayed,  with  a  fair  round  throne  over 
their  heads;  where  about  was  written,  Regina  Anna  prospere! 
precede  !  et  regna  !  that  is  in  English,  "  Queen  Anne  prosper  ! 
proceed !  and  reign!"  The  lady  that  sat  in  the  midst  having 
a  table  of  gold  in  her  hand,  written  with  letters  of  azure, 
Veni  arnica  coronaberis,  *'  Come  my  love !  thou  shalt  be 
crowned  !  "  And  two  angels  having  a  close  crown  of  gold 
between  their  hands.  And  the  lady  on  the  right  hand  had 
a  table  of  silver,  whereon  was  written,  DOM/NE  /  dirige  gressos 
nieos !  "  LORD  GOD  !  direct  my  ways  !  "  The  other  on  the 
left  hand  had  in  another  table  of  silver  written,  this  Confide 
in  DOMINO  !  "  Trust  in  GOD !  "  And  under  their  feet  was 
a  long  roll  wherein  was  written  this,  Regina  Anna  novum 
regis  de  sanguine  natnm,  cum  paries  popiilis  aurea  secida  tuis. 
"  Queen  Anne  when  thou  shalt  bear  a  new  son  of  the  King's 
blood  ;  there  shall  be  a  golden  world  unto  thy  people!  "  And 
so  the  ladies  cast  over  her  head  a  multitude  of  wafers  with 
rose  leaves  ;  and  about  the  wafers  were  written  with  letters 
of  gold,  this  posy.     [Not  given  by  the  Writer.] 

And  so  her  Grace  passed  forth  into  Paul's  Churchyard.  And 
at  the  East  end  of  the  Church  against  the  [i.e.,  Saint  Paul's] 
School  was  a  great  scaffold,  whereon  stood  the  number  of 
two  hundred  children,  well  beseen  :  who  received  her  with 
poet's  verses  to  her  noble  honour.  When  they  had  finished, 
she  said  "Amen,"  with  a  joyful  smiling  countenance. 

And  so  passed  forth  through  the  long  Churchyard ;  and  so 
to  Lud  Gate,  which  was  costly  and  sumptuously  garnished 
with  gold,  colours,  and  azure;  with  sweet  harmony  of 
ballads  to  her  great  praise  and  honour ;  with  divers  sweet 
instruments. 

And  thus  her  Grace  came  through  the  City  with  great 
honour  and  royalty,  and  passed  through  Fleet  Street  till  she 
came  to  the  Standard  and  Conduit  where  was  made  a  fair 
tower  with  four  turrets  with  vanes.  Therewithin  was  a  great 
plenty  of  sweet  instruments,  with  children  singing.  The 
Standard,  which  was  of  mason  work,  costly  made  with  images 
and  angels,  costly  gilt  with  gold  and  azure,  with  other  colours, 
and  divers  sorts  of  [coats  of]  arms  costly  set  out,  shall  there 
continue  and  remain  :  and  within  the  Standard  a  vice  with  a 


1 8     The  Queen's  Coronation  in  the  Abbey,    [j^J. 


ne  1533. 


chime.  And  there  ran  out  of  certain  small  pipes  great  plenty 
of  wine  all  that  afternoon. 

And  so  her  Grace  passed  through  the  city  to  Temple  Bar ; 
and  so  to  Charing  Cross  :  and  so  through  Westminster  into 
Westminster  Hall,  that  was  well  and  richly  hanged  with 
cloth  of  Arras  [tapestry],  with  a  marvellous  rich  cupboard  of 
plate:  and  there  was  avoid  [collation]  of  spice-plates  and  wine. 

And  that  done,  the  Queen's  Grace  withdrew  her  into  the 
White  Hall  for  that  night ;  and  so  to  York  Place  by  water. 


C  The  Sunday,  in  the  morning,  at  eight  o'clock,  the  Queen's 
Grace  with  noble  ladies  in  their  robes  of  estate,  assembled 
with  all  the  nobles  apparelled  in  Parliament  robes,  as  Dukes, 
Earls,  Archbishops  and  Bishops,  with  Barons  and  the  Barons 
of  the  Five  Ports  ;  with  the  Mayor  of  the  City  and  the 
Aldermen  in  their  robes,  as  mantles  of  scarlet. 

The  Barons  of  the  Five  Ports  bare  a  rich  canopy  of  cloth  of 
gold,  with  staves  of  gold,  and  four  bells  of  silver  and  gilt. 
The  Abbot  of  Westminster  with  his  rygals  [?  regalia]  came 
into  the  Hall  in  pontificalibus,  with  his  monks  in  their  best 
copes ;  the  [members  of]  the  King's  chapel  in  their  best 
copes  :  with  the  Bishops,  richly  adorned  in  pontificalibus. 

And  the  blue  'ray  cloth  spread  from  the  high  dosses  [?  dais] 
of  the  King's  Bench  unto  the  high  altar  of  Westminster. 

And  so  every  man  proceeding  to  the  Minster  in  the  best 
order,  every  man  after  his  degree  appointed  to  his  order  and 
office  as  appertaineth ;  came  unto  the  place  appointed  : 
where  her  Grace  received  her  crown,  with  all  the  ceremonies 
thereof,  as  thereunto  belongeth.  And  so  all  ceremonies  done, 
with  the  solemn  Mass :  they  departed  home  in  their  best  orders ; 
every  man  to  the  Hall  of  Westminster:  where  the  Queen's 
Grace  withdrew  for  a  time  into  her  chamber  appointed. 

And  so  after  a  certain  space,  Her  Grace  came  into  the 
Hall.  Then  ye  should  have  seen  every  nobleman  doing 
their  service  to  them  appointed,  in  the  best  manner  that  hath 
been  seen  in  any  such  ceremony. 

The  Queen's  Grace  washed.  The  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury [Cranmer]  said  grace.  Then  the  nobles  were  set  to 
the  table.  Therewith  came  the  Queen's  service  with  the 
service  of  the  Archbishop.  A  certain  space,  three  men  with 
the  Queen's  Grace's  service. 


June^isss]  ^^^    DiNNER    IN    WESTMINSTER    HaLL.       I9 

Before  the  said  service,  came  the  Duke  of  Suffolk  (High 
Constable  that  day,  and  Steward  of  the  feast)  on  horseback, 
and  marvellously  trapped  in  apparel  with  richesse.  Then 
with  him  came  the  Lord  William  Howard,  as  Deputy  to 
the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  in  the  room  [office]  of  the  Marshal  of 
England,  on  horseback. 

The  Earl  of  Essex,  Carver.  The  Earl  of  Sussex,  Sewer. 
The  Earl  of  Derby,  Cupbearer.  The  Earl  of  Arundel, 
Butler.  The  Viscount  Lisle,  Panterer.  The  Lord  Braye, 
Almoner. 

These  noble  men  did  their  service  in  such  humble  sort  and 
fashion,  as  it  was  a  wonder  to  see  the  pain  and  diligence  of 
them  :  being  such  noble  personages. 

The  service  borne  by  Knights,  which  were  to  me  too  long 
to  tell  in  order :  the  goodly  service  of  kinds  of  meat ;  with 
their  devices  from  the  highest  unto  the  lowest :  there  have 
not  been  seen  a  more  goodly  nor  more  honourably  done  in  no 
man's  days. 

C  There  were  four  tables  in  the  great  Hall,  along  the  said 
hall. 

The  noblewomen,  one  table  :  sitting  all  on  that  one  side. 

The  noblemen  another  table. 

The  Mayor  of  London  another  table,  with  his  brethren. 

The  Barons  of  the  [Cinque]  Ports,  with  the  Master  of  the 
Chancery,  the  fourth  table. 

And  thus  all  things  nobly  and  triumphantly  done  at  her 
Coronation  ;  her  Grace  returned  to  White  Hall,  with  great 
joy  and  solemnity. 

And  on  the  morrow,  there  were  great  justs  at  the  tilt  done 
by  eighteen  Lords  and  Knights,  where  were  broken  many 
spears  valiantly ;  and  some  of  their  horses  would  not  come 
at  their  pleasure,  near  unto  the  tilt;  which  was  displeasure 
to  some  that  there  did  run. 

3impnnten  at  Lonnon  in  fleet  street  hv 

SB^nfetn  tie  Olortie,  for  |ol)n  d^ougl^* 

Cum  pritilegio* 


20 


Nicholas      Udall. 

English  Verses  and  Ditties  at  the  Coronation 
Procession  of  ^^een  Anne  Boleyn. 

[Royal  MS.  i8.  a.  Lxiv.] 

At  the  Pageant  representing  the  Progeny  of  Saint  Anne, 

exhibited  at  Cornhill,  besides  Leadenhall. 
Were  pronounced  unto  the  Queen's  Grace,  these  words 
following. 

By   a   Chi  ld. 

OsT  excellent  Queen,  and  bounteous  Lady ! 

Here  now  to  see  your  gracious  Goodness, 

With  such  honour  entering  this  City ; 

What  joy  we  take,  what  hearty  gladness. 
No  pen  may  write,  nor  any  tongue  express ! 
For  of  you,  depend  the  sure  felicity 
And  hope,  both  of  us  and  our  posterity. 

For  like  as  from  this  devout  Saint  Anne 

Issued  this  holy  generation. 

First  Christ,  to  redeem  the  soul  of  man  ; 

Then  James  th'apostle,  and  th'evangelist  John  ; 

With  these  others,  which  in  such  fashion 

By  teaching  and  good  life,  our  faith  confirmed. 

That  from  that  time  yet  to,  it  hath  not  failed: 

Right  so,  dear  Lady  !  our  Queen  most  excellent ! 
Highly  endued  with  all  gifts  of  grace. 
As  by  your  living  is  well  apparent ; 
We,  the  Citizens,  by  you,  in  short  space, 


Ma^issy  Verses  at  the  Coronation  Procession.     21 

Hope  such  issue  and  descent  to  purchase ; 
Whereby  the  same  faith  shall  be  defended, 
And  this  City  from  all  dangers  preserved. 

Which  time  that  we  may  right  shortly  see, 
To  our  great  comfort,  joy  and  solace ; 
Grant  the  most  high  and  blessed  Trinity  ! 
Most  humbly  beseeching  your  noble  Grace, 
Our  rude  simpleness  showed  in  this  place 
To  pardon  ;  and,  the  brief  time  considering, 
To  esteem  our  good  minds,  and  not  the  thing. 

This  spoken,  opened  a  cloud,  and  let  down  a  White 
Falcon,  in  the  descending  of  which  was  pronounced,  as 
followeth : 

By  another   Child. 

Ehold  and  see  the  Falcon  White ! 
How  she  beginneth  her  wings  to  spread, 
And  for  our  comfort  to  take  her  flight. 
But  where  will  she  cease,  as  you  do  read  ? 
A  rare  sight  !  and  yet  to  be  joyed, 
On  the  Rose  ;  chief  flower  that  ever  was, 
This  bird  to  'light,  that  all  birds  doth  pass ! 

Then  out  of  the  same  cloud  descended  an  Angel,  and 
crowned  the  same  Falcon  with  a  Crown  Imperial :  at  which 
doing,  was  pronounced  as  followeth  : 

By  another   Child. 


M 


Onour  and  grace  be  to  our  Queen  Anne  ! 
For  whose  cause  an  Angel  celestial 
Descendeth,  the  Falcon  as  white  as  swan, 
To  crown  with  a  Diadem  Imperial ! 
In  her  honour  rejoice  we  all. 
For  it  Cometh  from  GOD,  and  not  of  man. 
Honour  and  grace  be  to  our  Queen  Anne  ! 


2  2     Verses  at  the  Coronation  Procession.  [May^Sa'. 

Then,  at  the  departing  of  the  Queen's  said  Grace,  was  sung 
this  ballad  following. 


His  White  Falcon, 
Rare  and  geason, 

This  bird  shineth  so  bright ; 
Of  all  that  are, 
No  bird  compare 

May  with  this  Falcon  White. 

The  virtues  all, 
No  man  mortal. 

Of  this  bird  can  write. 
No  man  earthly 
Enough  truly 

Can  praise  this  Falcon  White. 

Who  will  express 
Great  gentleness 

To  be  in  any  wight ; 
He  will  not  miss, 
But  call  him  this 

The  gentle  Falcon  White. 

This  gentle  bird 
As  white  as  curd 

Shineth  both  day  and  night ; 
Nor  far  ne  near 
Is  any  peer 

Unto  this  Falcon  White. 

Of  body  small, 
Of  power  regal, 

She  is,  and  sharp  of  sight ; 
Of  courage  hault 
No  manner  fault 

Is  in  this  Falcon  White. 


MaJ^^s'i.]  Verses  at  the  Coronation  Procession. 

In  chastity, 
Excelleth  she, 

Most  hke  a  virgin  bright : 
And  worthy  is 
To  live  in  bhss 

Always  this  Falcon  White. 

But  now  to  take 
And  use  her  make 

Is  time,  as  troth  is  plight ; 
That  she  may  bring 
Fruit  according 

For  such  a  Falcon  White. 

And  where  by  wrong, 
She  hath  fleen  long. 

Uncertain  where  to  light ; 
Herself  repose 
Upon  the  Rose, 

Now  may  this  Falcon  White. 

Whereon  to  rest, 
And  build  her  nest  ; 

GOD  grant  her,  most  of  might  1 
That  England  may 
Rejoice  alway 

In  this  same  Falcon  White. 


24     Verses  at  the  Coronation  Procession.  [May^i^si 

At  the  Conduit  in  Cornhill  was  exhibited  a  Pageant 
of  the  Three  Graces  [see  p.  i6.] 

In  which    a    Child,  apparelled    like    a   Poet,   pronounced 
unto  the  Queen's  Grace  these  verses : 


Ueen    Anne,    behold    your    servants,  the    Three 
Graces  ! 

Giving  unto  your  Grace  faithful  assistance. 

With  their  most  goodly  amiable  faces, 
They  attend  with  their  continual  presence, 
Where  your  Grace  goeth.     Absent  in  your  absence. 
While  your  Grace  is  here,  they  also  here  dwell 
About  the  pleasant  brinks  of  this  live  well. 

Now  here  to  be,  they  thought  it  their  duty, 

And  presently  to  salu[t]e  you,  gracious  Queen  ! 

Entering  this  day  into  this  noble  City, 

In  such  triumphant  wise  as  hath  not  been  seen  : 

Which  thing,  to  your  honour  and  joy  may  it  been  ! 

These  Three  Sisters  thought  it  their  rebuke  and  shame. 

This  day  to  be  slack  in  honouring  their  Dame. 

Then   immediately   followed   the  speeches  of  the   Three 
Graces,  in  this  wise: 

Aglaia.  H  e  arty  Gla  d  n  ess. 

Deen  Anne  !  whom  to  see,  this  City  doth  rejoice  ; 
We  three  Graces,  ladies  of  all  pleasance, 
Clasped  hand  in  hand,  as  of  one  mind  and  voice, 
With  our  three  gifts  in  all  good  assurance. 
Shall  never  fail  your  Grace,  to  t'endue  and  enhance  ! 
For  I,  Hearty  Gladness  by  my  name  called, 
Shall  your  heart  replenish  with  joy  unfeigned. 


N 
Ma 


yis33-]  Verses  at  the  Coronation  Procession.     25 


T  H  A  L  E  I  A , 


Stable  Honour. 


Nd  I,  Stable  Honour,  gracious  Queen  Anne! 
Joying  in  your  joy,  with  this  noble  City, 
In  honour  and  dignity,  all  that  I  can. 
Shall  you  advance  !  as  your  Grace  is  most  worthy. 
You  to  assist,  I  am  bound  by  my  duty. 
For  your  virtues  being  incomparable. 
You  cannot  but  live,  aye,  most  honourable. 


EUPHROSYNE, 


Continual  Success. 


Nd  for  the  great  virtues,  which  I  perceive 
To  be  in  your  Grace,  so  high  and  excellent  ! 
By  me,  Continual  Success,  ye  receive 
Long  fruition,  with  daily  increasement 

Of  joy  and  honour,  without  diminishment. 

Never  to  decay,  but  always  to  arise  ! 

All  men,  women,  and  children  pray  the  same  wise. 


^ 


At  the  Little  Conduit  in  Cheapside  was  exhibited  the 
Judgement  of  Paris  [see  p.  16], 

In  manner  and  form  following: 


Mercury 


UpiTER,this  apple  unto  thee  hath  sent, 
Commanding,  in   this  cause,  to   give 
true  judgement  ! 


Paris.        Jupiter,  a  strange  office  hath  given  me, 

To  judge  which  is  fairest  of  these  ladies  three. 

Juno.  All  riches  and  kingdoms  be  at  my  behest, 

Give  me  the  apple!  and  thou  shalt  have  the  best ! 


2  6     Verses  at  the  Coronation  Procession.  [May^i'iija; 

Pallas.     Adjudge  it  to  me  !  and  for  a  kingdom, 
I  shall  give  thee  incomparable  wisdom  ! 

Venus.      Prefer  me!  and  I  shall  reward  thee,  Paris  ! 
With  the  fairest  lady  that  on  the  earth  is. 

Paris.        I  should  break  Jupiter's  high  commandment, 
If  I  should  for  mede  or  reward  give  judgement. 

Therefore,  lady  Venus  !  before  both  these  twain, 
Your  beauty  much  exceeding ;  by  my  sentence, 
Shall  win,  and  have  this  apple.  Yet,  to  be  plain! 
Here  is  the  fourth  Lady,  now  in  presence, 
Most  worthy  to  have  it  of  due  congruence, 
As  peerless  in  riches,  wit,  and  beauty; 
Which  are  but  sundry  qualities  in  you  three. 
But  for  her  worthiness,  this  apple  of  gold 
Is  too  simple  a  reward  a  thousand  fold  I 

The  conclusion  of  this  Pageant  pronounced  by 
A  Child. 

0  !  No  !  Another  reward  there  is 
Ordained  for  the  worthiness  of  Her  Grace  ; 
^And  not  to  be  disposed  by  you,  Paris  ! 

Nor  to  be  given  here  in  this  place. 

Queen  Anne  !  most  excellent  that  ever  was, 

For  you  is  ready  a  Crown  Imperial ! 

To  your  joy,  honour,  and  glory  immortal. 

GOD,  that  of  His  goodness  all  things  doth  us  send. 
Hath  sent  us  your  Grace,  our  hearts  to  make  glad. 
Wherefore  with  as  much  humbleness  we  intend 
Your  noble  Grace  to  serve,  as  ever  Queen  had. 
For  nothing  there  is,  that  may  now  make  us  sad, 
Having  your  noble  Grace,  our  refuge  and  rest, 
Provided  by  Him,  that  knoweth  what  is  best. 


May*^is33.]  Verses  at  the  Coronation  Procession.     27 

All  joy,  wealth,  and  honour,  with  long  space  of  life, 

Be  to  your  Grace  ;  with  succession  royal  ! 

And  He,  that  hath  power  of  all  prerogative, 

The  most  blessed  Trinity,  GOD  eternal. 

Save  our  King  Henry  in  his  estate  royal ! 

Thus  pray  all  the  citizens,  wife,  child,  and  man, 

GOD  save  King  Henry,  and  his  Spouse  Queen  Anne  ! 

At  the  departing  of  the  Queen's  said  Grace  was  sung 
this  ballad  following  : 

Ueen  Anne  so  gent, 
Of  high  descent. 
Anne  excellent 

In  nobleness! 
Of  ladies  all. 
You  principal 
Should  win  this  ball 
Of  worthiness ! 

Passing  beauty 
And  chastity. 
With  high  degree. 

And  great  riches  j 
So  coupled  be 
In  unity. 
That  chief  are  ye 

In  worthiness. 

When  Jupiter 
His  messenger 
Sent  down  hither, 

He  knew  certes 
That  you,  victrice 
Of  all  ladies, 
Should  have  the  prize 

Of  worthiness. 


28     Verses  at  the  Coronation  Procession.  [Ma/'i'i^i 

And  wise  Paris 
Made  judge  in  this  ; 
Anon,  I  wis, 

Most  high  Princess  1 
Well  understood 
Your  virtues  good, 
Your  noble  blood 

And  worthiness. 

Your  dignity 
When  he  'gan  see. 
The  Ladies  Three, 

Queen  Anne  peerless ! 
He  bade  give  place 
Unto  your  Grace  ; 
As  meet  it  was 

In  worthiness. 

The  golden  ball. 
Of  price  but  small, 
Have  Venus  shall, 

The  fair  goddess ! 
Because  it  was 
Too  low  and  base 
For  your  good  Grace 

And  worthiness  I 


29 


John  Fox,  the  Martyrologist. 

{The  Ecclesiastical  History,  containing  the 
Acts  and  Monuments,  &'c.  2nd  Ed.,  II., 
pp.  1355-6,  1570.] 

How  the  Lord  Cromwell  helped  Archbishop 
Cranmer  s  Secretary, 

[July    1539.] 

Ention  was  made  before  how  King 
Henry,  in  the  31st  year  [i 539-1  S4o]  of 
his  reign,  caused  the  Six  Articles  [31.  Hen. 
VI  11.,  c.  14.  An  Act  abolishing  diversity 
in  opinions]  to  pass  [in  June  1 539] ;  wshoJ'cRAN- 
much    against     the    mind,   and  MERdisputeth 

°  r      1         three  days  in 

contrary  to  the  consent  01  the  Parliament 
Archbishop  of  CANTERBURY,  ftx'^Ar^cles. 
Thomas  Cranmer  :  who  had  disputed  three  days  against 
the  same  in  the  Parliament  House,  with  great  reasons  and 
authorities.  Which  Articles,  after  they  were  granted  and 
passed  by  the  Parliament,  the  King,  for  the  singular  favour 
which  he  ever  bare  to  CRANMER  and  reverence  to  his  learning 
(being  desirous  to  know  what  he  had  said  and  objected 
in  the  Parliament  against  these  Articles;  or  what  could 
be  alleged  by  Learning  against  the  same)  required  a 
Note  of  the  Archbishop's  doings,  what  he  had  said  and 
opposed  in  the  Parliament  touching  that  matter.  And 
this  word  was  sent  to  him  from  the  King  by  CROMWELL 
and  other  Lords  of  the  Parliament,  whom  the  King  then 
sent  to  dine  with  him  at  Lambeth :  somewhat  to  comfort 
again  his  grieved  mind  and  troubled  spirits :  as  hath  been 
above  recited  at  page  1,298. 


30  Cranmer's  Book  against  the  S/x  Articles.  [J- ' 


Fox. 
57°- 


[The  passage  referred  to  runs  thus  : 

After  the  Parliament  was  finished  and  that  matter 
concluded ;  the  King  (considering  the  constant  zeal  of 
the  Archbishop  in  defence  of  his  cause ;  and  partly  also 
weighing  the  many  authorities  and  reasons  whereby  he 
had  substantially  confirmed  the  same)  sent  [in  July  1539] 
the  Lord  Cromwell  (which  within  a  few  days  after  \or 
rather  on  loth  June  1540]  was  apprehended),  the  two 
Dukes  of  Norfolk  and  Suffolk,  and  all  the  Lords  of 
the  Parliament,  to  dine  with  him  at  Lambeth :  where 
they  signified  to  him,  That  it  was  the  King's  pleasure 
that  they  all  should,  in  His  Highness's  behalf,  cherish 
comfort  and  animate  him  as  one  that,  for  his  travail  in 
that  Parliament,  had  declared  himself  both  greatly  learned, 
and  also  a  man  discreet  and  wise :  and  therefore  they 
willed  him  not  to  be  discouraged  in  anything  that  was 
passed  in  that  Parliament  contrary  to  his  allegations. 

He  most  humbly  thanked,  first  the  King's  Highness 
of  his  singular  good  affection  towards  him ;  and  them, 
for  all  their  pains :  adding  moreover  that  he  so  hoped 
in  GOD  that  hereafter  his  allegations  and  authorities 
should  take  place,  to  the  glory  of  GOD  and  commodity 
of  the  realm.] 

Whereupon,  when  this  dinner  was  finished  [in  July  1539], 
The  name  of  ^^  next  day  after  the  Archbishop  (collecting 
this  Secretary  both  his  argumcnts,  authorities  of  Scripture,  and 
Ralph  Doctors  [z>.  the  Fathers  of  the  ChtircJi\  together) 

ye°aHve  ^\s^e^  caused  his  Secretary  to  write  a  fair  Book  thereof 
in  7570].  fQj.  ^.jjg  King,  after  this  order  : 

First,  the  Scriptures  were  alleged. 

Then,  the  Doctors. 

Thirdly,  followed  the  arguments  deduced  from  those 
Authorities. 

This  book  was  written  in  his  Secretary's  Chamber  [at 
Lambeth  Palace] ;  where,  in  a  by-chamber,  lay  the  Arch- 
bishop's Almoner. 

When  this  Book  was  fair  written,  and  while  the  Secretary 
was  gone  to  deliver  the  same  unto  the  Archbishop  his 
Master,  who  was,  as  it  chanced,  ridden  to  Croydon ; 
returning  back  to  his  chamber,  he  found  his  door  shut, 
and  the  key  carried  away  to  London  by  the  Almoner. 


J*,^°^;]  A  Bearbaiting  upon  the  Thames.  31 

At  this  season  also  [it]  chanced  the  father  of  the  said 
Secretary  to  come  to  the  city ;  by  whose  occasion  it 
so  fell  out,  that  he  [Ralph  Morice]  must  needs  go  to 
London,  The  Book  he  could  not  lay  in  his  chamber,  neither 
durst  he  commit  it  to  any  other  person  to  keep ;  being 
straitly  charged,  in  any  condition,  by  the  Archbishop  his 
master,  to  be  circumspect  thereof:  so  he  determined  to  go 
to  his  father,  and  to  keep  the  Book  about  him. 

And  so,  thrusting  the  Book  under  his  girdle,  he  went 
over  [the  Thames]  unto  Westminster  Bridge,  with  a 
sculler ;  where  he  entered  into  a  wherry  that  went  to 
London  :  wherein  were  four  of  the  Guard,  who  meant  to 
land  at  Paul's  Wharf;  and  to  pass  by  the  King's  Highness 
who  was  then  in  his  barge,  with  a  great  number  of  barges 
and  boats  about  him,  then  baiting  of  bears  in  the  water, 
over  against  the  Bank  [Side  in  Southwark]. 

The  aforesaid  Yeomen  of  the  Guard,  when  they  came 
against  the  King's  barge,  they  durst  not  pass  by  towards 
Paul's  Wharf,  lest  they  should  be  espied :  and  therefore 
entreated  the  Secretary  to  go  with  them  to  the  Bearbaiting ; 
and  they  would  find  the  means,  being  of  the  Guard,  to 
make  room  and  to  see  all  the  pastime. 

The  Secretary  perceiving  no  other  remedy,  assented 
thereto. 

When  the  wherry  came  nigh  the  multitude  of  boats ; 
they  with  poleaxes  got  the  wherry  so  far  that,  being 
encompassed  with  many  other  wherries  and  boats,  there 
was  no  refuge  if  the  bear  should  break  loose  and  come  upon 
them :  as,  in  very  deed,  within  one  Paternoster  while, 
the  bear  brake  loose ;  and  came  into  the  boat  where  the 
Yeomen  of  the  Guard  were,  and  the  said  Secretary. 

The  Guard  forsook  the  wherry,  and  went  into  Tail  Yeomen, 
another  barge;  one  or  two  of  them  leaping  short,  butiiiKeeper's. 
and  so  fell  into  the  water. 

The  bear  and  the  dogs  so  shaked  the  wherry  wherein 
the  Secretary  was,  that  the  boat  being  full  of  water  sank 
to  the  ground  ;  and  being  also,  as  it  chanced,  an  ebbing 
tide,  he  sat  there  in  the  end  of  the  wherry  up  to  a  Bearbaiting 
the  middle  in  water.  To  whom  came  the  bear  ThTmesblfore 
and  all  the  dogs.  The  bear,  seeking  as  it  were  'he  King. 
aid  and  succour  of  him,  came  back  with  his  hinder  parts 


32  Cranmer's  Book  floating  on  the  Thames.  P' 


Fox. 

570- 


upon  him ;  and  so,  rushing  upon  him,  the  Book  was  loosed 
The  Book  of     from  the  Secretary's  girdle,  and  so  fell  into  the 

DrCRANMER        ._,  r^    •  1 

against  the  5-z>   1  hames  out  oi  his  reach. 

inl'eTh'a°mes.  The  flying  of  the  people,  after  that  the  bear  was 
loose,  from  one  boat  to  another,  was  so  cumbrous  that  divers 
persons  were  thrown  into  the  Thames  :  the  King  command- 
ing certain  men,  that  could  swim,  to  strip  themselves  naked  ; 
and  to  help  to  save  them  that  were  in  danger. 

This  pastime  so  displeased  the  King,  that  he  bade, 
"  Away,  away  with  the  bear  !  and  let  us  go  all  hence  !  " 

The  Secretary,  perceiving  his  Book  to  fleet  away  in 
the  Thames,  called  to  the  Bearward  to  take  up  the  Book. 

When  the  Bearward  had  the  Book  in  his  custody,  being 
This  Bear-  au  arrant  Papist,  far  from  the  religion  of  his 
p^c^f  Mistress  (for  he  was  the  Lady  ELIZABETH'S 
fe^lnr"^"^  Bearward,  now  the  Queen's  Majesty),  ere  that  the 
Secretary  could  come  to  land,  he  had  delivered  the  Book  to  a 
Dr  Cranmer's  Priest  of  his  own  affinity  in  religion  standing  on 
Boo^^gainst  ^^^  ^^^j^..  ^^^^  reading  in  the  Book,  and 
Articles  Dcrceiving  that  it  was  a  manifest  Refutation  of  the 

dehvered  toal'..C'  ii,i-r-.  i 

Popish  Priest.  Six  A  rttcies,  made  much  ado ;  and  told  the  Bearward 
that  whosoever  claimed  the  Book,  should  surely  be  hanged. 

Anon,  the  Secretary  came  to  the  Bearward  for  his  Book. 

"What,"  quoth  the  Bearward,  "dare  you  challenge  this 
Book  ?     Whose  servant  be  you  ?" 

"I  am  servant  to  one  of  the  [Privy]  Council,"  said  the 
Secretary,  "  and  my  Lord  of  CANTERBURY  is  my  master." 

"  Yea,  marry,"  quoth  the  Bearward,  "  I  thought  as  much. 
You  be  like,  I  trust,  to  be  both  hanged  for  this  Book." 

"  Well,"  said  he  "  it  is  not  so  evil  as  you  take  it :  and, 
I  warrant  you,  my  Lord  will  avouch  the  book  to  the  King's 
Majesty.  But  I  pray  you  let  me  have  my  Book,  and  I 
will  give  you  a  crown  \6s.,  or  in  present  value  about  £2] 
to  drink." 

"  If  you  will  give  me  500  crowns,  you  shall  not  have  it," 
quoth  the  Bearward. 

With  that  the  Secretary  departed  from  him :  and,  under- 
standing the  malicious  forwardness  of  the  Bearward,  he 
learned  that  Blage  the  Grocer  in  Cheapside  might  do 
much  with  him.     To  whom  the  Secretary  brake  this  matter. 


^'f°l]]  The  Bearward  will  not  give  up  the  Book.  t,t, 

requiring  him  to  send  for  the  Bearward  to  supper ;  and 
he  would  pay  for  the  whole  charge  thereof:  and  besides 
that,  rather  than  he  would  forego  his  Book  after  this 
sort,  the  Bearward  should  have  20s.  [in  present  value  about 
£6\  to  drink. 

The  supper  was  prepared.  The  Bearward  was  sent  for, 
and  came.  After  supper,  the  matter  was  intreated ;  and  20s. 
offered  for  the  Book. 

But  do  what  could  be  done ;  neither  friendship,  acquaint- 
ance, nor  yet  reward  of  money,  could  obtain  the  Book 
out  of  his  hands  :  but  that  the  same  should  be  delivered 
unto  some  of  the  [Privy]  Council,  that  would  not  so  slightly 
look  on  so  weighty  a  matter  as  to  have  it  redeemed  for 
a  supper,  or  a  piece  of  money.  The  honest  man,  Master 
Blage,  with  many  good  reasons  would  have  persuaded  him 
not  to  be  stiff  in  his  own  conceit :  declaring  that  in  the  end 
he  should  nothing  at  all  prevail  of  his  purpose,  but  be 
laughed  to  scorn ;  getting  neither  penny  nor  praise  for 
his  travail.  He,  hearing  that,  rushed  suddenly  out  of 
the  doors  from  his  friend  Master  Blage  ;  without  any 
manner  of  thanksgiving  for  his  supper :  more  like  a 
Bearward  than  like  an  honest  man. 

When  the  Secretary  saw  the  matter  so  extremely  to 
be  used  against  him ;  he  then  thought  it  expedient  to 
fall  from  any  farther  practising  of  entreaty  with  the  Bear- 
ward, as  with  him  that  seemed  rather  to  be  a  bear  himself 
than  master  of  the  beast :  determining  the  next  morning  to 
make  the  Lord  CROMWELL  privy  of  the  chance  that 
happened. 

So,  on  the  next  day,  as  the  Lord  CROMWELL  went  to 
the  Court,  the  Secretary  declared  the  whole  matter  unto 
him  ;  and  how  he  had  offered  the  Bearward  20s.  for  the 
finding  thereof 

"  Where  is  the  fellow  ?  "  quoth  the  Lord  CROMWELL. 

"  I  suppose,"  said  the  Secretary,  "  that  he  is  now  in 
the  Court,  attending  to  deliver  the  book  unto  some  of  the 
Council." 

"  Well,"  said  the  Lord  CROMWELL,  "  it  maketh  no  matter. 
Go  with  me  thither,  and  I  shall  get  you  your  book 
again. ! " 

C  T 


14      Lord  Cromwell  rates  the  Bearward.      [ 


;.  Fox. 
1570. 


When  the  Lord  Cromwell  came  into  the  Hall  of  the 
The  Bearward  Court,  there  stood  the  Bearward  with  the  Book 
cranmerI""  in  his  hand  ;  waiting  to  have  delivered  the  same 
councu.'*'^  unto  Sir  Anthony  Browne  or  unto  [Stephen 
Gardiner]  the  Bishop  of  Winchester,  as  it  was  reported. 

To  whom  the  Lord  CROMWELL  said,  "  Come  hither, 
fellow!  What  Book  hast  thou  there  in  thy  hand?"  and 
The  Lord  with  that  snatched  the  Book  out  of  his  hand  :  and 
ge'^ueT the  looking  in  the  Book,  said,  "  I  know  this  hand  well 
Book  from       enough.     This    is    your   hand,"   said   he   to    the 

the  Bearward.      _  °  ^  ' 

Secretary. 

"  But  where  hadst  thou  this  Book  ? "  quoth  the  Lord 
Cromwell  to  the  Bearward. 

"  This  Gentleman  lost  it  two  days  ago  in  the  Thames," 
said  the  Bearward. 

"  Dost  thou  know  whose  servant  he  is  ? "  said  the  Lord 
Cromwell. 

"  He  saith,"  quoth  the  Bearward,  "  that  he  is  my  Lord 
of  Canterbury's  servant." 

"  Why  then  didst  thou  not  deliver  to  him  the  Book 
when  he  required  it  ?"  said  the  Lord  Cromwell.  "  Who  made 
thee  so  bold  as  to  detain  or  withhold  any  Book  or  writing  from 
a  Councillor's  servant,  especially  being  his  Secretary?  It  is 
more  meet  for  thee  to  meddle  with  thy  bears,  than  with 
such  writing :  and  were  it  not  for  thy  Mistress's  sake,  I 
would  set  thee  fast  by  the  feet,  to  teach  such  malapert 
knaves  to  meddle  with  Councillors'  matters.  Had  not 
money  been  well  bestowed  upon  such  a  good  fellow  as  this 
is,  that  knoweth  not  a  Councillor's  man  from  a  cobbler's 
man ! " 

And  with  those  words,  the  Lord  Cromwell  went  up 
into  the  King's  Chamber  of  Presence,  and  the  Archbishop's 
Secretary  with  him :  where  he  found,  in  the  Chamber, 
the  Lord  of  Canterbury. 

To  whom  he  said,  "  My  Lord,  I  have  here  found  good 
^he^ords  of  gtuff  for  you,"  showing  to  him  the  paper  book  that 
Cromwell  to  he  had  in  his  hand,  "ready  to  bring  both  you,  and 
cranmer!"  °^  this  good  fellow  your  man,  to  the  halter  :  namely 
[especia//y]  if  the  knave  Bearward,  now  in  the  Hall,  might 
have  well  compassed  it." 


^'  fs°7o.J  MORICE  MUST  WRITE  THE  BoOK  FAIR  AGAIN.      35 

At  these  words,  the  Archbishop  smiled,  and  said,  "  He 
that  lost  the  Book  is  like[ly]  to  have  the  worst  bargain  : 
for,  besides  that  he  was  well  washed  in  the  Thames,  he  must 
write  the  Book  fair  again." 

And,  at  these  words,  the  Lord  CROMWELL  cast  the  Book 
unto  the  Secretary,  saying,  "  I  pray  thee,  MORICE,  go  in 
hand  therewith,  by  and  bye,  with  all  expedition :  for  it 
must  serve  a  turn." 

"  Surely,  my  Lord,  it  somewhat  rejoiceth  me,"  quoth  the 
Lord  Cromwell,  "  that  the  varlet  might  have  had  of  your 
man  20s.  for  the  Book  :  and  now  I  have  discharged  the 
matter  with  never  a  penny ;  and  shaken  him  well  up  for  his 
overmuch  malapertness." 

"  I  know  the  fellow  well  enough,"  quoth  the  Archbishop, 
"  there  is  not  a  ranker  Papist  within  this  realm  than  he  is  ; 
most  unworthy  to  be  a  servant  unto  so  noble  a  Princess." 

And  so,  after  humble  thanks  given  to  the  Lord 
Cromwell,  the  said  Morice  departed  with  his  Book: 
which,  when  he  again  had  fair  written  it,  was  delivered 
to  the  King's  Majesty  by  the  said  Lord  CROMWELL,  within 
four  days  after. 


ejrpeliition  m 
totlanli. 


matie  bg  tl)e  lltng'0 

©igl)ne0!5'  armp,  unner  tbe  conQuct 

of  t&e  Eigbt  iJ)onourat)le  tbe 

OBarl  of  l^ertforn,  tfie 

^car  of  our  iL^lRD 

1544- 


Londini. 

Ctim  privilegio  ad  imprimendum  solum. 


39 


The  late  Expedition  in  Scotland. 

Sent     to     the   Right     Honourable 
Lord  Russell,  Lord  Privy  Seal ; 
from  the  King  s  ar?ny  there: 
by  a  friend  of  his. 


Fter  long  sojourning,  my  very  good  Lord  ! 
of  the  King's  Majesty's  army  at  Newcastle, 
for  lack  of  commodious  winds,  which  long 
hath  been  at  North  East  and  East  North 
East,  much  to  our  grief;  as  your  Lordship, 
I  doubt  not,  knoweth :  the  same — as  God 
would,  who  doth  all  things  for  the  best — 
the  first  of  May  [1544],  the  36th  year  of 
His  Majesty's  most  prosperous  reign,  veered  to  the  South  and 
South  South  West  so  apt  and  propice  [propitious]  for  our 
journey ;  being  of  every  man  so  much  desired,  that  there 
was  no  need  to  hasten  them  forwards.  To  be  brief;  such 
diligence  was  used  that  in  two  tides  the  whole  fleet,  being 
200  sail  at  the  least,  was  out  of  the  haven  of  Tynemouth 
towards  our  enterprise. 

The  third  day  after,  we  arrived  in  the  Firth  of  Forth,  a 
notable  river  in  Scotland  ;  having  the  entry  between  two 
islands,  called  the  Bass  and  the  May.  The  same  day,  we 
landed  divers  of  our  boats  at  a  town  named  Saint  Mynettes, 
on  the  north  side  of  the  Frith,  which  we  burnt ;  and  brought 
from  thence  divers  great  boats,  that  served  us  afterwards  to 
good  purpose  for  our  landing. 

That  night,  the  whole  fleet  came  to  an  anchor,  under  the 


40    The  English  army  lands  near  Leith.   [,5^^. 

island  called  Inchkeith,  three  miles  from  the  haven  of  Leith. 
The  place  where  we  anchored  hath,  of  long  time,  been  called 
the  English  road :  the  Scots  now  take  the  same  to  be  a 
prophesy  of  the  thing  which  has  now  happened. 

The  next  day,  being  the  4th  day  of  May,  the  said  army 
landed  two  miles  by  west  of  the  town  of  Leith,  at  a  place 
called  Grantham  Crag  :  every  man  being  so  prompt 
thereunto,  that  the  whole  army  was  landed  in  four  hours. 
And,  perceiving  our  landing  to  be  so  quiet,  which  we  looked 
not  for ;  having  our  guides  ready,  we  put  ourselves  in  good 
order  of  war  marching  forwards  towards  the  town  of  Leith 
in  three  battles — whereof  my  Lord  Admiral  led  the  Vanguard, 
the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury  the  Arrieregard ;  and  the  Earl  of 
Hertford  being  Lord  Lieutenant,  the  Battle — having  with 
us  certain  small  pieces  of  artillery,  which  were  drawn  by 
force  of  men  :  which  enterprise  we  thought  necessary  to 
be  attempted  first  of  all  other,  for  the  commodious  lodging  of 
our  navy  there,  and  the  landing  of  our  artillery  and  victail. 

And  in  a  valley,  upon  the  right  hand,  near  unto  the  said 
town,  the  Scots  were  assembled  to  the  number  of  5,000  or 
6,000  horsemen,  besides  a  good  number  of  footmen ;  to 
impeach  [prevent]  the  passage  of  our  said  army :  in  which 
place,  they  had  laid  their  artillery  at  two  straits  [passes] 
through  which  we  must  needs  pass,  if  we  minded  to  achieve 
our  enterprise.  And  seeming,  at  the  first,  as  though  they 
would  set  upon  the  Vanguard  :  when  they  perceived  our  men 
so  willing  to  encounter  with  them,  namely,  the  Cardinal, 
who  was  there  present,  perceiving  our  devotion  to  see  his 
holiness  to  be  such  as  we  were  ready  to  wet  our  feet  for  that 
purpose,  and  to  pass  a  ford  which  was  between  us  and  them ; 
after  certain  shot  of  artillery  on  both  sides  :  they  made  a 
sudden  retreat ;  and  leaving  their  artillery  behind  them,  fled 
towards  Edinburgh.  The  first  man  that  fled  was  the  holy 
Cardinal  [Beaton]  like  a  valiant  champion  ;  and  with  him  the 
Governor,  the  Earls  of  Huntley,  Murray  and  Bothwell, 
with  divers  other  great  men  of  the  realm.  At  this  passage, 
were  two  Englishmen  hurt  with  the  shot  of  their  artillery ; 
and  two  Scottish  men  slain  with  our  artillery. 

The  Vanguard  having  thus  put  back  the  Scots,  and  eight 
pieces  of  their  artillery  brought  away  by  our  hackbutters 
[harqtiebussiers],   who  in    this    enterprise   did   very    manfully 


'544 


]     The  army  marches  to  Edinburgh.        41 


employ  themselves ;  we  marched  directly  towards  the  town 
of  Leith  ;  which  before  we  could  come  to,  we  must  of  force 
[necessity]  pass  another  passage,  which  also  was  defended  a 
while  with  certain  ensigns  [companies]  of  footmen  and  certain 
pieces  of  artillery ;  who  being  sharply  assailed,  having  three 
of  the  gunners  slain  with  our  archers,  were  fain  to  give 
place;  leaving  also  their  ordnance  behind  them,  with  which 
ordnance  they  slew  only  one  of  our  men  and  hurt  another. 

And  in  this  brunt,  the  victory  being  earnestly  followed ; 
the  town  of  Leith  was  entered  perforce  and  won  with  the 
loss  only  of  two  men  of  ours  and  hurt  of  three :  where 
the  Scots  had  cast  great  trenches  and  ditches  purposely  to 
have  defended  it.  The  same  night,  the  army  encamped  in 
the  said  town  of  Leith ;  and  by  reason  of  the  said  ditches 
and  trenches,  we  made  there  a  strong  camp. 

The  morrow,  being  the  5th  of  May,  we  caused  our  ships 
ladened  with  our  great  artillery  and  victuals  to  be  brought 
into  the  haven ;  where  we  discharged  the  same  at  our 
pleasure.  In  the  said  haven,  we  found  many  goodly  ships, 
specially  two  of  notable  fairness  :  the  one  called  the  Salamander 
given  by  the  French  king  at  the  marriage  of  his  daughter 
into  Scotland ;  the  other  called  the  Unicorn,  made  by  the 
late  Scottish  king  [James  V.]  The  town  of  Leith  was  found 
more  full  of  riches  than  we  thought  to  have  found  any 
Scottish  town  to  have  been. 

The  next  day,  the  6th,  the  army  went  towards  Edinburgh, 
leaving  the  Lord  Sturton  in  Leith  with  1,500  men,  for 
the  defence  of  the  same.  And  the  army  being  come  near 
to  Edinburgh ;  the  Provost  accompanied  with  one  or  two 
burgesses  and  two  or  three  Officers  at  Arms,  desired  to  speak 
with  the  King's  Lieutenant ;  and — in  the  name  of  all  the  town 
— said,  "  that  the  keys  of  the  town  should  be  delivered  unto 
his  Lordship ;  conditionally,  that  they  might  go  with  bag 
and  baggage,  and  the  town  to  be  saved  from  fire."  Whereunto 
answer  was  made  by  the  said  Lord  Lieutenant,  "  that  whereas 
the  Scots  had  so  many  ways  fals[ifi]ed  their  faiths;  and  so 
manifestly  had  broken  their  promises,  confirmed  by  oaths  and 
seals,  and  certified  by  their  whole  parliament,  as  is  evidently 
known  unto  all  the  world :  he  was  sent  thither  by  the  King's 
Highness  to  take  vengeance  of  their  detestable  falsehood,  to 
declare    and  show  the  force  of  His  Highness'  sword  to  all 


42      The  army  captures  &  burns  Edinburgh.   [^^ 

such  as  should  make  any  resistance  unto  His  Grace's  power 
sent  thither  for  that  purpose.  And  therefore  being  not  sent 
to  treat  or  capitulate  with  them,  who  had  before  time  broken 
so  many  treaties  :  "  he  told  them  resolutely  ;  "  that  unless  they 
would  yield  up  their  town  unto  him  frankly,  without  condition, 
and  cause  man,  woman,  and  child  to  issue  into  the  fields, 
submitting  themselves  to  his  will  and  pleasure ;  he  would 
put  them  to  the  sword,  and  their  town  to  the  fire."  The 
Provost  answered,  "that  it  were  better  for  them  to  stand  to 
their  defence  than  to  yield  to  that  condition."  This  was 
rather  a  false  practice  of  the  Provost  and  the  Heralds,  thereby 
to  espy  the  force  and  order  of  our  camp,  than  for  any  2eal 
they  had  to  yield  their  town ;  as  it  appeared  afterwards. 
Whereupon  commandment  was  given  to  the  said  Provost 
and  Officers  at  Arms,  upon  their  peril,  to  depart. 

In  the  meantime,  word  was  brought  by  a  Herald  of  ours — 
whom  the  Lord  Lieutenant  had  sent  to  summon  the  Castle 
— that  the  Earl  Bothwell  and  the  Lord  Hume  with  the 
number  of  2,000  horsemen  were  entered  the  town,  and  were 
determined  to  the  defence  thereof.  Upon  which  knowledge, 
the  Lord  Lieutenant  sent  with  diligence  to  the  Vanward,  that 
they  should  march  towards  the  town.  And  Sir  Christopher 
Morice,  Lieutenant  of  the  Ordnance,  was  commanded  to 
approach  the  gate  called  the  Cany  gate  [Canongate],  with 
certain  battery  pieces  :  which  gate  lay  so,  that  the  ordnance 
must  be  brought  up  a  broad  street  of  the  suburbs,  directly 
against  the  said  Cany  gate  ;  which  was  the  occasion  of  the 
loss  of  certain  of  our  gunners.  And  before  that  any  battery 
could  be  made  by  the  said  ordnance,  divers  of  the  captains 
of  the  Vanward — the  better  to  comfort  their  soldiers — 
assailed  the  said  gate  with  such  courage,  that  they  repulsed 
the  Scottish  gunners  from  the  loupes  [embrasures']  of  the  same, 
and  there  slew  and  hurt  sundry  of  their  gunners,  and  by  force 
drew  one  piece  of  artillery  out  of  one  of  the  said  loupes. 

Our  archers  and  hackbutters  shot  so  hotly  to  the 
battlements  of  the  gate  and  wall,  that  no  man  durst  show 
himself  at  the  defence  of  the  same  :  by  reason  whereof,  our 
gunners  had  good  leisure  to  bring  a  cannon  hard  to  the  gate, 
which,  after  three  or  four  shots,  made  entry  to  our  soldiers; 
who  at  their  breaking  in,  slew  300  or  400  Scots  of  such  as 
were  found  armed.     In  the  meantime,  the  Earl  Bothwell 


,5^J   HoLYROOD  Abbey  and  Palace  burnt.     43 

and  the  Lord  Hume  with  their  company,  fled,  and  saved 
themselves  by  another  way  issuing  out  towards  the  Castle 
of  the  said  town.  The  situation  whereof  is  of  such  strength 
that  it  cannot  be  approached,  but  by  one  way ;  which  is  by 
the  High  Street  of  the  town  ;  and  the  strongest  part  of  the 
same  Castle  lieth  to  beat  the  said  street :  which  was  the 
loss  of  divers  of  our  men  with  the  shot  of  the  ordnance  out 
of  the  said  Castle,  which  did  continually  beat  along  the 
said  High  Street.  And  considering  the  strength  of  the  said 
Castle,  with  the  situation  thereof;  it  was  concluded  not  to 
lose  any  time,  nor  to  waste  and  consume  our  munition  about 
the  siege  thereof.  Albeit  the  same  was  courageously  and 
dangerously  attempted ;  till  one  of  our  pieces,  with  shot  out 
of  the  said  Castle,  was  struck  and  dismounted. 

And  finally  it  was  determined  by  the  said  Lord  Lieutenant 
utterly  to  ruinate  and  destroy  the  said  town  with  fire  :  which 
for  that  the  night  drew  fast  on,  we  omitted  thoroughly  to 
execute  on  that  day  ;  but  setting  fire  in  three  or  four  parts  of 
the  town,  we  repaired  for  that  night  unto  our  camp. 

And  the  next  morning,  very  early,  we  began  where  we  left 
off,  and  continued  burning  all  that  day  and  the  two  days 
next  ensuing  continually,  so  that  neither  within  the  walls 
nor  in  the  suburbs  was  left  any  one  house  unburnt  :  besides 
the  innumerable  booty,  spoil  and  pillage  that  our  soldiers 
brought  from  thence  ;  notwithstanding  the  abundance  which 
was  consumed  with  fire.  Also  we  burnt  the  Abbey  called 
Holy  Rood  House,  and  the  Palace  adjoining  the  same. 

In  the  meantime,  while  we  held  the  country  thus  occupied; 
there  came  unto  us  4,000  of  our  light  horsemen  from  the 
Borders,  by  the  King's  Majesty's  appointment :  who  after 
their  coming,  did  such  exploits  in  riding  and  devastating  the 
country  that  within  seven  miles  every  way  of  Edinburgh, 
they  left  neither  pile,  village,  nor  house  standing  unburnt, 
nor  stacks  of  corn  ;  besides  great  numbers  of  cattle,  which 
they  brought  daily  in  to  the  army,  and  met  also  with  much 
good  stuff  which  the  inhabitants  of  Edinburgh  had  for  the 
safety  of  the  same,  conveyed  out  of  the  town. 

In  this  mean  season.  Sir  Nicholas  Pointz,  by  order  of 
my  Lord  Lieutenant,  passed  the  river,  and  won  by  force  the 
town  of  Kinghorn ;  and  burnt  the  same  with  certain  other 
towns  on  that  side. 


44       The  English  ravage  the  country.     [,5^^ 

After  these  exploits  done  at  Edinburgh,  and  all  the  country 
thereabouts  devastated ;  the  King's  said  Lieutenant  thinking 
the  Scots  not  to  be  condignly  punished  for  their  falsehood 
used  to  the  King's  Majest}-,  determined  not  to  return  without 
doing  them  more  displeasure.  He  therefore  gave  orders 
to  the  said  Sir  Christopher  Morice  for  the  reshipping  ol 
the  great  artillery ;  reserving  only  certain  small  pieces  to 
keep  the  field :  giving  also  commandment  to  every  captain 
to  receive  victuals  out  of  the  said  ships  for  their  companies 
for  six  days.  And  for  the  carriage  of  the  same,  caused  one 
thousand  of  our  worst  horsemen  to  be  set  on  foot ;  and  the 
same  horses  divided  equall}^  to  every  captain  of  hundreds, 
for  the  better  carriage  of  their  victuals.  The  men  that  rode 
upon  the  said  horses  being  appointed  to  attend  upon  the  said 
victuals.  Which  was  done.  Besides  there  were  divers  small 
carts,  which  we  recovered  [captured]  in  the  country ;  the 
which  with  such  cattle  as  we  had  there,  did  great  service  in 
drawing  of  our  victuals,  tents,  and  other  necessaries. 

These  things  being  supplied,  the  14th  day  of  May,  we 
brake  down  the  pier  of  the  haven  of  Leith,  and  burnt  every 
stick  of  it  ;  and  took  forth  the  two  goodly  ships,  manned 
them,  and  put  them  in  order  to  attend  upon  the  King's 
Majesty's  ships.  Their  ballast  was  cannon  shot  of  iron  ; 
which  we  found  in  the  town  to  the  number  of  80,000.  The 
rest  of  the  Scottish  ships  meet  to  serve,  we  brought  away : 
both  they  and  our  own  being  almost  pestered  [encumbered] 
with  the  spoil  and  booty  of  our  soldiers  and  mariners. 

That  done,  we  abandoned  ourselves  clearly  from  the  ships: 
having  firm  intent  to  return  home  by  land.  Which  we  did. 
And  to  give  them  [the  Scots]  better  occasion  to  show  them- 
selves in  the  field  against  us  ;  we  left  neither  pile,  village, 
town,  nor  house  in  our  way  homewards,  unburnt. 

In  the  meantime  of  the  continuance  of  our  army  at  Leith, 
as  is  aforesaid  ;  our  ships  upon  the  seas  were  not  idle  ;  for  they 
left  neither  ship,  crayer,  nor  boat  belonging  to  either  village, 
town,  creek  or  haven  of  either  side  of  the  Frith  between 
Stirling  and  the  mouth  of  the  river,  unburnt  or  not  brought 
away ;  which  containeth  in  length  fifty  miles.  Continuing 
of  time,  they  also  burnt  a  great  number  of  towns  and  villages 
on  both  sides  the  said  water ;  and  won  a  fortress  situated  on 
a  strong  island  called  Inchgarve,  which  they  razed  and 
destroyed. 


,5^^.1  March'  homeward;  massacring  &  desolating.    45 

The  15th  of  May,  we  dislodged  our  camp  out  of  the  town  of 
Leith  ;  and  set  fire  in  every  house,  and  burnt  it  to  the  ground. 

The  same  night,  we  encamped  at  a  town  of  the  Lord 
Seaton's  where  we  burnt  and  razed  his  chief  castle,  called 
Seaton,  which  was  right  fair;  and  destroyed  his  orchards 
and  gardens,  which  were  the  fairest  and  best  in  order  that 
we  saw  in  all  that  country.  We  did  him  the  more  despite, 
because  he  was  the  chief  labourer  to  help  their  Cardinal  out 
of  prison  :  who  was  the  only  [sole]  author  of  their  calamity. 

The  same  day,  we  burnt  a  fair  town  of  the  Earl  Bothwell, 
called  Haddington,  with  a  great  nunnery  and  a  house  of  friars. 

The  next  night  after,  we  encamped  besides  Dunbar,  and 
there  the  Scots  gave  a  small  alarm  to  our  camp;  but  our 
watches  were  in  such  a  readiness  that  they  had  no  vantage 
there,  but  were  fain  to  recoil  without  doing  any  harm. 

That  night,  they  looked  for  us  to  have  burnt  the  town 
of  Dunbar ;  which  we  deferred  till  the  morning,  at  the 
dislodging  of  our  camp:  which  we  executed  by  500  of  our 
hackbutters.  being  backed  with  500  horsemen.  And  by 
reason  that  we  took  them  in  the  morning  —  who,  having 
watched  all  night  for  our  coming,  and  perceiving  our  army  to 
dislodge  and  depart,  thought  themselves  safe  of  us,  were  newly 
gone  to  their  beds :  and  in  their  first  sleeps  closed  in  with  fire 
— the  men,  women  and  children  were  suffocated  and  burnt. 

That  morning  [the  17th]  being  very  misty  and  foggy,  we 
had  perfect  knowledge  by  our  espials,  that  the  Scots  had 
assembled  a  great  power,  in  a  strait  [^^55]  called  "  the 
Pease."  The  chiefs  of  this  assembly  were  the  Lords  Seaton, 
Hume  and  Buccleuch  :  and  with  them  the  whole  power 
of  the  [Scotch]  Marches  and  Teviotdale.  This  day  in  our 
marching,  divers  of  their  prickers  [scouts]  by  reason  of  the 
said  mist  gave  us  alarm,  and  came  so  far  within  our  army, 
that  they  unhorsed  one  between  the  Vanward  and  the  Battle; 
being  within  two  hundred  feet  of  the  Lord  Lieutenant.  At 
that  alarm,  one  of  their  best  prickers,  called  Jock  Holly 
Burton  was  taken  :  who  confessed  that  the  said  Scottish 
lords  were  ready  at  the  passage  [pass]  with  the  number  of 
10,000  good  men.  And  forasmuch  as  the  mist  yet  continued 
and  did  not  break,  being  past  noon,  the  Vanward  being 
within  a  mile  of  the  said  passage,  entering  into  dangerous 
ways  for  an  army  to  march  in  such  weather  that  one  could 


46  The  army  returns  to  Berwick.        [j^^^. 

not  descry  another  twenty  yards  off:  we  concluded  if  the 
weather  did  not  break  up,  to  have  encamped  ourselves  upon 
the  same  ground ;  where  we  did  remain  for  the  space  of  two 
hours.  And  about  two  of  the  clock  at  afternoon,  the  sun 
brake  out,  the  fog  went  away,  and  a  clear  day  was  left  us  : 
whereof  every  man  received  as  it  were  a  new  courage, 
longing  to  see  the  enemy ;  who,  being  ready  for  us  at  the 
said  passage,  and  seeing  us  come  in  good  order  of  battle,  as 
men  determined  to  pass  through  them  or  to  leave  our  bones 
with  them,  abode  us  but  two  shots  of  a  falcon,  but  scaled 
every  man  his  way  to  the  high  mountains,  which  were  hard 
at  their  hands,  and  covered  with  flocks  of  their  people.  The 
passage  was  such,  that  having  no  let  [impediment]  ;  it  was 
three  hours  before  all  the  army  could  pass  it. 

The  same  night,  the  army  encamped  at  a  pile  called 
Ranton,  eight  miles  from  our  borders:  which  pile  was  a 
very  ill  neighbour  to  the  garrison  of  Berwick.  The  same 
we  razed  and  threw  down  to  the  ground. 

The  next  day,  being  the  i8th  of  May,  the  whole  army 
entered  into  Berwick,  and  ended  this  voyage ;  with  the 
loss  unneth  [of  scarcely]  forty  of  the  King's  Majesty's  people, 
thanks  be  to  our  Lord. 

The  same  day,  at  the  same  instant,  that  the  army  entered 
into  Berwick,  our  whole  fleet  and  navy  of  ships,  which  we 
sent  from  us  at  Leith,  arrived  before  Berwick :  as  GOD  would 
be  known  to  favour  our  master's  cause.  Who  ever  preserve 
his  most  royal  Majesty  with  long  and  prosperous  life,  and 
many  years  to  reign  in  the  imperial  seat  of  the  monarchy  of 
all  Britain. 

C  The  names  of  the  chief  burghs,  castles  and  towns  burnt 
and  desolated  by  the  King's  army,  being  lately  in  Scot- 
land :  besides  a  great  number  of  villages,  piles,  and 
rhomelsteads  which  I  cannot  name. 


He  burgh  and  town  of  Edinburgh,  with  the  Abbey 
called  Holy  Rood  House,  and  the   King's    Palace 
adjoining  to  the  same. 
The  town    of  Leith  burnt,   and    the    haven    and 


pier  destroyed. 


J      Results    of    the    Expedition. 


47 


The  castle  and  village  of  Craigmillar. 
The  Abbey  of  New  Battell. 

Part  of  Musselburgh  town,  with  the  Chapel  of  our  Lady 
of  Lawret  [Loretto]. 

Preston  town  and  castle. 

Haddington  town,  with  the  friary  and  nunnery. 

A  castle  of  Oliver  Sanckler's  [S/NCLyiiJ?'s]. 

The  town  of  Dunbar. 

Lawreston,  with  the  grange. 

Drylawe. 


Wester  Craig. 
Enderleigh,   the 

the  town. 
Broughton. 
Thester  Felles. 
Crawnend. 
Duddingstone. 
Stanhows. 
The  Picket. 
Beverton. 
Tranent. 
Shenstone. 


Markle. 
Trapren. 
pile    and         Kirkland  hill. 
Hatherwike. 
Belton. 
East  Barnes. 
Bowland. 
Butterden. 
Quickwod. 
Blackborne. 
Raunton. 
Byldy,  and  the  tower. 


C  Towns  and  villages  burnt  by  the  fleet,  upon  the  seaside ; 
with  a  great  number  of  piles  and  villages  which  I 
cannot  name  nor  rehearse,  which  be  all  devastated  and 
laid  desolate. 


Kinkorne. 

S.  Minetes. 

The  Queen's  ferry. 


Part  of  Petynwaynes 

[Pittenweem,] 
The  Burnt  Island. 


48        Lord  Eure's  raid  into  Scotland.      [^.^ 


Other  new  and  prosperous  adventures 
of  late  against  the  Scots, 

Fter  the  time  that  the  Earl  of  Hertford, 
Lieutenant  to  the  King's  Majesty  in  the  North 
parts  of  the  realm,  had  dissolved  the  army,  which 
lately  had  been  within  Scotland  ;  and  repaired 
King's  Highness :  the  Lord  Eure,  with  many 
other  valiant  wise  gentlemen — abiding  in  the  Marches 
of  the  North  part — intending  not  by  idleness  to  surcease  in 
occasions  convenient,  but  to  prove  whether  the  Scots  had  yet 
learned  by  their  importable  [unbearable]  losses  lately  chanced 
to  them,  to  tender  their  own  weals  by  true  and  reasonable 
uniting  and  adjoining  themselves  to  the  King's  Majesty's 
loving  liege  people — took  consultation  by  the  advice  of  Sir 
Ralph  Eure  his  son,  and  other  sage  forward  gentlemen ; 
upon  the  gth  day  of  June  [1544] ,  at  a  place  named  Mylnefeld  ; 
from  whence  by  common  agreement,  the  said  lord  with  a  good 
number  of  men,  made  such  haste  into  Scotland,  that  by 
four  of  the  clock  after  the  next  midnight,  he  had  marched 
within  a  half  mile  of  the  town  whereunto  they  tended,  named 
Jedworth." 

After  their  coming,  a  messenger  was  sent  unto  the  Provost 
of  the  said  town,  letting  him  to  know  "  that  the  Lord  Eure 
was  come  before  the  town  to  take  it  into  the  King's  allegiance, 
by  means  of  peace  if  thereunto  the  Scots  would  trul}'  agree, 
or  else  by  force  of  arms  to  sack  the  same  if  therein  resistance 
were  found."  Whereunto  the  Provost — even  like  to  prove 
himself  a  Scot — answered  by  way  of  request,  "that  they  might 
be  respected  upon  their  answer  until  the  noontide  or  else  to 
maintain  their  town  with  defence :  "  having  hope  that  in 
tracting  [treating]  and  driving  off  time  they  might  work  some 
old  cowardly  subtilty.  But  upon  his  declaration  made,  the 
snake  crawling  under  the  flowers  easily  appeared  to  them, 
which   had  experience  :  knowledge  also  being  had,  that  the 


»5M. 


]  ThesackofJedburgh.  49 


townsmen  had  bent  seven  or  eight  pieces  of  ordnance  in  the 
market-stead.  Wherefore  the  Lord  Eure  —  part  of  his 
company  being  into  three  bands  divided,  and  abiding  at  three 
several  coasts  of  the  same  town,  to  the  end  that  there  might 
be  three  entries  at  one  time  made  into  the  town — appointed 
and  devised  that  the  gunners,  which  had  battered  certain 
places  plain  and  open,  should  enter  in  one  side,  and  the  kernes 
on  another  side,  and  Sir  Ralph  Eure's,  of  the  third  side. 
But  it  fortuned  that,  even  upon  the  approachment  of  the 
men  to  their  entries,  the  Scots  fled  from  their  ordnance, 
leaving  them  unshot,  into  the  woods  thereabout,  with  all 
other  people  in  the  same  town.  In  which  flight  was  slain 
above  the  number  of  i6o  Scots,  having  for  that  recompense 
thereof,  the  loss  of  six  Englishmen  only.  The  people  thus 
fled,  and  the  town  given  to  Englishmen  by  chance  of  war : 
the  gunners  burned  the  Abbey,  the  Grey  Friars,  and  divers 
bastel  and  fortified  houses,  whereof  there  were  many  in  that 
town  :  the  goods  of  the  same  town  being  first  spoiled,  which 
laded,  at  their  departing,  500  horses  ;  besides  seven  pieces 
of  ordnance. 

In  their  return  likewise,  as  they  passed,  burning  divers 
places,  towers  and  castles  :  as  the  Tower  of  Calling  Craige, 
the  Castle  of  Sesforth,  Otterburn,  Cowboge,  Marbottle 
church,  with  many  other  like ;  until  they  came  to  a  place 
called  Kirkyettham,  being  ten  miles  from  certain  villages 
within  English  ground,  named  Hetton,  Tylmouth  and 
Twysell,  which  appeared  to  them  burning.  For  the  which 
cause  Sir  Ralph  Eure  and  the  Captain  of  Norham, 
accompanied  with  500  horsemen,  rode  in  such  haste  towards 
the  fire,  that  at  what  time  the  said  Sir  Ralph  did  set  upon 
the  Scots  which  had  burned  the  village,  he  had  not  with  him 
above  200  horsemen.  Nevertheless  the  Scots,  upon  the  only 
sight  of  the  standards,  used  for  their  defence  their  light  feet, 
and  fled  in  so  much  haste  that  divers  English  horses  were 
tired  in  the  pursuit  :  but  overtaken  there  was  a  great  number, 
whereof  many  were  slain,  partly  by  the  fierceness  of  the 
Englishmen,  partly  by  the  guilty  cowardice  of  the  Scots. 
And  truly  to  speak  in  a  few  words ;  in  this  act  doing,  reason 
will  scarcely  suffice  to  persuade  the  truth  :  insomuch  that 
there  were  divers  Englishmen  whereof  every  man  had  eight 
or  nine  prisoners,  besides  such  as  were  slain  whose  number 

D  I 


50  Other  raids  over  the  Border.        [,5^^ 

is  certainly  known  to  have  been  a  liundred  or  more.  And 
yet  in  •  this  skirmish,  not  one  EngUshman  taken,  neither 
slain  :  thanks  be  to  GOD  !  Also  further  here  is  to  be 
remembered  that  the  Englishmen  in  their  return  from  the 
sack  of  Jedworth,  drave  and  brought  out  of  Scotland  into 
England,  a  great  number  of  cattle,  both  note  [neat]  and  sheep. 


Furthermore  to  the  apparent  continuance  of  GOD's  favour 
unto  the  purposes  of  the  Englishmen,  it  is  to  be  certainly 
known,  that  on  the  15th  day  of  June  [1544]  there  was  another 
raid  made  by  divers  Englishmen  to  a  town  called  Synlawes, 
whereas  divers  bastel  houses  were  destroyed,  eight  Scots 
taken,  and  60  oxen  brought  away.  For  the  return  [recovery] 
whereof,  a  number  of  Scottish  men  pursued  very  earnestly ; 
who  for  their  coming,  lost  six  of  their  lives,  and  fifty  of  their 
horsemen  [prisoners]. 

And  upon  the  Tuesday  next  following,  Sir  George 
Bowes,  Sir  John  Witherington,  Henry  Eure,  and 
Lionel  Graye  rode  to  the  Abbey  of  Coldingham,  and 
demanded  the  same ;  but  it  was  denied  earnestly,  insomuch 
that  after  an  assault  made  for  five  hours,  it  was  burnt  all 
saving  the  church,  which  having  fire  in  the  one  end  smoked 
so  by  the  drift  of  the  wind  towards  the  Englishmen  that 
it  could  not  be  conveniently  then  be  burned.  The  store  of 
the  cattle  and  of  the  other  goods  there,  served  well  for  the 
spoil  of  the  soldiers.  In  this  Abbey  were  slain  one  monk  and 
three  other  Scots.  And  amongst  the  English  was  one  only 
gunner  slain  by  a  piece  of  ordnance  shot  out  of  the  steeple. 

Since  this  journey,  the  20th  of  June  [1544],  a  company  of 
Tynedale  and  Redesdale  with  other  valiant  men,  ventured 
upon  the  greatest  town  in  all  Teviotdale,  named  Skraysburgh, 
a  town  of  the  Lord  Hunthill's  ;  whereas  besides  rich  spoils 
and  great  plenty  of  note  [neat]  and  sheep,  38  persons  were 
taken.  Adding  thereunto,  that  which  is  a  marvellous  truth, 
that  is  to  say,  these  prisoners  being  taken,  three  Scots  being 
slain,  with  divers  wounded :  not  one  Englishmen  was  either 
hurt  or  wounded. 

In  these  victories,  who  is  to  be  most  highest  lauded  but 
GOD  ?  by  whose  goodness  the  Englishmen  hath   had  of  a 


,5^J  Ascription    ofpraise.  51 

great  season  notable  victories  and  matters  worthy  of 
triumphs.  And  for  the  continuance  of  GOD's  favour  toward 
us,  let  us  pray  for  the  prosperous  estate  of  our  noble  good 
and  victorious  Lord  Governor  and  King  &c. :  for  whose  sake 
doubtless,  GOD  hath  spreaded  his  blessing  over  us,  in  peace 
to  have  mirth,  and  in  wars  to  have  victory. 


Jmptinteti  at  Lonlion  in  paul'0 

Cfturci)  parti,  tip  EepnolD 

mo\(;  at  tf)e  sign  of  tbe 

TBra^en  Serpent. 

anno  1544. 


Cunt  privilegio  ad  imp^'imendum  solum. 


^  THE 


6;cpetiition  into  S)COtlant)  of  tlje  most 

ttJortl^il^  Cortunate  ptincz  cEDtuarD,  ©ufie  of 

^ometjaiet^  uncle  unto  our  mo^t  noble  0otie= 

vtiiti  HorD,  tl^e  iStng'0  jHaje^t^  Edward  tl^e 

VI.,  (E^otiernor  of  l^ijs  l^igl^ne^^'^  per^on^  anD 

l^rotector  of  l^ijs  dB^race'^  realms,  Dominions 

ann  mbittt^;  mane  in  tbe  JFirst  pear  of  ©10 

^ajestp's  most  prosperous  reign :  anD 

set  out  tip  tnap  of  Diarp  tip 

221.  IPatten,  lonooner. 

VIVAT     VICTOR. 


Nto     the     Right     Honourable    Sir 
William  Paget^  Knight  of  the  most 
72oble  Order  of  the  Garter^  Comptroller  oj 
the  Kings  Majesty  s  Household^  one  of  His 
Highness  s  Privy  Cou7icil^  Chancellor  of  the 
Duchy   of  Lancaster  ;  and  his  most 
benig7t  fautor    a7^d   patron : 
JV ILL  I  AM    Patten    most 
heartily   wisheth 
felicity, 

(?) 


^1 


55 


A  VI NG  in  these  last  wars  against  Scotland,  that  never 
were  any  with  better  success  achieved,  made  notes  of 
[the]  acts  there  done,  and  disposed  the  same,  since  my 
coming  home,  into  order  of  Diary,  as  followeth  ;  as 
one  that  would  show  some  argument  of  remembrance,  Right 
Honourable  Sir!  of  your  most  benign  favour  that,  as  well  while  I 
was  with  the  Right  Honourable  my  very  good  Lord  and  late  master, 
the  Earl  of  Ar  undel,  as  also  since,  ye  have  vouchsafed  to  bear  me : 
I  have  thought  meetest  to  dedicate  my  travail  unto  your  Honour. 

How  smally  I  either  am  or  have  been,  by  any  means,  able  to  merit 
the  same  your  gentleness,  by  so  much  the  less  have  I  need  here  to 
show;  as  your  humane  generosity,  your  willing  benignity  andprompt- 
ness  to  profit  all  men,  is  unto  all  men  so  commonly  known :  for  the 
which,your  name  and  honour  is  so  familiar  and  well  esteemed  with 
foreign  princes  abroad,  and  so  worthily  well  beloved  of  all  estates  at 
home.  For  who  was  he,  of  any  degree  or  country,  that  had  any 
just  suit  or  other  ado  with  our  late  sovereign  Lord,  the  King's 
Majesty  deceased,  (when  His  Highness,  in  these  his  latter  years,  for 
your  approved  wisdom,  fidelity,  trust,  and  diligence,  had  committed 
the  special  ministry  and  despatch  of  his  weighty  affairs  unto  your 
hands)  that  felt  not  as  much  then,  as  I  have  found  since  ?  or  who 
findeth  not,  still,  a  constant  continuance  thereof,  where  the  equity  of 
his  suit  may  bear  it?  Right  many,  sure[ly],  of  the  small  know- 
ledge I  have,  could  I  myself  reckon  both  of  then  and  since,  which 
here  all  willingly  I  leave  unattempted  to  do;  both  because  my  rehearsal 
should  be  very  unnecessary  and  vain  to  you  that  know  them  better 
than  I ;  and  also  that  I  should  tell  the  tale  to  yourself.  Whom,  for 
the  respect  of  your  honour,  as  I  have  a  reverence,  with  vanities  from 
your  grave  occupations  [not]  to  detain;  so  have  I,  for  honesty's  sake, 
a  shame  to  be  suspect[ed],  by  any  means,  to  flatter. 


56    Dedication  to  Sir  W.   Paget,  K.G.    [^ 


Patten, 
an.  1548. 


That  same,  your  singular  humanity  wherewith  ye  are  wont  also 
so  gently  to  accept  all  things  in  so  thankful  a  part,  and  wherewith  ye 
have  bound  me  so  straightly  to  you,  did  first,  to  say  the  truth  now, 
embolden  me  in  this  theme  to  set  pen  to  the  book ;  and  now  after,  in 
this  wise,  to  present  my  work  unto  you.  The  which  if  it  shall  please 
your  Honour  to  take  well  in  worth,  and  receive  into  your  tuition,  as 
the  thing  shall  more  indeed  be  dignified  by  having  such  a  patron 
than  your  dignity  gratified  by  receiving  so  unworthy  a  preseftt ; 
even  so  what  fault  shall  be  found  therein  I  resume,  as  clearly  coming 
of  myself.  But  if  ought  shall  be  thought  to  be  aptly  said,  pleasant, 
anything  savouring  of  wit  or  learning,  I  would  all  men  should 
know  it  as  I  acknowledge  it  myself,  that  it  must  wholly  be  referred 
to  you,  the  encouraging  of  whose  favour  hath  ministered  such 
matter  to  my  wit,  that  like  as  Ovid  said  to  Cesar  of  his,  so  may 
I  say  to  you  of  mine  — 

Faster.  I.         Ingeiiium  vultu  statque  caditque  tuo. 

But  now  no  further,  with  my  talk,  to  trouble  you. 
Thus,   with  increase   of  honour  unto  your  Worthiness,  most 
heartily,  I  wish  the  same  continuance  of  health  and  wealth. 

Your  most  bounden  client  and  pupil, 

W.  Patten. 


57 


^ A    PREFACE 

^erting^  Cor  mucl^  part,  mjsteaD  of  ^rgunxent, 
for  tl^e  matter  of  tl^e  ^tor^,  tnmim. 

Lthough  it  be  not  always  the  truest  means 
of  meeting,  to  measure  all  men's  appetites  by 
one  man's  affection :  yet  hereof,  at  this  time, 
dare  I  more  than  half  assure  me,  that  (even 
as  I  would  be,  in  like  case,  myself)  so  is  every 
man  desirous  to  know  of  the  manner  and 
circumstances  of  this  our  most  valiant  vic- 
tory over  our  enemies,  and  prosperous  success  of  the  rest  of 
our  journey.  The  bolder  am  I  to  make  this  general  judge- 
ment, partly  for  that  I  am  somewhat  by  learning,  j^gf^/l^u' 
but  more  by  nature  instruct [ed]  to  understand  the  thirsty 
desire  that  all  our  kind  hath  to  Know :  and  then,  for  that  in 
every  company,  and  at  every  table,  where  it  hath  been  my  hap 
to  be,  since  my  coming  home,  the  whole  communication  was, 
in  a  manner,  nought  else  but  of  this  Expedition  and  wars  in 
Scotland.  Whereof,  many  to  me  then  have  ministered  so 
many  Interrogatories  as  would  have  well  cumbered  a  right 
ripe  tongued  Deponent  readily  to  answer ;  and  I  indeed 
thereto,  so  hastily,  could  not.  Yet,  nevertheless,  I  blame 
them  no  more  for  quickness  of  question,  than  I  would  myself 
for  slowness  of  answer.     For  considering  how  much  in  every 


58     The    Preface   to   the    Diary     ['^Jan^^"": 

narration,  the  circumstances  do  serve  for  the  perfect  instruc- 
tion of  them  that  do  hear,  I  can  easily  think  the  same  were 
as  much  desired  of  them  to  be  heard,  as  necessary  of  me  to  be 
told.  And  specially  of  this,  to  say  chiefly,  of  the  battle,  being 
such  a  matter  as  neither  the  like  hath  been  seen  with  eyes 
by  any  of  this  age  now,  nor  read  of  in  story  of  any  years  past. 
So  great  a  power,  so  well  picked  and  appointed,  so  restful 
and  fresh,  so  much  encouraged  by  hope  of  foreign  aid,  at  their 
own  doors,  nay,  in  the  midst  of  their  house,  and  at  the  worst, 
so  nigh  to  their  refuge ;  to  be  beaten,  vanquished,  put  to 
flight,  and  slain,  by  so  small  a  number,  so  greatly  travailed 
and  weary,  so  far  within  their  enemies'  land,  and  out  of  their 
own ;  without  hope,  either  of  refuge  or  rescue.  The  circum- 
stances hereof,  with  the  rest  of  our  most  Triumphant  Journey, 
which  otherwise  aptly,  for  unaptness  of  time,  I  could  not 
utter  by  word  of  mouth,  here  mind  I,  GOD  willing  !  now  to 
declare  by  letter  of  writing  :  not,  as  of  arrogancy,  taking  upon 
me  the  thing  which  I  myself  must  confess  many  can  do 
better;  but  as,  of  good  will,  doing  mine  endeavour  for 
that  in  me  lieth,  to  make  all  men  privy  of  that  whereof  it 
were  meet  no  man  were  ignorant.  As  well  because  they  may 
the  rather  universally  be  moved  to  pray,  praise,  and  glorify 
the  most  merciful  LORD,  whose  clemency  hath  so  continu- 
ally, of  these  late  years,  vouchsafed  to  show  His  most  benign 
favour  towards  us :  as  also  to  worship,  honour,  and  have  in 
veneration  the  reverend  worthiness  of  our  most  honourable 
Council,  by  whose  general  sage  consultations  and  circum- 
spect wisdoms,  as  friendship  with  foreign  princes,  and  pro- 
vision for  the  enemy,  hath  been  continued  and  made  abroad ; 
we  guarded  from  outward  invasion  or  disturbance  at  home ; 
no  prince,  with  obedience  and  diligence  more  nobly  served  ; 
nor  no  communalty  with  justice  and  mercy  more  sagely  go- 
verned. Even  so,  by  the  special  invincible  virtue  and  valiant 
policy  of  my  Lord  Protector's  Grace,  we  have  first,  and  as  it 
were  in  the  entry  of  this  most  honourable  and  victorious 
Voyage,  overturned  many  of  our  enemies'  rebellious  Holds; 


^r.^Ms".]  ^^  ^^^^  Expedition  into  Scotland.    59 

and  then  overcome  the  double  of  our  number  and  strength  in 
open  field,  by  plain  dint  of  sword ;  slain  so  great  a  multitude 
of  them,  with  so  small  a  loss  of  our  side ;  taken  of  their 
chiefest,  prisoners ;  won  and  keep  a  great  sort  [number]  of 
their  strongest  forts  ;  built  many  new;  taken  and  destroyed 
their  whole  navy;  and  brought  the  townships  in  the  hither 
parts  of  their  bounds,  above  twenty  miles  in  compass,  into  an 
honest  obedience  unto  the  King's  Majesty.  By  the  martial 
courage  of  his  undaunted  hardiness  was  this  Expedition  so 
boldly  taken  in  hand  ;  by  the  presence  and  adventure  of  his 
own  person  was  the  same  so  warily  and  wisely  conducted ; 
by  the  virtuous  policy  of  his  circumspect  prowess  was  this 
Victory,  or  rather  Conquest  so  honourably  achieved :  unto 
whose  valiance  and  wisdom,  I  can  entirely  attribute  so  much, 
as  to  the  furtherance  of  Fortune,  nothing  at  all ;  which,  as 
Cicero  proveth,  is  either  a  vain  name,  or  not  at  ^'"^'Z"««'f- "• 
all,  or  if  there  be,  is  ever  subject,  as  the  Platonics  affirm, 
to  wisdom  and  industry.  The  which  indeed  did  so  manifestly 
appear  in  the  affairs  of  this  Voyage,  that  like  as  in  accounts, 
the  several  numbers  of  ten,  twenty,  thirty,  forty,  being  cast 
together,  must  needs  make  up  the  just  sum  of  an  hundred : 
even  so,  such  his  Grace's  providence,  circumspection,  courage, 
and  order  (do  Fortune  what  she  could)  must  needs  have  at- 
tained to  such  success  of  victory:  that  if  the  Romans  were 
content  to  allow  the  honour  of  a  Triumph  to  Scipio  tit.  livius. 
Africanus  for  overcoming  Hannibal  and  Syphax  ;  and  to 
M.  Attilius  Regulus,  for  vanquishing  the  Salentines  ;  and, 
thereto,  to  set  up  images,  the  highest  honour  they  had,  for  a 
perpetual  memory  of  M.  Claudius  Marcellus  and  Muxius 
Scevola  (the  one  but  for  killing  Viridomax  the  French  king 
in  [the]  field  at  the  river  of  Padua,  and  for  devising  how  Han- 
NiBAL  might  be  vanquished,  and  overcoming  but  of  ^^^f;"^'-  ^'^'  '" 
the  only  city  of  Sarragossa:  and  the  other  but  for  ^Xi^^  """■ 
his  attempt  to  slay  King  Porsenna  that  besieged  Rome)  : 
what  thanks  then,  what  estimation,  what  honour  and  rever- 
ence condign,  for  these   his   notable   demerits    [merits]   ought 


6o     The    Preface   to   the   Diary    [^J^^"'8•, 

our  Protector  to  receive  of  his  ?     Nay,  what  can  we  worthily 
give  him  ? 

Howbeit,  if  we  call  to  mind,  how  first  Allhallowentide 
was  five  year,  [November]  1542,  his  Grace,  lying  as  Lord 
Warden  in  our  Marches  against  Scotland,  by  the  drift  of  his 
device,  both  the  great  invasion  of  the  late  Scottish  King 
James  V.  was  stoutly  then  withstood  at  Solmon  Moss  [Sol- 
way  Moss],  the  King's  death's  wound  given  him,  and  the  most 
part  of  all  his  nobility  taken.  How,  the  next  year  after, 
[1544I  he,  being  accompanied  by  my  Lord  of  Warwick  and 
with  but  a  handful  [of  men],  to  speak  of,  did  burn  both  Leith 
and  Edinburgh  [see  pages  39-47]  and  returned  thence  trium- 
phantly home;  but  with  an  easy  march  travelling  forty- 
four  long  miles  through  their  mainland.  Whose  approved 
valiance,  wisdom,  and  dexterity  in  the  handling  of  our 
Prince's  affairs,  how  can  we  be  but  sure  that  it  did  not 
smally  advance  or  cause  [bring]  about  the  conclusion  of  an 
honourable  peace  between  France  and  us,  although  it  did  not 
then  strait  ensue  ?  when  his  Grace  in  the  same  year,  soon 
after  his  return  out  of  Scotland,  was  deputed  Ambassador  to 
treat  with  the  Bishop  of  Bellay  and  others  the  French  King's 
Commissioners,  at  Hardilow  Castle. 

In  the  year  [1545]  how  his  Grace,  about  August,  so 
invaded  the  Scottish  borders,  wasted  and  burnt  Teviotdale 
and  their  Marches,  that  even  yet  they  forthink  [grieve  over] 
that  inroad. 

In  February  [1545]  then  next,  how,  being  appointed  by 
our  late  sovereign  Lord  to  view  the  fortifications  in  the 
Marches  of  Calais,  the  which  his  Grace  having  soon  done 
with  diligence  accordingly,  he  so  devised  with  my  Lord  the 
Earl  of  Warwick,  then  Lieutenant  of  Boulogne,  and  took 
such  order  with  the  garrisons  there,  that  with  the  hardy 
approach  of  but  seven  thousand  men  he  raised  [the  camp  of] 
an  army  of  twenty-one  thousand  Frenchmen  that  had  en- 
camped themselves  over  the  river  by  Boulogne,  and  therewith 
then  wan  all  their  ordnance,  carriage,  treasure,  and  tents  in 


^ja^^"'".]  OF  THE  Expedition  into  Scotland.    6i 

their  camp,  wholly  as  it  stood  ;  with  the  loss  but  of  one 
man.  And  from  thence,  returning  by  land  to  Guisnes,  wan 
in  his  way,  within  the  gunshot  and  rescue  of  Ardes,  the  Castle 
of  Outings,  called  otherwise,  the  Red  Pile, 

How  hereto,  by  his  force,  1545,  was  Picardy  invaded  and 
spoiled,  the  forts  of  Newhaven,  Blaknestes,  and  Boulogne- 
berg  begun,  built,  and  so  well  plied  in  work ;  that  in  a  few 
weeks,  ere  his  departing  thence,  they  were  made  and  left 
defensible. 

Calling  to   mind,  I    say,   (I  speak  not  of  his  unwearied 
diligence  in  the  mean  time)  these  his  valiant  incursions,  his 
often  overthrowings  and  notable  victories  over  our  enemies. 
And  yet  though  this  his  last  be  far  to  be  preferred  above  them 
all,  having  been  so  great,  and  achieving  so  much  in  so  little 
time,  the  like  not  heard  nor  read  of;  and,  but  that  there  be 
so  many  witnesses,  half  incredible  :  yet  is  it  none  other  sure 
but  such  as  makes  his  Grace's  virtue  rather  new  again  than 
strange,  and  rather  famous  than  wonderful.   We  wonder  not, 
ye  wot !  but  at  things  strange  and  seldom  seen  or  ^^^^'"^"i^,,^ 
heard;    but  victory  to  his  Grace  seems  no  less  i^xroy"vlher? 
common  and  appropried  [appropriate]  than  heat  to  by°orade°did 
the  fire,  or  shadow  to  the  body.     That,  like  as  the  fheSrffJuid*' 
well  keeping  of  the  Pallady  in  Troy  was  ever  the  J^^^J^'j 
conservation  and  defence  of  the  city ;  even  so  in  j'^en  that  was 

•'   '  ^        had  out  of  the 

warfare  the   presence  of  his  person   is  a  certain  "'y-  tws  not 

^  ^  unknown  to 

safeguard  of  the  host  and  present  victory  over  the  'he  Greeks ; 

o  ^  .  .         DiOMEDESand 

enemy;  for  the  which  I  have  heard  many,  of  right  ^^''j^;^^^''/'^ 
honest  behaviour,  say  that  "for  surety  of  themselves,  ^^*j"j^*' 
they  had  rather, in  [the]  field,  be  a  mean  soldier  under  tower  «^iis 
his  Grace  than  a  great  captain  under  any  other."  image wa» 

,  ,  ,  ,  ^         /         T  kept,  lulled 

And,    sure[ly],   but  that  by   my  proiession   1   am  the  warders, 
bound,  and  do  believe  all  things  to  be  governed,  not  theima^e 

,         .  1  1  away  with 

by  fortune  or  hap  (although  we  must  be  content,  them. 

,  ,  r  r  Whereupon, 

m  common  speech  to  use  the  terms,  of  our  formers  the  city  was 
[predecessors]  devised)  but  by  the  mighty  power  of  d^tl-oye". 
Almighty  GOD,  without  whose  regard  a  sparrow  Matt.  x. 


62     The    Preface   to   the    Diary     |7Ja^^"43■. 

lighteth  not    upon  the  ground,  I  could  count  his  Grace  a 
prince  that  way  most  fortunate  of  any  living. 

But  now  remembering  my  religion,  and  what  Fortune's 
force  is,  and  hereto  seeing  his  Grace's  godly  disposition  and 
behaviour,  in  the  fiercest  time  of  war  seeking  nothing  more 
than  peace,  neither  cruel  upon  victory,  nor  insolent  upon  good 
success,  but  with  most  moderate  magnanimity,  upon  the  re- 
spect of  occasion,  using,  as  the  poet  saith, 

Virgil.  Parccfe  subjcctis  et  debellare  superbos. 

In  peace  again,  wholly  bent  to  the  advancement  of  GOD's 
glory  and  truth,  the  King's  honour,  and  the  common's  quiet 
and  wealth.  And  herewith  conferring  the  benefits  and  blessings 
c:S'vir''  ^"'^  that,  by  the  prophet  David,  the  Lord  assureth  to  all 
them  that  so  stand  in  love  and  dread  of  Him:  I  am  compelled 
to  think  his  Grace,  as  least  happy  by  Fortune,  so  most  blessed 
by  GOD  ;  and  sent  to  us,  both  King  and  commons,  as  a 
Minister  by  whom  the  merciful  majesty  of  the  LORD,  for 
our  entire  comfort,  of  both  soul  and  body,  will  work  His 
divine  will.  That,  if,  without  offence,  I  may  openly  utter  that 
which  I  have  secretly  thought,  I  have  been  often  at  a  great 
muse  with  myself  whether  the  King's  Majesty,  of  such  an 
uncle  and  Governor ;  we,  of  such  a  Mediator  and  Protector, 
or  his  Grace  again,  of  such  a  Prince  and  cousin,  might  most 
worthily  think  themselves  happiest. 

But  since  I  am  so  certain  the  excellency  of  his  acts,  and 
the  baseness  of  my  brain  to  be  so  far  at  odds,  as  ought  that 
I  could  utter  in  his  praise,  should  rather  obscure  and  darken 
them,  and,  as  it  were,  wash  ivory  with  ink  ;  than  give  them 
their  due  light  and  life  :  let  no  man  look  that  I  will  here 
enterprise  to  deal  with  the  worthiness  of  his  commendations, 
who,  both  have  another  matter  in  hand,  and  they  again  being 
such  as  might  by  themselves  be  an  ample  theme  for  a  right 
good  wit ;  wherein  to  say  either  little  or  insufficiently  were 
better,  in  my  mind,  left  unattempted  and  to  say  nothing  at 
all. 


^aa^""']  ^^^  THE  Expedition  into  Scotland.    6;^ 

Marry,  an  epigram  made  upon  the  citizens  receiving  of 
his  Grace,  and  for  gratulation  of  his  great  success  and  safe 
return,  the  which  I  had,  or  rather  (to  say  truth  and  shame 
the  devil,  for  out  it  will)  I  stole,  perchance  more  familiarly 
than  friendly,  from  a  friend  of  mine  ;  I  thought  it  not  much 
amiss  (for  the  neatness  of  making  and  fineness  of  sense,  and 
somewhat  also  to  serve,  if  reason  would  bear  it,  in  lieu  of  my 
lack)  to  place  here. 

Auspice  nohilium  {Dux  inclyte)  turha  virorum. 
Utque  alacris  latos  plebs  circumfusa  per  agros. 
Te  patricB  patrem  communi  voce  salutent. 
Scilicet  et  Romam  victo  sic  hoste  Camillus, 
Sic  rediit  victor  domito  Pompeius  larba 
Ergo  tuus  felix  reditus,  prcesentia  felix. 
Utque  Angliy  fusique  tua  gens  effera  Scotti 
Dextra,  qua  nunquam  visa  est  victoria  major 
Det  DE  US  imperium  per  te  coeamus  in  unum : 
Simus  et  unanimes  per  secula  cuncta  Britanni. 

Though  I  plainly  told  ye  not  that  my  friend's  name  was 
Armigil  Wade  ;  yet,  ye  that  know  the  man  his  good 
literature,  his  wit  and  dexterity  in  all  his  doings,  and  mark 
the  well  couching  of  his  clue,  might  have  a  great  guess,  of 
whose  spinning  the  thread  were. 

But  why  these  wars  by  our  late  sovereign  Lord,  the  King's 
Majesty  deceased  (a  Prince  most  worthy  of  eterne  fame, 
whose  soul  GOD  have  !),  were,  in  his  days,  begun;  and  yet 
continued  ?  Forasmuch  as  by  sundry  publications  of  divers 
writings,  as  well  then  as  since,  the  just  title  of  our  King  unto 
Scotland,  and  the  Scots  often  deceits,  untruths  of  promise, 
and  perjury  hath  been  among  other  [things]  in  the  same 
writings  so  manifestly  uttered ;  I  intend  not  here  now 
to  make  it  any  part  of  my  matter,  which  is  but  only  a 
Journal  or  Diary  of  this  Expedition  into  Scotland  :  wherein 
I  have  digested  out  every  day's  deeds  orderly,  as  they  were 


64     The    Preface   to   the    Diary     [^an^^i's's. 

done,  with  their  circumstances,  so  nigh  as  I  could,  from  the 
time  of  my  Lord  Protector's  Grace's  coming  to  Newcastle 
until  our  breaking  up  of  the  camp  from  Roxburgh.  And 
herein  I  doubt  not  but  many  things,  both  right  necessary  and 
worthy  to  be  uttered,  I  shall  leave  untold;  but,  sure[ly],  rather 
of  ignorance  than  of  purpose.  Although  indeed  I  know  it  were 
meetest  for  any  writer  in  this  kind  to  be  ignorant  of  fewest 
and  writing  of  most,  yet  trust  I  again  it  will  be  considered 
that  it  is  neither  possible  for  one  man  to  know  all,  nor  shame 
to  be  ignorant  in  that  he  cannot  know.  But  as  touching 
deeds  well  done,  being  within  the  compass  of  my  knowledge ; 
as,  so  GOD  help  me  !  I  mind  to  express  no  man's  for  flattery, 
so  will  I  suppress  no  man's  for  malice. 

Thus  battle  and  field  now,  which  is  the  most  principal 
part  of  my  matter,  the  Scots  and  we  are  not  yet  agreed  how 
it  shall  be  named.  We  call  it  Musselburgh  Field,  because 
that  is  the  best  town,  and  yet  bad  enough,  nigh  the  place  of 
our  meeting.  Some  of  them  call  it  Seaton  Field,  a  town  there- 
nigh  too,  by  means  of  a  blind  prophecy  of  theirs,  which  is 
this,  or  some  such  toy. 

Between  Seaton  and  the  sea 
Many  a  man  shall  die  that  day. 

Some  will  have  it  Fauxside  Bray  Field,  of  the  hill  (for  so 
they  call  a  Bray)  upon  the  side  whereof  our  Foreward  stood, 
ready  to  come  down  and  join.  Some  others  will  have  it  Under- 
esk  [Inveresk]  Field  ;  in  the  fallows  whereof,  they  stood  and  we 
met.  Some  will  have  it  Walliford  Field  :  and  some  no  "Field" 
at  all,  for  that  they  say  "there  were  so  few  [English]  slain,  and 
that  we  met  not  in  a  place  by  certain  appointment,  according 
to  the  order  and  manner  of  battle,"  with  such  like  fond  argu- 
ments. Marry,  the  hinderers  of  this  meeting,  I  think  for 
their  meaning,  have  small  sin  to  beshrew.  They,  of  this 
haste,  hoped  to  have  had  the  whole  advantage.  For  what  they 
did  appoint  upon:  without  warning,  then  so  early  to  dislodge, 
and  so  hastily  to  approach,  who  cannot  judge?  And  whether 


^;i!^"48■]  Of"  THE  Expedition  into  Scotland.    65 

they  meant  to  make  a  Field  of  their  fight,  or  meant  to  fight 
at  all  or  not,  judge  ye !  by  this  that  after  ye  hear. 

Certain  it  is  that  against  their  assembly  and  our  encounter 
(for  they  were  not  un[a]ware  of  our  coming)  in  the  former  part 
of  the  year,  they  had  sent  letters  of  warning  to  the  Estates  of 
their  realm  ;  and  then  caused  the  Fire  Cross  in  most  places 
of  their  country  to  be  carried :  whereof  the  solemnity  is  never 
used  but  in  an  urgent  need,  or  for  a  great  power,  either  for 
defence  of  themselves  or  invasion  of  us.  And  this  is  a  Cross, 
as  I  have  heard  some  say,  of  two  brands'  ends  carried  across 
upon  a  spear's  point,  with  Proclamation  of  the  time  and 
place  when  and  whither  they  shall  come,  and  with  how  much 
provision  of  victail.  Some  others  say,  it  is  a  Cross  painted 
all  red,  and  set  for  certain  days  in  the  fields  of  that  Barony, 
whereof  they  will  have  the  people  to  come  ;  whereby  all,  be- 
tween sixty  and  sixteen,  are  peremptorily  summoned,  that 
if  they  come  not,  with  their  victail  according,  at  the  time 
and  place  then  appointed,  all  the  land  there  is  forfeited 
straight  to  the  King's  use,  and  the  tarriers  taken  for  traitors 
and  rebels. 

By  reason  of  which  letters  and  Fire  Cross,  there  were 
assembled  in  their  camp,  as  I  have  heard  some  of  themselves, 
not  of  the  meanest  sort,  to  confess,  above  twenty-six  thousand 
fighting  footmen,  beside  two  thousand  horsemen,  "  prickers" 
as  they  call  them :  and  hereto  four  thousand  Irish  archers 
brought  by  the  Earl  of  Argyle.  All  of  which,  saving  cer- 
tain we  had  slain  the  day  before,  came  out  of  their  camp  to 
encounter  with  us.  Now,  where  they  will  have  it  no  Field, 
let  them  tell  their  cards,  and  count  their  winning !  and  they 
shall  find  it  a  Field.  Howbeit,  by  mine  assent,  we  shall  not 
herein  much  stick  with  them:  since  both  without  them  the 
truth  shall  have  place  ;  and  also,  by  the  courtesy  of  gaming, 
we  ought  somewhat  to  suffer,  and  ever  let  the  losers  have 
their  liberty  of  words. 

But  whatsoever  it  were,  Field  or  no  Field,  I  dare  be  bold 

E  I 


66     The    Preface    to    the    Diary     [^j'ai^'',"^? 

to  say,  not  one  of  us  all  is  any  whit  prouder  of  it  than  would 
be  the  tooth  that  hath  bit  the  tongue,  otherwise  than  in 
respect  that  they  were  our  mortal  enemies,  and  would  have 
done  as  much  or  more  to  us ;  nor  are  nothing  so  fain  to  have 
beaten  them  as  enemies,  as  we  would  rejoice  to  receive  them 
as  friends ;  nor  are  so  glad  of  the  glory  of  this  Field,  as  we 
would  be  joyful  of  a  steadfast  atonement  [at-one-ment  (of  one 
mind)]',  whereby  like  countrymen  and  countrymen,  like  friend 
and  friend,  nay,  like  brother  and  brother,  we  might,  in  one 
perpetual  and  brotherly  life,  join,  love,  and  live  together, 
according  as  thereto,  both  by  the  appointment  of  GOD  at 
the  first,  and  by  continuance  of  Nature  since,  we  seem  to 
have  been  made  and  ordained ;  separate  by  seas,  from  all 
other  nations  ;  in  customs  and  conditions,  little  differing;  in 
shape  and  language,  nothing  at  all.  The  which  things  other 
nations  viewing  in  charts  [maps]  and  reading  in  books ;  and 
therewith  hearing  of  this  tumult,  this  fighting,  these  incur- 
sions and  intestine  wars  between  us,  do  thereat  no  less 
marvel,  and  bless  them,  than  they  would,  to  hear  Gascoigny 
fight  with  France  ;  Arragon,  with  Spain ;  Flanders,  with 
Brabant ;  or  (to  speak  more  near  and  naturally)  friend  with 
friend,  brother  with  brother,  or  rather  hand  with  hand. 

That  no  little,  both  wonder  and  woe  it  is  to  me,  my 
To  the  Scots,  countrymen  !  for  I  can  vouchsafe  ye  well  the  name  ! 
to  consider  what  thing  might  move  ye?  what  tale  might 
incense  ye  ?  what  drift,  force  ye  ?  what  charm,  enchant  ye  ? 
or  what  fury,  conjure  ye  ?  so  fondly  to  fly  from  common  sense, 
as  ye  should  have  need  to  be  exhorted  to  that  for  the  which 
it  were  your  parts  chiefly  to  sue ;  so  untowardly  to  turn 
from  human  reason  as  ye  will  be  the  hinderers  of  your  own 
weals ;  and  so  untruly  to  sever  from  the  bonds  both  of  pro- 
mise and  covenant  as  ye  will  needs  provoke  your  friends  tc 
plain  revengement  of  open  war! 

Your  friends  indeed,  nay,  never  wink  at  the  word  !  tha"; 
have  so  long  before  these  wars  foreborn  our  quarrels  so  just 
that  were  so  loath  to  begin,  and  since,  that  suffered  so  manj 


^an^^'SG  OF  THE  Expedition  into  Scotland.    67 

injuries  unrevenged,  entreating  [treating]  your  men  taken,  not 
as  captives  of  our  mortal  enemies,  but  as  ambassadors  of  our 
dearest  friends ! 

O,  how  may  it  be  thought  to  be  possible  that  ye  should 
ever  forget,  or  else  not  ever  remember  the  great  munificence 
of  our  most  magnificent  Prince,  our  late  King !  that  when, 
with  most  cruelty,  by  slaughter  of  subjects  and  burning  of 
towns,  your  last  king,  J  amy,  with  all  your  nobility,  AtAjihaiiow- 
had  invaded  his  realm  ;  and,  soon  after,  the  invin-  ^"'"^^  ^^*''' 
cible  policy  of  my  Lord  Protector's  Grace,  the  lying  at  Aln- 
wick, as  Lord  Warden  of  our  Marches,  by  the  sufferance  of 
GOD's  favour  (which,  thanks  to  His  Majesty  !  hath  not  yet 
left  us),  at  Solom  Moss,  made  them  captive  and  thrall  to  our 
Prince's  own  will.  With  whom,  for  their  deeds,  if  His 
Highness  had  dealt  then  as  they  had  deserved,  what  should 
have  blamed  him  ?  or  who  could  have  controlled  ?  since  what 
he  could  do,  they  could  not  resist :  and  what  he  should  do, 
they  had  set  him  a  sample  [an  example]. 

But  his  Majesty,  among  the  huge  heap  of  other  his  princely 
virtues  (being  ever  of  nature  so  inclined  to  clemency  as  never, 
of  will,  to  use  extremity),  even  straight  forgetting  who  they 
were,  and  soon  forgiving  what  they  had  done  ;  did  not  only 
then  receive  them  into  His  Highness's  grace ;  place  every  of 
them  with  one  of  his  nobility  or  council,  not  in  prison  like  a 
captive;  pardon  them  their  raundsommes  [ransoms],  where- 
with, if  they  be  ought  worth,  some  Prince  might  have  thought 
himself  rich  ;  and  hereto  most  friendly,  for  the  time  they  were 
here,  entertain  them  :  but  also,  of  his  princely  liberality,  im- 
parting treasure  at  their  departing  to  each  of  them  all,  did 
set  them  frank  and  free  at  their  own  doors !  Touching  their 
silks,  their  chains,  and  their  cheer  beside ;  I  mind  not  here, 
among  matters  of  weight,  to  tarry  on  such  trifles.  Marry, 
there  be  among  us  that  saw  their  habit  [dress]  and  port  [state, 
or  attendance],  both  at  their  coming  and  at  their  departing! 
Take  it  not,  that  I  hit  you  here  in  the  teeth,  with  our  good 
turns !  (yet  know  I  no  cause,  more  than  for  humanity's  sake, 


68     The    Preface    TO    THE    Diary    K',":": 

why  ye  should  be  forborne  !)  but  as  a  man  may  sometimes, 
without  boast  of  himself,  say  simply  the  thing  that  is  true  of 
himself,  so  may  the  subject  without  obbraid  [upbraiding]  of 
benefits,  recount  the  bounty  of  his  Prince's  largesse  :  al- 
though, perchance,  it  were  not  much  against  manners  flatly 
to  break  courtesy  with  them,  who,  either  of  recklessness  for- 
get their  friends'  benignity,  or  else  of  ingratitude  will  not 
acknowledge  it. 

To  my  matter  now!  What  would  Cyrus,  Darius,  or 
Hannibal,  (noble  conquerors,  and  no  tyrants)  in  this  case, 
have  done?  But  why  so  far  off?  What  would  your  own 
King  Jamy  have  done?  Nay,  what  King  else  would  have  done 
as  our  King  did  ?  But  somewhat  to  say  more.  As  our  Prince 
in  cases  of  pity,  was,  of  his  own  disposition,  most  merciful ; 
so  wanted  there  not  then  of  Councillors  very  near  about  His 
Highness,  that  showed  themselves  their  friends;  and  fur- 
thered his  affects  in  that  behalf  to  the  uttermost :  being  thus 
persuaded,  that  as  ye  of  the  Nobility  appeared  men,  neither 
rude  of  behaviour,  nor  base  of  birth  ;  so  ye  would  never  show 
yourselves  inhuman  and  ingrate  towards  him,  to  whom  ye 
should  be  so  deeply  bound. 

And  though  since  that  time,  GOD  hath  wrought  His  will 
upon  His  Majesty  (a  loss  to  us,  sure[ly],  worthy  never  enough 
to  have  been  lamented ;  but  that  His  mercy  hath  again  so 
bountifully  recompensed  us  with  an  image  so  nigh  represent- 
ing his  father's  majesty  and  virtues,  and  of  so  great  hope  and 
towardness) ;  yet  be  there  left  us  most  of  the  Councillors  we 
had,  who,  upon  occasion,  will  bend  both  power  and  will  to 
show  you  further  friendship.  In  part  of  proof  thereof,  hew 
many  means  and  ways  hath  my  Lord  Protector's  Grace, 
within  his  time  of  governance,  under  the  King's  Majesty  that 
now  is,  attempted  and  used  to  shun  these  wars,  and  show 
himself  your  friend  ?  What  policy  hath  he  left  unproved  ? 
What  shift  unsought  ?  or  what  stone  unstirred  ? 

Touching  your  weals  now  !  Ye  mind  not,  I  am  sure,  to 
live  lawless  and  headless,  without  a  Prince  !  but  so  to  bestow 


T^^^'S'si]  OF  THE  Expedition  into  Scotland.   69 

your  Queen,  as  whose  mate  must  be  your  King !  And  is  it 
then  possible  ye  can  so  far  be  seduced  and  brought  to  believe, 
that  in  all  the  world  there  should  be  any  so  worthy  a  Prince 
as  our  King  ?  as  well  for  the  nobility  of  his  birth,  for  his  rare 
comeliness  of  shape,  his  great  excellency  of  qualities,  his 
singular  towardness  to  all  godliness  and  virtues !  any  likely 
to  be  so  natural  a  Prince  for  you,  as  His  Majesty  born,  bred 
and  brought  up  under  that  hemisphere  and  compass  of  ele- 
ment, and  upon  that  soil  that  both  ye  and  we  be  all,  any  so 
meet  for  her,  as  your  Princess's  own  countryman,  a  right 
Briton,  both  bred  and  born  ?  a  Prince  also  by  birth,  of  so 
great  a  power,  and  of  so  meet  an  age  ?  the  joining  of  whom 
both  the  Kings,  their  fathers,  did  vow  in  their  lives ;  and  ye, 
since,  agreed  upon  in  parliament,  and  promised  also  after  their 
deaths  ? 

Than  which  thing,  taking  once  effect,  what  can  be  more 
for  your  universal  commodities,  profits,  and  weals  ?  whereby, 
even  at  once,  of  foreign  foes,  ye  shall  be  accepted  as  familiar 
friends!  of  weak,  ye  shall  be  made  strong  !  of  poor,  rich  !  and 
of  bond,  free  !  And  whether  this  now  be  rather  to  be  offered 
of  us  or  sued  for  by  you,  I  make  yourselves  the  judges  ! 
What  we  are  able  alone  to  do,  both  in  peace  and  war,  as 
well  without  you  as  against  you,  I  need  not  here  to  brag. 
Yet  seek  we  not  the  Mastership  of  you,  but  the  Fellowship  ! 
for  if  we  did,  we  have,  ye  wot,  a  way  of  persuasion  of  the 
rigorous  rhetoric,  so  vengeably  vehement  (as  I  think  ye  have 
felt  by  an  Oration  or  two)  that  if  we  would  use  the  extremity 
of  argument,  we  were  soon  able  so  to  beat  reason  into  your 
heads  or  about  your  heads,  that  I  doubt  not  ye  would  quickly 
find  what  fondness  it  were  to  stand  in  strife  for  the  mastery 
with  more  than  your  match. 

We  covet  not  to  keep  you  bound,  that  would  so  fain  have 
you  free,  as  well  from  the  feigned  friendship  of  France  (if  I  may 
call  it  any  friendship  at  all,  that  for  a  few  crowns  do  but  stay 
you  still  in  store  for  their  own  purpose)  whereunto  now,  both 
ye  seem  subject,  and  your  Queen  ward  (which  friendship, 


70     The    Preface   to   the    Diary     [^ja.^^'^: 

nevertheless,  whatsoever  it  be,  we  desire  not  ye  should  break 
with  them,  for  the  love  of  us ;  but  only  in  case  where  ye 
should  be  compelled  to  lose  either  them  or  us,  and,  in  that 
case,  perchance,  we  may  he  content  again  to  lose  them  for 
you)  ;  as  well  from  the  semblance  or  rather  dissembling  of 
this  feigned  friendship,  I  say,  we  covet  to  quit  ye  !  as  also 
from  the  most  servile  thraldom  and  bondage  under  that 
hideous  monster,  that  venemous  aspis  and  very  Antichrist, 
the  Bishop  of  Rome,  in  the  which,  of  so  long  time,  ye  have, 
and  yet  do  most  miserably  abide!  Whose  importable  pride 
and  execrable  arrogancy,  as  well  most  presumptuously  against 
all  the  sacred  Estates  of  Princes  upon  earth,  as  also  most 
contumeliously  against  the  High  Majesty  of  GOD  Himself; 
with  fastidious  and  utter  contempt,  both  of  GOD  and  man, 
both  the  context  and  tenour  of  his  own  decrees,  decretals,  canons, 
and  Extravagants  (made  and  conspired  at  the  Congregations, 
Councils,  and  Synods,  at  sundry  times,  for  the  maintenance 
and  augmenting  of  his  Antichristian  authority,  in  his  Holi- 
ness's  name  assembled)  [demonstrate].  And  hereto  his 
wicked  blasphemy  against  GOD,  his  devilish  dispensations 
against  His  Divine  laws,  his  obstinate  rebellion  against  all 
powers,  his  outrageous  usurpation  in  Prince's  lands,  his  cruel 
tyranny  for  keeping  of  his  kingdom,  his  covert  hypocrisy  at 
at  home,  his  crafty  conspiracies  abroad,  his  insatiable  avarice, 
his  subtle  superstition,  his  mischievous  malice,  his  privy 
theft,  his  open  rapine,  his  sacred  simony,  his  profane  whore- 
dom, his  ambition,  sacrilege,  extortion,  idolatry,  and  poison- 
ings; with  many  other  his  cardinal  virtues  besides.  And 
also  the  undoubted  witness  of  Holy  Writ,  in  both  the  Testa- 
ments, doth  most  certainly  show,  and  plainly  make  clear  to 
the  eyes  of  all,  if  ye  will  not  wilfully  wink  at  that  ye  should 
Capi.xx.  willingly  see!  Of  him,  hardily  spake  the  prophet 
Daniel.  He  shall  he  lift  up  a  high,  and  magnijied  against  all 
that  is  GOD  ;  and  shall  speak  presumptuous  words,  and  shall  be  set 
in  a  course  until  ivrath  be  fulfilled  against  him.  In  the  san>e 
chapter.     He  shall  set  at  nought  the  GOD  of  their  fathers ;  and 


^kZ^'Ss.]  OF  THE  Expedition  into  Scotland.     71 

shall  be  in  the  daliances  and  desires  of  women,  and  shall  pass 
nought  for  GOD ;  hut  shall  obstinately  be  stubborn,  and  rise  against 
all.  And  the  holy  prophet  Ezekiel.  Thy  heart  was  lift  up 
very  high,  and  saidest,  *'  /  am  GOD,  and  sit  in  GOD's  cap.  xxviii. 
seat;"  where  thou  art  but  man,  and  not  GOD,  and  nevertheless  hast 
framed  thy  heart  like  the  heart  of  GOD  !  The  apostle  Saint 
Paul  also,  in  whom  the  graces  of  GOD  did  so  plentifully 
abound,  seemed  not  utterly  to  forget  this  prelate,  when,  in 
his  Epistle  to  the  Thessalonians,  he  said,  The  Lord  2  Thess.  u. 
JesU  shall  not  come  till  first  there  be  a  failing,  and  that  wicked 
man  be  discovered^  the  Child  of  Perdition  ;  who  is  adversary  and 
exalted  against  all  that  is  called  GOD,  in  such  sort,  as  he  sticks 
not  to  sit  in  the  temple,  vaunting  himself  that  he  is  GOD.  And 
addeth,  a  little  after.  Whom  the  Lord  Jesu  shall  quell  with  the 
spirit  of  His  holy  mouth. 

Of  him  and  his  abominable  behaviour  is  there  much  in 
both  the  Holy  Testaments ;  and  a  great  deal  more,  jer.  xxiu. 
I    must   confess,   than   I    know   my  cunning   can  Apo'^xi^.^^i., 
recite  ;  so  plain  in  sense,  and  easy  to  be  under-     ^^^' 
stood,  that  if  ye  confer  the  words  of  the  same  with  the  acts 
of  his  life,  ye  shall  have  no  more  cause  to  doubt  whether  he 
be  the  only  Antichrist  ;  than  ye  may  have  whether  He  were 
the   only  Christ,   of  whom  Saint  John  the  Baptist  said, 
Behold  the  Lamb  of  GOD  !  and  the  Centurion,  This  Johni. 
was,  sure[ly],  the  very  Son  of  GOD  !  Matt.xv. 

I  speak  neither  of  spite,  nor  of  speciality  of  this  precious 
prelate,  Paul  IV.,  that  now  is  alone ;  but  of  him  and  his 
whole  ancestry,  of  these  many  years  past.  Of  whom,  sure[lyj, 
A'ho  list  to  say  aught,  it  were  meet  they  said  truth ;  and  who 
list  to  say  truth,  can  say  no  good.  For  their  acts  by  their 
office,  and  their  lives  by  their  profession,  are  not  less  certainly 
known  unto  all  the  world  to  be  thus,  than  is  the  lion,  as  they 
say,  by  the  paw ;  or  the  day,  by  the  sunshine.  The  trees  of 
that  stock  never  bear  other  fruit.  And  therefore  was  it  that 
neither  the  Greeks,  the  Ruthens  [Rtissians],  nor  many  nations 
in   the   East   parts   besides    (whom    we    cannot   but    count 


72     The    Preface   to   the    Diary    Pjan^^'j^s'. 

Christians)  could  never  be  brought  once  so  much  as  to  taste 
Contrary  to  of  it:  and  would  never  abide  the  presumptuous 
whosri«L'^«  usurpation  of  his  insolent  Impery ;  but  utterly,  at 
%kf''/a!sy!^  the  first,  did  wisely  refuse  the  unwieldy  weight  of 
Matt.  xi.  gQ  heavy  a  burden,  and  the  painful  wringing  of  so 
uneasy  a  yoke. 

The  Bohemians  and  Germans,  of  later  years,  have  quite 
rejected,  and  cast  him  up. 

And  we,  at  last,  not  so  much  led  by  the  example  of  others' 
well  doing,  as  moved  by  the  mere  mercy  and  grace  of 
Almighty  GOD ;  who  (as,  by  David,  He  hath  promised)  w 
Psa.  cxiv.  ever  at  hand,  and  nigh  to  all  them  that  call  upon  him 
in  truth,  and  always  ready  to  do  that  He  came  for,  that  is,  to 
Matt,  xviii.  save  that  [which]  was  forelorn.  Through  the  aid 
and  goodness  of  His  mighty  power  and  eterne  wisdom 
strengthening  his  worthy  Champion,  our  late  sovereign 
Lord ;  and  instructing  his  circumspect  Council :  have  we, 
most  happily,  exterminated,  and  banished  him  our  bounds. 
Whereby,  as  we  have  now  the  grace  to  know  and  serve  but 
one  GOD,  so  are  we  subject  but  to  one  King.  He  naturally 
knoweth  his  own  people ;  and  we  obediently  know  him  our 
only  Sovereign.  His  Highness's  Estate  brought  and  reduced 
from  perdition,  and  in  a  manner  subjection  unto  the  old 
princely  entire  and  absolute  power  again:  and  ours,  redeemed 
from  the  doubt  as  to  whom  we  should  obey.  The  great 
polling  and  intolerable  taxes  of  our  money,  yearly,  both  from 
His  Majesty  and  us,  now  saved  clear[ly]  within  his  realm. 
Not  fain,  now,  to  fetch  justice  so  unjustly  ministered,  as  he 
that  bids  most  (like  Calais  market),  whatsoever  be  the  cause, 
shall  be  sure  of  the  sentence  ;  and  that  so  far  from  hom^, 
and  with  so  great  cost  of  money  and  danger  of  life.  Our 
consciences,  now,  quite  unclogged  from  the  fear  of  his  vain 
terriculaments  and  rattle-bladders ;  and  from  the  fondness  of 
his  trimtrams  and  gugaws  [gewgaws],  his  interdictions,  his 
cursings,  his  damning  to  the  devil,  his  pardons,  his  [asjsoilings, 
his  plucking  out  of  purgatory,  his  superstitious  sorts  of  sects 


^jan^^'sl's:]  ^^  ^^^  Expedition  into  Scotland.    73 

of  religion,  his  canonization  of  saints,  forbidding  and  licensing 
the  eating  of  meat,  singing  and  saying  and  wot  not  a  word ! 
roving  a  procession,  gadding  a  pilgrimage,  worshipping  of  idols. 
Oblations  and  offerings  of  meats,  of  otes,  images  of  ^^^"^^g^^ 
wax,  bound  pens  and  pins  for  deliverance  of  bad  l^l^t^^^^^s''- 
husbands,  for  a  sick  cow,  to  keep  down  the  belly,  Saim  svth. 
and  when  "  Kit  had  lost  her  key."  Setting  up  candles  to 
saints  in  every  corner,  and  knakkynge  [knocking]  of  bead- 
stones  [beads]  in  every  pew,  tolling  of  bells  against  tempests, 
Scala  cceli  masses,  pardon  beads,  "  Saint  Anthony's  bells," 
Tauthrie  laces,  rosaries,  collets,  charms  for  every  disease,  and 
sovereign  suffrages  for  every  sore  :  with  a  thousand  toys  else, 
of  his  devilish  devices,  that  lack  of  opportunity  doth  let  [hinder] 
me  here  to  tell. 

We  are,  now,  no  more  by  them  so  wickedly  seduced,  to 
the  great  offence  of  GOD's  dignity,  and  utter  peril  of  our 
souls.  Now,  have  we,  by  His  divine  power,  wound  ourselves 
out  of  the  danger  of  His  just  indignation  that  we  worthily 
were  in  for  our  former  obstinacy  and  turning  from  His  truth: 
and  have  received,  with  most  humble  thanksgiving,  His 
Holy  Word,  whereof  we  have  the  free  use  in  our  own 
tongue. 

These  goodly  benefits,  or  rather  GOD's  blessings,  if  ye 
will  yourselves  !  shall  we,  with  GOD's  assistance,  bring  you 
to  enjoy  as  well  as  ourselves !  but  if  ye  will  not,  but  be  still 
stubborn  in  your  ungodliness,  refuse  His  graces  that  He 
daily  offereth,  wilfully  wry  so  far  from  His  truth,  and  be 
utterly  obstinate  in  upholding  the  Antichrist  !  as,  first, 
Daniel  the  prophet  doth  declare  what  ye  are,  and  show  you 
the  state  ye  stand  in  by  these  words,  They  shall  magnify  Him  ! 
as  many  as  have  drunk  of  the  wine  of  the  wrath  of  GOD,  and 
whose  names  are  not  written  in  the  book  of  life  !  Even  so,  think 
ye  hardily  that  the  just  judgement,  which  the  Head  Priests 
and  Seniors  of  the  Jews  (in  answering  Christ,  unawares  to 
themselves)  did  give  of  themselves,  unto  your  confusion,  shall 
be  verified  upon  you  !  which  is,  Without  mercy,  shall  the  LORD 


74     The    Preface   to  the    Diary     [^a^^"48 

Matt.  xxL  undo  [destroy]  the  evil,  and  set  out  his  vineyard  to 
other  good  husbands  [husbandmen],  that  will  yield  him  fruit  in 
due  times.  And  that  soon  after  himself  said  to  them, 
Exod.  c.  Therefore  the  kingdom  of  GOD  shall  be  taken  from 
you,  and  be  given  to  the  nation  that  will  do  profit !  And  hereto 
the  sharp  sentence  of  Saint  Paul  to  be  pronounced  specially 
against  you  !  The  Lord  Jesu,  with  the  angels  of  his  bliss, 
1  Thess.  ii.  shall  come  from  heaven  in  a  flame  of  fire  ;  taking 
vengeance  upon  all  them  that  will  not  know  GOD,  and  obey  the 
gospel  of  him  our  Lord  Jesu  Christ.  They  shall  be  punished 
by  death  for  ever,  from  the  glory  of  his  virtue ;  when  he  shall 
come  to  be  glorified  among  his  holy,  and  be  wonderful  in  the  eyes 
of  all  that  believe. 

As  well,  nevertheless,  that  ye  may  be  delivered  from  the 
bebved  of°the  ^rcadful  danger  of  this  most  terrible  sentence,  as 
Kerrnfo'a'^  also  that  the  LORD,  of  His  immeasurable  mercy, 
?°°^2^'^J?«P'  will  once  vouchsafe  to  open  your  eyes,  and  waken 
mus"E^c^ia  y^^  °^^  °^  ^^^^  drowsy  Endymion's  dream*,  or 
kii'^Idhi^  '  rather  this  mortal  Lethargy  t,  wherein  by  the  biting 
cic.  i.  Tusc.  of  this  most  venemous  aspis  X,  the  Pope  I  say,  ye  do 
'*  lamentably  lie  a  slumber,  being  benumbed  of  all  the 

limbs  of  your  soul  and  lacking  the  use  of  all  your  spiritual 
senses.  However,  of  grace,  ye  shall  be  moved  to  do,  we  shall  of 
t  A  disease       charity  most  heartily  pray  :  for  we  do  not  so  much 

comingofbumt  ,  i  i     r  ,  r         • 

choier,  com-  remember  our  quarrel  and  forget  our  profession, 
patie"ift  to  covet  but  that  we  can  wish  rather  your  amendment  than 

nought  but  J       i.  i  •  I 

drowsy  sleep,    your  dcstruction  ! 

thin°gTandto  And  hcrcto  that  once  also,  ye  may  see  the 
in'aTranM^"^*'  miserable  subjection  whereunto  ye  are  thrall  !  and 
^reuus,  z ,  j^^^^  ^^^  grace,  to  pray  for  grace  to  the  LORD 
t  Bitten  with  that  ye  may  be  quitted  of  that  captivity,  and  be 
castinadeadiy  madc  apt  to  rcceivc  the  truth  and  His  Holy  Word, 
astifflingand  and  then  to  know  who  be  your  friends,  and  whether 
au"partsTfnd  we  will  you  wcU  !  With  whom  by  so  many  means, 
wondil""^'  °  since  GOD,  of  good  will,  hath  so  nigh  joined  you, 
seem  not  you,  of  frowardness,  to  sever  asunder  against  the 


^kn^^MsG  °^  ^^^  Expedition  into  Scotland.    75 

thing  that  should  be  a  general  wealth  and  common  concord, 
the  provision  of  Nature,  and  ordinance  of  GOD  !  And  against 
His  Holy  Word,  which  not  all  unaptly,  perchance,  here  may 
be  cited. 

Quos  DEUS  conjunxit,  homo  ne  separet !       Matt.  xix. 

The  great  mischiefs  rising  by  this  disunion  and  severing, 
and  the  manifold  commodities  coming  by  the  contrary,  being 
shortly  by  you  had  in  considerance ;  this  marriage,  I  doubt 
not,  between  our  Princes  shall  be  consummated,  all  causes  of 
quarrel  ceased,  atonement  made  between  us,  and  a  firm 
alliance  of  friendship  for  ever  concluded.  The  which  thing, 
as  most  heartily,  for  my  part,  I  daily  wish  for ;  so  have  I  good 
hope  shortly  to  see,  and  herewith  betake  you  to  GOD  ! 

But  now  to  return  out  of  my  digression,  for  though  I  have 
been  long  a  talking  to  my  countrymen  abroad  in  the  North  : 
yet  were  I  loath  to  seem  to  forget  my  friends  at  home  in  the 
South ;  and  fare  like  the  diligent  servant  that  walks  so 
earnestly  on  his  master's  errand,  that,  in  the  midst  of  his  way, 
he  forgets  whither  he  goeth. 

Howbeit  I  might  well,  perchance,  think  it,  even  here,  high 
time  to  leave  [off] ;  were  it  not  that  since  I  am  in  hand  to  utter, 
in  this  case,  what  I  know,  and  nooseld  [nourished]  of  my 
nurse  never  to  be  spare  of  speech  :  though  I  be  but  a  bad 
evangelist,  yet  will  I  leave  as  few  unwritten  verities  as  I  can. 

As  my  Lord's  Grace,  my  Lord  of  Warwick,  the  other 
estates  of  the  Council  there,  with  the  rest  of  the  dignity  of 
the  army  did,  at  our  setting  outward,  tarry  a  few  days  at 
Berwick;  the  well-appointing  of  the  noblemen  for  their 
bands,  and  of  the  knights  and  gentlemen  for  themselves  and 
servants,  I  mean  specially  of  the  horsemen ;  which  though, 
but  at  musters,  was  never  showed  of  purpose,  yet  could  it  not, 
at  that  time,  be  hid,  but  be  bright  and  apparent  in  every 
man's  eye :  and  was,  if  I  can  ought  judge,  I  assure  you,  for 
the  goodly  number  of  the  likely  men  and  ready  horses ;  for 
their  perfect  appointment  of   sure    armour,    weapons,    and 


76    The    Preface   to   the    Diary     |7JkZ^T48: 

apparel ;  and  their  sumptuous  suits  of  liverers  [serving-men] 
beside  (whereof  I  must  of  duty,  if  I  must  of  duty  say  truth, 
most  worthily  prefer  and  give  the  chiefest  price  and  praise  to 
my  Lord  Protector  Grace's  train,  and  to  my  Lord  of  War- 
wick's), was,  I  say,  so  generally  such,  and  so  well  furnished: 
that  both  their  duty  toward  their  Prince,  their  love  toward 
their  country  and  to  the  rulers  were  there  ;  and  hereto  the 
ancient  English  courage  and  prowess,  might  have  easily  in 
this  assembly  been  viewed.     Men  going  out,  never  better,  at 
any  time,  in  all  points,  appointed  ;  never  better  beseen,  with 
more  courage  and  gladder  will :  whereof  with  speed  (for  no 
doubt  our  enemies  had  factors  at  this  mart  among  us,  though, 
as  wisdom  was,  they  did  not  openly  occupy)  the  Scots  had 
soon  knowledge.      And  as    they  are   merry   men,  and   feat 
jesters  hardily,  they  said,  as  we  heard,  "  that  we  were  very 
gay,  and  came  belike  a  wooing."     The  which,  though  they 
spake  dryly  more  to  taunt  the  sumpt  [sumpUwusness]  of  our 
show  than  to  seem  to  know  the  cause  of  our  coming ;  yet  said 
they  therein  more  truly  than  they  would  kindly  consider. 
For,  indeed,  even   as  they   were   ascertained   by  my    Lord 
Grace's  Proclamation,  as  well  at  and  before  our  entry  into 
their  country,  that  the  cause  of  our  coming  then,  was  nothing 
else  but  touching  the  performance  of  covenants,  on  both  sides, 
about  this  marriage,  that  had  been  before  time,  on  both  sides, 
agreed  upon ;  which  should  be  greatly  for  the  wealths  of  us 
both:  and  not  to  make  war,  sure[ly],  nor  once  to  be  enemy, 
but  only  to  such  as  should  appear  to  be  hinderers  of  so  godly 
and  honourable  a  purpose.    Even  so,  according  to  the  promise 
of  the  Proclamation,  neither  force  nor  fire  was  used  wittingly 
against  any  other,  during  all  our  time  of  abode  in  the  country. 
Howbeit,  the  truth  was  so,  that  having  doubt  of  the  worst,  it 
was  wisely  consulted  so  to  go  to  commune  with  them   as 
friends,  as  nevertheless,  if  needs  they  would,  we  might  be  able 
to  meet  them  as  foes :  the  which  thing  proved,  after,  not  the 
worst  point  of  policy. 

But  what  a  marvellous  unkind  people  were  they,  that  where 


^^^^"tfl  <^F  THE  Expedition  into  Scotland.    77 

we  came,  as  wooers  come,  not  otherwise,  but  for  good  love  and 
quiet;  they  to  receive  us  with  hatred  and  war!  It  was  too 
much  ungentleness  and  inhumanity,  sure[ly],  in  such  a  case 
to  be  showed.  Yet  since  we  so  quit  [requited]  them  their  kind- 
ness ;  and  departed  so  little  in  their  debt ;  let  us  bear  some- 
what with  them  !  Marry,  I  wot  they  were  not  all  so  well 
content  with  the  payment.  For  the  Earl  Huntley  (a 
gentleman  of  a  great  sobriety  and  very  good  wit,  as  by  his  very 
presence  is  half  uttered),  being  asked  of  a  man  of  Estate  with 
us,  by  way  of  communication,  as  I  heard,  how  "  he  bare  his 
affection  towards  the  joining  of  the  two  Princes  ?  "  taie^l'^deed  be- 
"  In  gude  faith,"  quoth  he,  "  I  wade  it  sud  gae  furth,  ^lfii/wt?fhL 
and  baud  well  with  the  marriage :  but  I  like  not  hal^^l'gotten 

this  wooing."  'LTd%°orkea 

But  now  lest  I  may  worthily  be  doubted  by  the  "ifJ^fj^sTwitha 
plot  of  my  Prologue  to  have  made  the  form  of  my  heSThrnwkh 
book*  like  the  proportion  of  Saint  Peter's  man ;  I  fi"t,e^"/pf.'°^d 
will  here  leave  off  further  process  of  Preface,  and  ^°  ^°''}^'  '^"'> 

~  '  such  inequality 

fall  to  the  matter.  of  proportion. 

^     FINIS. 


;^  C  E  R  T  A  I  N 

jljoble  men  ann  otljer^,  beinig;  special 
€)fficer0  in  tfti0  Cjcpenition^ 

He  Duke  of  Somerset,  my  Lord  Protector's  Grace, 
General  of  the  Army  :  and  Captain  of  the  Battle 
\th&  main  hody\^  having  in  it  4,000  footmen. 
The   Earl   of  Warwick,   Lord  Lieutenant   of 
the  Army ;  and  having  the  Foreward,  of  3,000  footmen. 


/S     The  Officers  of  the  Expedition.   Pjan^^'s^s! 

The  Lord  Dacres,  the  Rereward,  of  3,000  footmen. 

The  Lord  Grey  of  Wilton,  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Boulogne, 
High  Marshal  of  the  Army,  and  Captain  General  of  all  the 
Horsemen  there. 

Sir  Ralph  Sadler  Knight,  Treasurer  of  the  Army. 

Sir  Francis  Bryan  Knight,  Captain  of  the  Light  Horse- 
men, being  in  number,  2,000. 

Sir  Ralph  Vane  Knight,  Lieutenant  of  all  the  Men  of 
arms  and  Demi-lances,  being  in  number,  4,000. 

Sir  Thomas  Darcy  Knight,  Captain  of  all  the  King's 
Majesty's  Pensioners  and  Men  of  arms. 

Sir  Richard  Lee  Knight,  Devisor  [i.e.y  Engineer]  of  the 
fortifications  to  be  made. 

Sir  Peter  Mewtys  Knight,  Captain  of  all  the  Hackbutters 
a  foot,  being  in  number,  600. 

Sir  Peter  Gamboa  Knight,  a  Spaniard,  Captain  of  200 
Hackbutters  on  horseback. 

Sir  Francis  Fleming  Knight,  Master  of  the  Ordnance. 

Sir  James  Wilford  Knight,  Provost  Marshal. 

Sir  George  Blague  and  Sir  Thomas  Holcroft,  Com- 
missioners of  the  Musters. 

Edward  Shelley,  my  Lord  Grey;  Lieutenant  of  the 
Men  of  arms  of  Boulogne. 

John  Bren,  Captain  of  the  Pioneers,  being  1,400. 

C  £Dflicer0  upon  tl^e  ^ea. 

C  The  Lord  Clinton,  Lord  Admiral  of  the  Fleet  :  which 
was  of  sixty  vessels ;  whereof  the  Galley  and  thirt)'  -  four 
more  good  ships  were  perfectly  appointed  for  war,  and  the 
residue  for  carriage  of  munition  and  victail. 

Sir  William  Woodhouse  Knight,  his  Vice  Admiral. 

There  in  the  Army,  of  great  ordnance,  drawn  forth  with 
us,  by  horses,  Fifteen  pieces. 

And  of  carriages;  900  carts,  besides  many  waggons. 


79 


THE     STORY 

anU  pvocm  of  tl^e  3|ourne^. 


Saturday, 
the  zyth  of 
August  [1547]. 


Y  Lord  Protector's  Grace, 
(whom  neither  the  length 
nor  weariness  of  the  way- 
did  any  whit  let  [hinder], 
speedily  to  further  that  he 
had  deliberately  taken  in 
hand)  riding  all  the  way 
from  London,  his  own 
person,  in  post,  accompanied  by  [Lord  Grey]  my  Lord 
Marshal,  and  Sir  Francis  Bryan,  was  met  a  six  mile  on 
this  side  of  Newcastle  by  my  Lord  Lieutenant  [the  Earl  of 
Warwick],  and  ]VIaster  Treasurer  [Sir  Ralph  Sadler]  (who 
for  the  more  speedy  despatch  of  things  were  come  to  town 
there,  three  or  four  days  before),  and  all  the  nobles,  knights, 
and  captains  of  the  army,  on  horseback,  attending  upon 
them. 

And  coming  thus  to  town,  my  Lord's  Grace  was  honourably, 
for  the  dignity  of  the  place,  with  gun  shot  and  the  presence 
of  the  IVIayor,  Aldermen,  and  commoners  there,  about  three 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  received  and  welcomed  :  and  lay  at 
the  house  of  one  Peter  Ryddell. 


8o  The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  l^]'JX 


Patten 


Sunday,  the 
28th  of  August. 


His  day  morning,  in  the  fields  in  the 
north-east  side  of  the  town,  muster 
was  made  of  such  Demi-lances  and 
Light    Horsemen    as    were    come; 


whereat  my  Lord's  Grace  was  himself,  with  my  Lord  Lieu- 
tenant and  other  of  the  council  of  the  army. 

In  the  afternoon,  came  the  Laird  of  Mangerton,  with  a 
forty  Scottish  gentlemen  of  the  East  borders,  and  presented 
themselves  to  my  Lord,  at  his  lodging  :  whom  his  Grace  did 
gently  accept. 

It  should  not  be  forgotten,  and  it  were  but  for  example's 
sake,  how  a  new  pair  of  gallows  were  set  up  in  the  market 
place  ;  and  a  soldier  hanged  for  quarrelling  and  fighting. 


Monday,  the 
2gth  of  August. 


Ll  Captains  with  their  bands,  that  had 
been  mustered,  were  commanded 
forward.  My  Lord's  Grace  himself 
did  early  also  then  depart  the  town ; 
dined  at  Morpeth,  twelve  miles  on  the  way;  and  lay  that 
night  at  Alnwick  Castle,  with  Sir  Robert  Bowes  Knight 
Lord  Warden  of  the  Middle  Marches;  being  twelve  miles 
further.  Where  neither  lacked  any  store  of  guests,  nor  of 
good  cheer  to  welcome  them  with ;  in  the  provision  whereof, 
a  man  might  note  great  cost  and  diligence,  and  in  the 
spending,  a  liberal  heart. 


Tuesday,  the 
^oth  of  August. 


His  day,  his  Grace,  having  journeyed 
in  the  morning  a  ten  mile,  dined  at 
Bamborough  Castle ;  whereof  one 
Sir  John  Horsley  KnightisCaptain. 
The  plot  of  this  castle  standeth  so  naturally  strong,  that 
hardly  can  anywhere,  in  my  opinion,  be  found  the  like.  In- 
accessible on  all  sides,  as  well  for  the  great  height  of  the 
crag  whereon  it  standeth  ;  as  also  for  the  outward  form  of 
the  stone  whereof  the  crag  is,  which,  not  much  amiss  per- 
chance, I  may  liken  to  the  shape  of  long  havens  [a  brush 
faggot  bound  with  only  one  withe]  standing  on  end  with  their 
sharper  and  smaller  ends  upward.  Thus  is  it  fenced  round 
about :  and  hath  hereto,  on  the  east  side,  the  sea,  at  flood, 
coming  up  to  the  hard  walls.  This  castle  is  veiy  ancient,  and 
was  called  in  Arthur's  day,  as  I  have  heard,  Joyous  Gard, 


W.  Patten 
Jan.  1548 


]The  English  Army  leaves  Berwick.  81 


Hither  came  my  Lord  Clinton  from  shipboard  to  my  Lord. 

In  the  afternoon,  his  Grace  rode  to  Berwick,  fourteen  miles 
further ;  and  there  received  with  the  Captains,  garrisons,  and 
with  the  officers  of  the  town,  lay  in  the  Castle,  with  "Sir 
Nicholas  Strelley  Knight,  the  Captain  there. 


Wednesday, 
the  last  of 
A  ugust. 


UcH  part  of  this  day,  his  Grace  occupied 
in  consultation  about  orders  and  matters 
touching  this  Voyage  and  army. 

This  day,  to  the  intent  we  might  save 
the  store  of  the  victail  we  carried  with  us  in  the  army  by 
cart,  and  to  be  sure  rather,  among  us,  to  have  somewhat  too 
much  than  any  whit  too  little;  and  also  that  we  should 
not  need  to  trouble  our  ships  for  victail  till  we  came  to  the 
place,  by  my  Lord's  Grace  appointed:  every  man  of  the  army, 
upon  general  commandment,  made  private  provision  for 
himself,  for  four  days'  victail. 


Thursday, 
the  first  oj 
September. 


Is  Grace,  with  not  many  more  than  his  own 
band  of  horsemen,  rode  to  a  town  in  the 
Scottish  borders,  standing  upon  the  sea 
coast,  a  six  mile  from  Berwick,  and  is 
where  there  runneth  a   river  \_Eye  Mill 


called  Eyemouth 

water]  into  the  sea,  the  which  he  caused  to  be  sounded  ;  and 
perceiving  then  the  same  to  be  well  able  to  serve  for  a  haven, 
hath  since  caused  building  to  be  made  there,  whereof  both 
Master  and  Captain  is  Thomas  Gower,  Marshal  of  Berwick. 


Friday, 
the  2nd  of 
September. 


PoN  commandment  generally  given,  by 
sound  of  trumpet,  all  save  the  council, 
departed  the  town ;  and  encamped  a  two 
flight-shots  off,  upon  the  sea-side,  toward 


Scotland. 

This  day,  my  Lord  Clinton  with  his  fleet  took  the  seas 
from  Berwick  toward  Scotland,  and  herefore  the  rather,  that 
though  they  might  not  have  always  wind  at  will  to  keep  their 
course  still  with  us ;  yet,  and  it  were  but  with  the  driving  of 
tides,  they  might,  upon  any  our  need  of  munition  or  victail, 
not  be  long  from  us. 


82  The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  ^JaZ^"48. 

My  Lord  Lieutenant  and  Master  Treasurer,  who  remained 
at  Newcastle  after  my  Lord's  Grace,  for  the  full  despatch  of 
the  rest  of  the  army,  came  this  day  to  Berwick. 

Saturday,  Ih'Y^i'^'^  Lord  Lieutenant,  from  out  of  the  town, 
the  yd  ofzhr^  |  did  camp  in  the  field  with  the  army.  To 
September.  E^^  3  the  intent,  the  excuse  of  ignorance  either 
"*=^™  of  the  cause  of  my  Lord  Grace's  coming, 
or  of  his  goodness  to  such  of  the  Scots  as  should  show  them- 
selves to  favour  the  same  coming,  might  quite  be  taken  from 
them ;  his  Grace's  Proclamation,  whereof  they  could  not  but 
hear,  was  openly  pronounced  by  Herald,  after  sound  of 
trumpet,  in  three  several  places  of  our  camp. 

Besides  the  mere  matter  of  the  journey,  I  have  here  to 
touch  a  thing,  which  seem  it  ever  so  light  to  other,  yet  is 
it  of  more  weight  to  me,  than  to  be  let  pass  unspoken  of. 

In  the  morning  of  this  day,  my  Lord's  Grace,  walking  upon 
the  rampart  of  the  town  walls  on  the  side  towards  Scotland, 
did  tell,  I  remember,  that,  not  many  nights  before  he  dreamt 
he  was  come  back  again  to  the  Court,  where  the  King's 
Majesty  did  heartily  welcome  him  home,  and  every  Estate 
else  [also]  :  but  yet  him  thought  he  had  done  nothing  at  all 
in  this  voyage :  which  when  he  considered  the  King's 
Highness's  great  costs,  and  the  great  travail  of  the  great 
men  and  soldiers,  and  all  to  have  been  done  in  vain,  the 
very  care  and  shamefast  abashment  of  the  thing  did  waken 
him  out  of  his  dream.  What  opinion  might  we  conceive 
of  his  waking  thoughts?  that  even,  dreaming,  was  moved 
with  so  pensive  a  regard  of  his  charge  towards  his  Prince, 
and  with  so  humane  a  thought  toward  all  men  else! 

Howbeit,  my  mind  is  rather  to  note  the  prognostication  and 
former  advertence  of  his  future  success  in  this  his  enterprise, 
the  which,  I  take  it,  was  hereby  then  most  certainly  showed 
him :  although,  of  right  few,  or  rather  of  none,  the  same  be 
so  taken.  That  if,  for  ensample  like  to  this,  I  should  rehearse 
Gen.  xii.  to  you  out  of  the  Old  Testament,  how  the  seven  plenti- 
ful years,  and  the  seven  years  of  famine  in  Egypt  were  plainly 
signified  afore  to  Pharaoh  by  his  dreams  of  seven  fat  oxen,  and 
seven  full  ears  of  corn  ;  and  by  seven  lean  oxen  that  devoured 
the  fat,  and  seven  withered  ears  consuming  the  full  ears. 
jusTiNi//.  1.   And  hereto,  out  of  profane  authors,  howAsTYAGES, 


%^*is48:]  The  Duke  of  Somerset's  dream.     83 

King  of  the  Medians,  was,  many  a  day  before,  admonished 
that  he  should  be  overcome  by  a  nephew*  of  his,  as  *Hisnamewas 
yet  then  ungotten  and  unborn,  and  lose  his  kingdom,  cyrus. 
and  this  by  a  dream  also,  wherein  he  thought  there  sprang 
out   of    the   womb   of    his    daughter    Mandane,  josephus<^« 
a    vine,    by    the    spreading    of  whose    branches  xviifcapa. 
all  Asia  was  shadowed.      And  how  Archelaus,  "^'''«^- 
King  of  Cappadocia,  was  warned  afore  of  his  ban-  vaiSr!7/.V. 
ishment    out  of  his  country  and    kingdom  by  his  ^^- """  n    • 
dream  of  ten  wheat  ears,  full  ripe,  that  were  eaten  uiustr.cap. 
of  oxen.     And  hereto  the  multitude  of  ensamples  toLius  ah- 
besides   touching  this  case  in  Tully,  Valerius  ^a//xui/'' '"''■ 
Maximus,  Pliny  the  second,  [L.]  Ccelius  [Riche-  ^^olr'/'r'^^ 
Rius]  Rodigimts,  Suetonius,  and  in  infinite  authors  cap.xx.m. 
more;  they  should  be  too  cumberous  and  irksome  both  forme 
to  write  and  you  to  read. 

The  natural  cause  of  which  kind  of  prophecying,  as  I  may 
call  it,  whether  it  come,  as  astronomers  hold  opinion,  by  the 
influence  of  the  air  or  by  constellation  ;  or  else  by  sobriety  of 
diet,  and  peculiar  to  the  melancholic,  as  both  Socrates 
Plato  and  also  physicians  affirm  ;  or  by  gift  of  'heReprZ? 
GOD  as  divine  judge :  I  trust  I  shall  be  borne  with, 
although  I  do  not  here  take  upon  me  to  discuss,  but  leave  it 
for  a  doubt  among  them  as  I  found  it. 

Yet  that  there  is  such  dignity  and  divinity  in  man's  soul, 
as  sometimes  in  dreams,  we  be  warned  of  things  to  come  ; 
both     the      learning     of     ancient     philosophers,  iamblicus 
Plotinus,     Iamblicus,      Mercurius,     Trisme-  ^J^"'"" 
GiSTUS,    with    many     other     doth    avow :    Holy  „ 

f,      .        '  ,  -•'  .  ,  '  /,   Mercurius 

bcripture    and    proiane     stories    do    prove ;    and  in  Pymand. 
experience  to  them  that  do  mark  it,  doth  also  show. 

But  to  this  now,  that  my  Lord's  Grace  dreamt  one  thing, 
and  the  contrary  came  to  pass  ;  writers  upon  the  exposition  of 
dreams,  and  specially  Artemidorous  do  make  two  Lib.  i.  cap.  ii. 
special  kinds  of  dreams.  The  one,  Speculative,  whereby  we 
see  things,  the  next  day  after  (for  the  most  part),  much  like  as 
we  saw  them  in  dream :  the  other  Allegoric,  which  warneth 
us,  as  it  were  by  riddle,  of  things  more  than  a  day,  at  the  least, 
after  to  come.  And  in  thest  Allegoric  dreams,  he  saith, 
"  the  head  betokeneth  the  father,  the  foot  the  servant,  the 
right  hand  signifieth  the  mother,  the  left,  the  wife,"  and  so 


84  The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  pjarA'Sa! 

Lii.ix.ca/.bcv.  forth.  And  sometimes  one  contrary  is  meant  by 
the  other,  as  to  seem  for  some  cause  to  weep  or  be  sorry  is 
a  token  of  gladness  to  come;  and  again  to  joy  much  is  a 
Lii.iii  cap.  sign  of  care ;  to  see  foul  water  coming  into  the 
'"vii.  house  is  a  sign  to  see  the  house  burning.    Apollo- 

Lib.  iv.  cap.  NiDES,  a  surgeon,  thought  he  went  out,  and  wounded 
'"■  many  :  and  soon  after  he  healed  many. 

Of  which  sort  of  dreams,  this  of  my  Lord's  Grace  was, 
that  showed  that  he  had  done  nothing,  and  signified,  as  we 
may  now  be  held  to  conster,  he  should  do  so  much  as  it  were 
scant  possible  to  do  more.  Howbeit,  as  I  would  have  no  man 
so  much  to  note  and  esteem  dreams,  as  to  think  there  are 
none  vain,  but  all  significative;  a  thing  indeed,  both  fondly 
superstitious,  and  against  the  mind  of  GOD  uttered  in  the 
Deut.  xviii.  Old  Law  :  so  would  I  have  no  man  so  much  to 
contemn  them  as  to  think,  we  can  at  no  time,  be  warned  by 
them  ;  a  thing  also  both  of  too  much  incredulity,  and 
Actsii.  against  the  promise  of  GOD  rehearsed  in  the  New 

joeiii.  Law,  by  Peter  out  of  the  prophet  Joel. 

But  least,  with  my  dreams,  I  bring  you  a  sleep  [asleep]  ;  I 
shall  here  leave  them,  and  begin  to  march  with  the  army. 

Sunday,  W^^W^  Lord's  Grace  came  from  out  of  the 
the  ^th  of  |Ev^  S  town,  and  the  army  raised  from  out  of 
September.      j^^  \    the  camp. 

' And  after  this    disposition    of   order. 

That  Sir  Francis  Bryan,  the  Captain  of  Light  Horsemen, 
with  a  four  hundred  of  his  band,  should  tend  to  the  scout,  a 
mile  or  two  before ;  the  carriage  to  keep  along  by  the  sea- 
coast  ;  and  the  Men  of  arms  and  the  Demi-lances  (divided 
into  three  troops,  answering  the  three  Wards)  so  to  ride,  in 
array,  directly  against  the  carriages  a  two  flight  shot  asunder 
from  them. 

Our  three  Battles  kept  order  in  pace  between  them  both. 
The  Foreward,  foremost ;  the  Battle,  in  the  midst;  and  the 
Rereward,  hindermost :  each  Ward,  his  troop  of  horsemen, 
and  guard  of  ordnance;  and  each  piece  of  ordnance,  his  aid 
of  Pioneers,  for  amendment  of  ways,  where  need  should  be 
found. 

We  marched  a  six  mile,  and  camped  by  a  village  called 
Roston  [Reston],  in  the  barony  of  Bonkendale. 


^a^^iMsi]  Summoning  Dunglas  Castle.     85 

Monday,  k  f^r^isE  marched  a  seven  mile,  till  we  came  to 
the  ^tJi  of  sky^m  ^  place  called  The  Peaths  [Pease  Bridge]. 
September.    ^AO    It  is  a  valley  running  from  a  six  mile 

'  west,  straight  eastward  and  toward  the 

sea  ;  a  twenty  score  [400  yards]  broad  from  bank  to  bank 
above,  and  a  five  score  [100  yards]  in  the  bottom,  wherein 
runs  a  little  river.  So  steep  be  these  banks  on  either  side, 
and  deep  to  the  bottom,  that  he  who  goeth  straight  down 
shall  be  in  danger  of  tumbling;  and  the  comer  up  so  sure 
of  puffing  and  pain.  For  remedy  whereof,  the  travellers  that 
way,  have  used  to  pass  it,  not  by  going  directly,  but  by  paths 
and  footways  leading  slopewise :  from  the  number  of  which 
paths  they  call  it,  somewhat  nicely  indeed,  "The  Peaths." 

A  bruit  [rumour],  a  day  or  two  before,  was  spread  among 
us,  that  hereat  the  Scots  were  very  busy  a  working ;  and 
how  we  should  be  stayed  and  met  withal  by  them  :  where- 
unto,  I  heard  my  Lord's  Grace  vow  that  "he  would  put  it  in 
proof,  for  he  would  not  step  one  foot  out  of  his  appointed 
course." 

At  our  coming,  we  found  all  in  good  peace.  Howbeit  the 
sideways,  on  either  side,  most  used  for  ease,  were  crossed 
and  cut  off  in  many  places  with  the  casting  of  traverse 
trenches,  not  very  deep  indeed,  and  rather  somewhat  hinder- 
ing than  utterly  letting  [preventing].  For  whether  it  were 
more  by  policy  or  diligence,  as  I  am  sure  neither  of  both  did 
want,  the  ways,  by  the  Pioneers,  were  soon  so  well  plained, 
that  our  army,  carriage,  and  ordnance  were  quite  set  over, 
soon  after  sunset,  and  there  as  then  we  pight  [pitched]  our  camp. 

But  while  our  army  was  thus  in  passage,  my  Lord's  Grace 
(willing  to  lose  no  time,  and  thatthe  Scots,  as  well  by  deed  as  by 
bruit,  should  know  he  was  come)  sent  a  Herald  to  summon  a 
castle  of  George  Douglas,  called  Dunglas,  that  stood  at 
the  end  of  the  same  valley,  nearer  the  sea,  and  a  mile  from 
the  place  of  our  passage. 

The  Captain  thereof,  Matthew  Home,  a  brother's  son  of 
Lord  Home,  upon  this  summons,  required  to  speak  with  my 
Lord's  Grace.  It  was  granted,  and  he  came.  To  whom, 
quoth  his  Grace,  "  Since  it  cannot  be,  but  that  ye  must  be 
witting,  both  of  our  cormng  into  these  parts,  and  of  our 
Proclamation  sent  hither  before  and  proclaimed  also  since  ; 
and  ye  have  not  yet  come  to  us,  but  keep  this  Hold  thus :  we 


86  The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  pJan^^"43: 

have  cause  to  take  you  as  our  mere  enemy.  And  therefore, 
be  ye  at  this  choice  (for  we  will  take  none  advantage  of  your 
being  here  now)  !  whether  ye  and  your  company  will  render 
your  Hold,  and  stand,  body  and  goods,  at  the  order  of  our 
will !  or  else  to  be  set  in  it,  as  ye  were  :  and  we  will  assay, 
to  win  it  as  we  can." 

The  Captain,  being  brought  in  great  doubt,  about  this 
riddle,  what  answer  well  to  make,  and  what  best  to  do;  at  last, 
stricken  with  the  fear  of  cruelty  that  by  stubbornness  he  should 
well  deserve,  and  moved,  again,  with  the  hope  of  mercy  that 
by  submission  he  might  hap  to  have,  was  content  to  render 
[surrender]  all  at  his  Grace's  pleasure  :  and  thereupon  com- 
manded to  fetch  his  company,  returned  to  the  castle. 

In  the  time  of  tarrying  for  fetching  his  guard,  we  saw  our 
ships,  with  a  good  gale  and  fair  order,  sailing  into  their  Frith; 
which  is  a  great  arm  of  the  sea,  and  runneth  westward  into 
their  country  above  four  mile.  Upon  this  standeth  Leith, 
Blackness,  Stirling,  and  Saint  John's  road;  and  all  the  best 
towns  else  in  the  south  part  of  Scotland. 

This  Captain  came,  and  brought  with  him  his  band  to  my 
Lord's  Grace,  which  was  of  twenty-one  sober  soldiers,  all  so 
apparelled  and  appointed,  that,  so  GOD  help  me  !  I  will  say 
it  for  no  praise,  I  never  saw  such  a  bunch  of  beggars  come 
out  of  one  house  together  in  my  life.  The  Captain,  and  six 
of  the  Worshipful  of  the  Company  were  stayed,  and  com* 
manded  to  the  keeping  of  the  Provost  Marshal,  more,  (hardly), 
to  take  "  Monday's  handsell  "  than  for  hope  of  advantage. 
The  residue  were  licensed  to  "  gae  their  gate,"  with  this 
lesson  that  if  they  were  ever  known  to  practice  or  do  aught 
against  the  army,  while  it  was  in  the  country,  and  thereupon 
taken,  they  should  be  sure  to  be  hanged. 

After  this  surrender,  my  Lord  John  Grey,  being  Captain 
of  a  number  (as  for  his  approved  worthiness,  right  well  he 
might  be)  was  appointed  to  seize  and  take  possession  of  the 
Manor  "with  ail  and  singular  the  appurtenances  in  and  to 
to  the  same  belonging."  With  whom,  as  it  hapt,  it  was  my 
chance  to  go  thither.  The  spoil  was  not  rich,  sure[ly],  but 
of  white  bread,  oaten  cakes,  and  Scottish  ale  ;  whereof  was 
indifferent  good  store,  and  soon  bestowed  among  my  Lord's 
soldiers  accordingly.  As  for  swords,  bucklers,  pikes,  pots,  pans, 
yarn,  linen,  hemp,  and  heaps  of  such  baggage  besides,  they 


^m^^msJ  Capture  of  Thornton  and  Innerwick.     ^y 

were  scant  stopped  for,  and  very  liberally  let  alone  :  but  yet, 
sure,  it  would  have  rued  any  good  housewife's  heart  to  have 
beholden  the  great  unmerciful  murder  that  our  men  made  of 
the  brood  geese  and  good  laying  hens  that  were  slain  there 
that  day ;  which  the  wives  of  the  town  had  penned  up  in 
holes  in  the  stables  and  cellars  of  the  castle  ere  we  came. 

In  this  meantime,  my  Lord's  Grace  appointed  that  the 
house  should  be  overthrown.  Whereupon  [John  Been]  the 
Captain  of  the  Pioneers,  with  a  three  hundred  of  his  labourers 
were  sent  down  to  it ;  whom  he  straight  set  a  digging  about 
the  foundation. 

In  the  town  of  Dunglas,  which  we  left  unspoiled  and 
unburnt,  we  understood  of  their  wives  (for  their  husbands 
were  not  at  home)  that  it  was  George  Douglas's  device 
and  cost  to  cast  those  cross  trenches  at  The  Peaths  ;  and  it 
stood  him  in  four  Scottish  pounds,  which  are  as  much  sterling 
as  four  good  English  crowns  of  five  shillings  a  piece  [  =  almost 
^10  in  all,  now].     A  meet  reward  for  such  a  work  I 

Tuesday,  I^^^^Ur  Pioneers  were  early  at  their  work  again 
the  6th  of  I  ^^M I  about  the  castle ;  whose  walls  were  so 
September.  I^^^J   thick  and  foundation  so  deep,  and  thereto 

' '  set  upon  so  craggy  a  plot,  that  it  was  not 

an  easy  matter  soon  to  underdig  them. 

Our  army  dislodged,  and  marched  on.  In  the  way  we 
should  go,  a  mile  and  a  half  from  Dunglas  northwards,  there 
were  two  Piles  or  Holds,  Thornton  and  Anderwick,  [Inner- 
wick] both  set  on  craggy  foundation,  and  divided,  a  stone's 
cast  asunder,  by  a  deep  gut,  wherein  ran  a  little  river. 

Thornton  belonged  to  the  Lord  Home,  and  was  kept  then 
by  one  Tom  Trotter.  Whereunto,  my  Lord's  Grace,  over 
night,  for  summons,  sent  Somerset  his  Herald.  Towards 
whom,  four  or  five  of  this  Captain's  prickers  [Light  horseman], 
with  their  gads  ready  charged,  did  right  hastily  direct  their 
course  :  but  Trotter  both  honestly  defended  the  herald, 
and  sharply  rebuked  his  men ;  and  said,  for  the  summons, 
"  he  would  come  and  speak  with  my  Lord's  Grace  himself." 

Notwithstanding,  he  came  not  ;  but  straight  locked  up  a 
sixteen  poor  soldiers,  like  the  soldiers  of  Dunglas,  fast  within 
the  house,  took  the  keys  with  him,  and  commanding  them 
they  should  defend  the  house  and  tarry  within  (as  they  could 


88  The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  [^a^^'s^s: 

not  get  out)  till  his  return,  which  should  be  on  the  morrow 
with  munition  and  relief;  he,  with  his  prickers,  pricked  quite 
his  ways. 

Anderwick  [Innerwkk]  pertained  to  the  Lord  of  Hamble- 
TON  [i.e.  Hamilton],  and  was  kept  by  his  son  and  heir 
To  be  known  (whom,  of  custom,  they  call,  the  Master  of  Hamble- 
that  the  Scots   ton),  and  eight  more  with  him  :  gentlemen,  for  the 

call  the  son  I  .  i  j 

and  heir  of       most  part,  wc  heard  say. 

Sias°er'of  My  Lord's  Grace,  at  his  coming  nigh,  sent 
whereof  his  "^^°  ^^^^  thcsc  Pilcs ;  which,  upon  summons, 
father  is  called  Tcfusing  to  render,  wcie  straight  assailed.  Thorn- 
ton, by  a  battery  of  four  of  our  great  pieces  of 
ordnance,  and  certain  of  Sir  Peter  Mewtys's  hackbutters  to 
watch  the  loopholes  and  windows  on  all  sides ;  and  Ander- 
wick, by  a  sort  [company]  of  these  hackbutters  alone.  Who 
so  well  bestirred  them  [selves],  that  where  these  keepers  had 
rammed  up  their  outer  doors,  cloyed  and  stopped  up  their 
stairs  within,  and  kept  themselves  aloft  for  defence  of  their 
house  about  the  battlements ;  the  hackbutters  got  in,  and 
fired  the  underneath,  whereby  being  greatly  troubled  with 
smoke  and  smother,  and  brought  in  desperation  of  defence, 
they  called  pitifully,  over  their  walls,  to  my  Lord's  Grace, 
for  mercy  :  who,  notwithstanding  their  great  obstinacy  and 
the  ensample  others  of  the  enemy  might  have  had  by  their 
punishment,  of  his  noble  generosity,  and  by  these  words, 
making  half  excuse  for  them,  "  Men  may  sometimes  do  that 
hastily  in  a  gere  [bicsiness],  whereof,  after,  they  may  soon 
repent  them,"  did  take  them  to  grace,  and  therefore  sent  one 
straight  to  them.  But,  ere  the  messenger  came,  the  hack- 
butters had  got  up  to  them,  and  killed  eight  of  them  aloft. 
One  leapt  over  the  walls,  and,  running  more  than  a  furlong 
after,  was  slain  without,  in  a  water. 

All  this  while,  at  Thornton,  our  assault  and  their  defence 
was  stoutly  continued  :  but  well  perceiving  how  on  the  one 
side  they  were  battered,  mined  at  the  other,  kept  in  with 
hackbutters  round  about,  and  some  of  our  men  within  also 
occupying  all  the  house  under  them,  for  they  had  likewise 
shopped  [shut]  up  themselves  in  the  highest  of  their  house, 
and  so  to  do  nothing,  inward  or  outward,  neither  by  shooting 
of  base  [small  cannon],  whereof  they  had  but  one  or  two, 
nor  tumbling  of  stones,  the  things  of  their  chief  annoyance, 


&^fsT']  DuNGLAS   Castle   blown  up.     89 

whereby  they  might  be  able  any  while  to  resist  our  power  or 
save  themselves  ;  they  plucked  in  a  banner  that  afore  they 
had  set  out  in  defiance,  and  put  out  over  the  walls,  a  white 
linen  clout  tied  on  a  stick's  end,  crying  all,  with  one  tune, 
for  "  Mercy !  "  but  having  answer  by  the  whole  voice  of 
the  assailers,  "  They  were  traitors !  It  was  too  late  !  "  they 
plucked  in  their  stick,  and  sticked  [stuck]  up  the  banner  of 
defiance  again,  shot  off,  hurled  stones,  and  did  what  else 
they  could,  with  great  courage  on  their  side,  and  little  hurt 
of  ours.  Yet  then,  after,  being  assured  by  our  earnesty 
that  we  had  vowed  the  winning  of  their  hold  before  our 
departure,  and  then  that  their  obstinacy  could  deserve  no 
less  than  their  death,  they  plucked  in  their  banner  once 
again,  and  cried  upon  "  Mercy !  "  And  being  generally 
answered,  "  Nay,  nay  1  Look  never  for  it  !  for  ye  are  arrant 
traitors  !  "  then,  made  they  petition  that  "  If  they  should 
needs  die,  yet  that  my  Lord's  Grace  would  be  so  good  to 
them,  as  they  might  be  hanged  :  whereby  they  might  some- 
what reconcile  themselves  to  GOD,  and  not  to  die  in  malice, 
with  so  great  danger  of  their  souls  1 "  A  policy,  sure[ly],  in 
my  mind,  though  but  of  gross  heads,  yet  of  a  fine  device, 
Sir  Miles  Partridge  being  nigh  about  this  Pile,  at  the 
time,  and  spying  one  in  a  red  doublet,  did  guess  he  should 
be  an  Englishman;  and,  therefore,  the  rather  came  and 
furthered  this  petition  to  my  Lord's  Grace.  Which  then 
took  effect.  They  came  and  humbled  themselves  to  his 
Grace  :  whereupon,  without  more  hurt,  they  were  but  com- 
manded to  the  Provost  Marshal. 

It  is  somewhat  here  to  consider,  I  know  not  whether  the 
destiny  or  hap  of  man's  life.  The  more  worthy  men,  the 
less  offenders,  and  more  in  the  Judge's  grace,  were  slain ; 
and  the  beggars,  the  obstinate  rebels  that  deserved  nought 
but  cruelty,  were  saved. 

To  say  on  now.  The  house  was  soon  after  so  blown  with 
powder,  that  more  than  one  half  fell  straight  down  to 
rubbish  and  dust,  the  rest  stood,  all  to  be  shaken  with  rifts 
and  chinks.  Anderwick  was  burned,  and  all  the  houses  of 
office  [servants'  rooms],  and  stacks  of  corn  about  them  both. 

While  this  was  thus  in  hand,  my  Lord's  Grace,  in  turning 
but  about,  saw  the  fall  of  Dunglas,  which  likewise  was 
undermined  and  blown  with  powder. 


90  The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  [^aZ^"l8; 

This  done,  about  noon,  we  marched  on,  passing  soon  after 
within  gunshot  of  Dunbar,  a  town  standing  long-wise  upon 
the  seaside  :  whereat  is  a  castle,  which  the  Scots  count  very 
strong,  that  sent  us  divers  shots  as  we  passed;  but  all  in  vain. 

Their  horsemen  showed  themselves  in  their  fields  beside 
us ;  towards  whom  Barteville,  with  his  eight  men,  all 
hackbutters  on  horseback  (whom  he  had  right  well  appointed), 
and  John  de  Ribaude,  with  divers  others,  did  make:  but  no 
hurt  on  either  side,  saving  that  a  man  of  Barteville's  slew 
one  of  them  with  his  piece.     The  skirmish  was  soon  ended. 

We  went  a  four  mile  further,  and  having  travelled  that  day 
a  ten  mile,  we  camped  nigh  Tantallon ;  and  hath,  at  night, 
a  blind  [false]  alarm. 

Here  had  we,  first,  certain  advertisement  that  the  Scots 
were  assembled  in  camp  at  the  place  where  we  found  them. 

Wednesday,  |K°^^K^ARCHiNGthis  morning  a  two  mile,  we  came 
the  yth  of  ih^  \  to  a  fair  river  called  Lyn  [now  called 
September,     g^^  I    Tyne],   running  all  straight  eastward  to 

' '  wards  the  sea.    Over  this  river  there  is  a 

stone  bridge,  that  they  name  Linton  Bridge,  of  a  town 
thereby  on  our  right  hand,  and  eastward  as  we  went,  that 
stands  on  the  same  river. 

Our  horsemen  and  carriages  passed  through  the  water,  for 
it  was  not  very  deep  :  our  footmen  over  the  bridge.  The 
passage  was  very  straight  for  an  army ;  and  therefore  the 
longer  in  setting  over. 

Beyond  this  bridge,  about  a  mile  westward,  for  so  me- 
thought,  as  then  we  turned,  upon  this  same  river,  on  the 
south  side,  stands  a  proper  house  and  of  some  strength  be- 
like. They  call  it  Hailes  Castle.  It  pertaineth  to  the  Earl 
Bothwell;  but  was  kept,  as  then,  by  the  Governor's  appoint- 
ment, who  held  the  Earl  in  prison. 

Above  the  south  side  of  this  castle  lieth  a  long  hill  east  and 
west,  whereupon  did  appear,  in  divers  plumps,  about  three 
hundred  of  their  prickers  :  some  making  towards  the  passage 
to  be  in  wait  there  to  take  up  stragglers  and  cut  off  the  tail 
of  our  host.  My  Lord's  Grace  and  my  Lord  Lieutenant 
did  stay  awhile  [over]  against  the  castle,  upon  a  hill  over 
which  we  should  pass ;  as  well  for  the  army,  that  was 
not  all  come,  as  also  to  see  a  skirmish  that  some  of  these 


^jaif^MsJ    The  Earl  of  Warwick's  services.      91 

prickers  by  coming  over  the  river  towards  us,  began  to  make, 
but  did  not  maintain.  Whereupon  our  Foreward  marching 
softly  afore,  his  Grace  then  took  his  way  after  :  at  whom,  out 
of  the  Castle  there  were  roundly  shot  off,  but  without  hurt, 
six  or  seven  pieces ;  which  before  that  (though  some  of  our 
men  had  been  very  nigh)  yet  kept  they  all  covert. 

In  this  meantime,  did  there  arise  a  very  thick  mist,  my 
Lord  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  then  Lord  Lieutenant,  as  I  told 
you,  of  the  Army,  did  so  nobly  quit  himself  upon  an  adventure 
that  chanced  then  tofall,  as  that  his  accustomedvaliance  might 
well  be  acknowledged;  whereby  first,  and  first  of  all  men  (a 
little  but  not  without  purpose  now  to  digress)  being  Lord 
Lieutenant  of  Boulogne  next  after  it  was  won  [in  1544] — 
beaten  [battered]  on  all  sides,  weak  without,  ill  harbour  within, 
and  (now  to  say  truth,  for  the  danger  is  past)  scant  tenable 
as  it  was — did  so  valiantly  defend  it  against  the  Dauphin 
then,  and  all  his  power;  that,  as  I  remember,  was  reckoned  at 
fifty-two  thousand.  Of  whom,  in  a  camisado  [?  7iight  attack] 
then,  as  they  had  slain  many  of  our  men  and  won  the  base 
[lower]  town  ;  his  Lordship  killed  above  eight  hundred, 
counted  [accounted]  of  the  best  soldiers  in  all  France  ;  drave 
the  rest  away  ;  and  recovered  the  town  from  them  again. 

And  the  next  year  after  [1545],  occupying  his  Office  of 
Lord  Admiral  upon  the  sea,  in  person  himself,  what  time  the 
great  Fleet  of  France,  with  all  their  galleys,  which  was  no 
small  power,  came  to  invade  our  coasts  ;  he  proferred  battle 
unto  the  French  Admiral  and  all  his  navy  :  which  fight,  I 
will  not  say  how  cowardly,  he  utterly  refused.  His  Lordship 
repelled  their  force,  and  made  them  fain  to  fly  back  again  home 
with  their  brags  and  cost  in  vain. 

And,  the  same  year,  but  with  a  seven  thousand,  whereof 
not  five  thousand  landed,  maugre  all  France,  he  burnt 
Treport  and  divers  villages  there  beside;  and  returned  to 
ship  again,  with  the  loss  but  of  one  David  Googan,  and  no 
more. 

And  the  year  then  next  after,  1546,  his  diligence  so  well 
showed  among  the  rest  of  the  Commissioners,  that  an 
honourable  and  friendly  peace  was  concluded  between  France 
and  us;  his  Lordship  was  sent  over,  by  our  late  sovereign 
Lord,  to  receive  the  oath  of  the  late  French  King,  for  con- 
firmation of  the  same  peace.     In  which  journey,  how  nobly, 


92   The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  [^jknA'Ss! 

he  did  advance  his  port  [state]  for  the  King's  Majesty's 
honour  and  estimation  of  the  realm,  and  yet  not  above  his 
degree,  all  men  that  saw  it  will  easily  confess  with  me,  that  it 
was  too  much  then  to  be  showed  in  few  words  here. 

Very  few  things  else,  to  say  truth,  that  have  been  any- 
where in  these  wars,  against  the  enemy  either  nobly 
attempted  or  valiantly  achieved,  wherein  his  Lordship  hath 
not  been,  either  the  first  there  in  office  or  one  of  the  fore- 
most in  danger ;  that  if  it  fell  so  fit  for  my  purpose  to  speak  of 
his  Lordship's  honour  at  home,  as  it  hath  done  somewhat  to 
touch  [on]  his  prowess  abroad;  I  could,  sure[ly],  for  com- 
mendation thereof,  move  myself  matter,  wherein  I  were  able 
to  say  rather  liberally  much,  than  scarcely  enough. 

But  omitting  that  therefore,  and  to  turn  to  my  tale  again, 
his  Lordship  regarding  the  danger  our  Rereward  was  in,  by 
reason  of  the  disorder,  caused  at  this  passage,  by  the  thickness 
of  this  mist,  and  nighness  of  the  enemy ;  himself,  with  scant 
a  sixteen  horse  (whereof  Barteville  and  John  de  Ribaude 
were  two  ;  seven  or  eight  light  horsemen  more,  and  the  rest 
of  his  own  servants),  returned  towards  the  passage,  to  see  to 
the  array  again. 

The  Scots  perceiving  our  horsemen  to  have  passed  on 
before  (and  thinking,  as  the  truth  was,  that  some  Captain  of 
honour  did  stay  for  the  looking  to  the  order  of  his  Rereward) 
keeping  the  south  side  of  the  river,  did  call  over  to  some  of 
our  men  to  know,  "  Whether  there  were  any  nobleman  nigh 
there  ?  " 

They  were  asked,  "  Why  they  asked  ?  " 

One  of  them  answered  that  "  he  was"  such  a  man  (whose 
name  our  men  knew  to  be  honourable  among  them),  "and 
would  come  in  to  my  Lord's  Grace ;  so  that  he  might  be  sure 
to  come  in  safety." 

Our  young  soldiers,  nothing  suspecting  their  ancient  false- 
hood, told  him  that  "my  Lord  Lieutenant,  the  Earl  of  War- 
wick was  nigh  there ;  by  whose  tuition,  he  should  be  safely 
brought  to  my  Lord  Grace's  presence  !  " 

They  had  conned  their  lesson,  and  fell  to  their  practice  ; 
which  was  this. 

Having  come  over  the  water,  in  the  way  that  my  Lord 
should  pass,  they  had  couched  behind  a  hillock  about  a  two 
hundred  of  their  prickers,  a  forty  had  they  sent  beside,  to 


^an^^^S  Lord  Warwick's  chase  of  Dandy  Car.    93 

search  where  my  Lord  was :  whom  when  they  found,  part  of 
them  pricked  very  nigh ;  and,  these  again,  a  ten  or  twelve  of 
my  Lord's  small  company,  did  boldly  encounter,  and  drave 
them  well  nigh  home  to  their  ambush,  flying,  perchance,  not 
so  much  for  fear  of  their  force,  as  for  falsehood  to  trap 
[entrap]  them. 

But  hereby  informed  that  my  Lord  was  so  nigh,  they  sent 
out  a  bigger  number,  and  kept  the  rest  more  secret :  upon 
this  purpose,  that  they  might  either,  by  a  plain  onset,  have 
distressed  him;  or  that  not  prevailing,  by  feigning  of  flight, 
to  have  trained  him  under  their  ambush.  And  thus  in- 
struct[ed],  they  came  pricking  towards  his  Lordship  apace. 

"  Why,"  quoth  he,  "  and  will  not  these  knaves  be  ruled  ? 
Give  me  my  sta.fi  [spear]  !  "  With  the  which,  then,  with  so 
valiant  a  courage,  he  charged  at  one,  (as  it  was  thought, 
Dandy  Car,  a  Captain  among  them)  that  he  did  not  only  com- 
pel Car  to  turn,  but  himself  chased  him  above  twelve  score, 
[i.e.,  240  yards]  together,  all  the  way,  at  the  spear  point ;  so 
that  if  Car's  horse  had  not  been  exceeding  good  and  wight 
[swift],  his  Lordship  had  surely  run  him  through  in  this  race. 
He  also,  with  his  little  band,  caused  all  the  rest  to  flee  amain. 

After  whom  then,  as  Henry  Vane,  a  gentleman  of  my 
Lord's,  and  one  of  this  company,  did  fiercely  pursue ;  four 
or  five  Scots  suddenly  turned,  and  set  upon  him.  And  though 
they  did  not  altogether  'scape  his  hands,  free ;  yet  by  hewing 
and  mangling  his  head,  body,  and  many  places  else,  they  did 
so  cruelly  intreat  [treat]  him,  as  if  rescue  had  not  come  the 
sooner,  they  had  slain  him  outright.  But  saved  as  he  was, 
I  dare  be  bold  to  say,  many  a  thousand  in  war  or  elsewhere, 
have  died  with  less  than  half  the  less  hurt. 

Here  was  Barteville  run  at  sideling  [sideways]  and 
hurt  in  the  buttock  :  and  one  of  our  men  slain.  Of  Scots 
again,  none  slain ;  but  three  taken :  whereof  one  was 
Richard  Maxwell,  hurt  in  the  thigh.  Who  had  been 
long  in  England,  not  long  before,  and  had  received  right 
many  benefits,  as  I  heard  himself  confess,  both  of  the  late 
King's  Majesty,  and  of  my  Lord  Lieutenant,  and  of  many 
other  nobles  and  gentlemen  in  the  Court  beside ;  and  there- 
fore for  his  ingratitude  and  traiterous  untruth  threatened  to 
be  hanged.  But  as  otherwise  he  had  a  great  deal  too  much 
more  than  he  deserved,  so  had  he  here  somewhat  too  little : 


94  The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  Kn.^fsT" 

for  how  my  Lord's  Grace  bestowed  him,  I  wot  not ;  but 
hanged  indeed  he  was  not. 

To  make  my  tale  perfect :  it  is  certainly  thought  that  if  my 
Lord  Lieutenant  had  not  thus  valiantly  encountered  them  ere 
they  could  have  warned  their  ambush  how  weakly  as  he  was 
warded,  he  had  been  beset  round  about  by  them,  ere  ever  he 
could  have  been  [ajware  of  them  or  rescued  of  us ;  where 
now  hereby  his  Lordship  showed  his  wonted  worthiness, 
saved  his  company,  and  discomfited  the  enemy. 

Soon  after,  he  overtook  my  Lord  Protector,  being  as  then 
set  at  dinner;  to  whom  he  presented  these  prisoners,  and 
recounted  his  adventures. 

Whose  Grace,  in  the  meantime,  had  happed  upon  a  fellow 
like  a  man,  but  I  wot  not  of  what  sort ;  small  of  stature,  red 
headed,  curled  round  about  and  shedded  [parted]  afore,  of  a 
forty  year  old,  and  called  himself  Knockes.  To  say  some- 
what of  his  [be]haviour,  his  coat  was  of  the  colour  of  a  well 
burnt  brick  (I  mean  not  black),  and  well  worth  twenty 
pence  a  broad  yard.  It  was  prettily  fresed,  half  with  an 
ado ;  and  hemmed  round  about  very  suitably  with  pasmain 
lace  of  green  caddis  [worsted  ribbon].  Methought,  he  repre- 
sented the  state  of  a  sumner  in  some  city  or  of  a  pedler  in 
some  borough.  How  far  soever  he  had  travelled  that  day, 
he  had  not  a  whit  filed  [defiled]  his  boots ;  for  he  had  none 
on.  Harmless,  belike,  for  he  wore  no  weapon.  He  rode 
on  a  trotting  tit  [horse],  well  worth  a  couple  of  shillings  ;  the 
loss  whereof,  at  his  taking,  he  took  very  heavily  :  yet  did  my 
Lord's  Grace  cause  him  to  be  set  on  a  better. 

I  take  his  learning  was  but  small,  but  his  utterance  was 
great,  sure[ly],  for  he  never  leaved  babbling,  very  moist 
mouthed,  and  somewhat  of  nature  disposed  to  slaver ;  and 
therefore  fain,  without  a  napkin  to  wipe  his  lips,  to  supp  at 
every  word.  Some  said  it  was  no  fault  in  the  man  ;  but  the 
manner  of  the  country.  Indeed  they  have  many  moist  mists 
there.  No  lack  of  audacity  or  store  of  wit ;  for  being  taken, 
and  brought  in  for  a  spy,  and  posed  in  that  point,  whither  he 
went  :  neither  by  the  honesty  of  his  errand,  nor  goodness  of 
his  wit  was  he  able  to  make  any  likely  excuse.  The  tenour 
of  his  talk  so  tempered  throughout,  and  the  most  of  his 
matter  so  indifferently  mingled,  as,  if  they  make  him  not 
both,  it  was  hard  for  any  there  to  judge  whether  they  might 


Tan^'^Ss:]    English  courtesy  to  a  Lady.      95 

count  him  a  foolish  knave  or  a  knavish  fool.  At  whom,  my 
Lord's  Grace  and  others  had  right  good  sport. 

As  Barteville,  that  day,  had  right  honestly  served,  so  did 
the  Lord's  right  honourably  quite  [requite]  it.  For  straight 
upon  the  overtaking  of  my  Lord's  Grace,  my  Lord  Lieu- 
tenant did  get  him  a  surgeon.  Dressed  he  was,  and  straight 
after  laid  and  conveyed  in  my  Lord  Grace's  own  chariot,  that 
was  both  right  sumptuous  for  cost,  and  easy  for  carriage. 
The  rest  that  were  hurt,  Scots  and  others,  were  here  also 
dressed. 

We  had  marched  that  day  a  nine  mile,  and  camped  at 
night,  by  a  town  upon  the  Frith,  called  Lang  Nuddrey 
[Longntddry]. 

Here  we  found  a  gentlewoman,  some  said  a  Lady,  the  wife 
of  one  Hugh  Douglas.  She  was  great  with  child,  and,  in 
a  house  of  hors,  there  abode  her  good  time  of  deliverance ; 
and  had  with  her,  an  ancient  gentlewoman  her  mother,  a 
midwife,  and  a  daughter :  whose  estate,  the  council  under- 
standmg,  my  Lord's  Grace  and  my  Lord  Lieutentant  took 
order,  that  all  night,  without  danger  or  damage,  she  was  well 
preserved.  But  soon  after  our  departure  in  the  morning,  I 
heard  that  some  of  our  northern  prickers  had  visited  her ; 
not  much  for  her  profit,  nor  all  for  their  honesty;  that  had 
they  then  been  caught  with  their  kindness,  they  should  have 
been  sure  of  thanks  accordingly.  Good  people  be  they;  but 
given  much,  as  they  say,  to  the  spoil. 


Thursday,  the  |B^"^^|His  morning,  in  the  time  of  our  dislodg- 
SthofSeptem-  ^  ^  ing,  sign  was  made  to  some  of  our 
ber;  heingour  ^m  ^  ships  (whereof  the  most  part  and 
Lady  Day.  I^^^"^^'  chiefest  [biggest]  lay  a  ten  or  twelve 
mile  in  the  Frith  beyond  us,  over  against  Leith  and  Edin- 
burgh) that  the  Lord  Admiral  should  come  ashore  to  speak 
with  my  Lord's  Grace. 

In  the  meantime,  somewhat  early,  as  our  Galley  was  coming 
towards  us,  about  a  mile  or  more  beyond  our  Cape,  the  Scots 
were  very  busy  a  wafting  her  ashore  towards  them,  with  a 
banner  of  Saint  George  that  they  had.  But  my  Lord 
Lieutenant  soon  disappointed  that  policy:  for  making  towards 
that   place  where  my  Lord  Admiral  should  land,  our  men 


96  The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  [^kn^""*?: 

on  the  water,  by  the  sight  of  his  presence,  did  soon  discern 
their  friends  from  their  foes. 

By  and  by  then,  my  Lord  Clinton,  the  Admiral,  came  to 
land:  who,  with  my  Lord  Lieutenant  rode  back  to  my  Lord's 
Grace ;  among  whom  order  was  taken,  that  our  great  ships 
should  remove  from  before  Leith,  and  lie  before  Musselburgh, 
and  their  camp  :  and  our  smaller  vessels,  that  were  victuallers, 
to  lie  nearer  us.  This  thus  appointed,  my  Lord  Admiral 
rode  back  to  take  the  water  again. 

And  as  our  army  had  marched  onward  a  mile  or  two,  there 
appeared  upon  a  hill  that  lay  longwise  east  and  west,  and  on 
the  south  side  of  us,  a  six  hundred  of  their  horsemen 
prickers,  whereof  some  were  within  a  two  flight  shot  directly 
against  us,  upon  the  same  hill :  but  the  most  further  off. 
Towards  these,  over  a  small  bridge,  for  there  ran  a  little 
river  also  by  us,  very  hardily  did  ride  about  a  dozen  of  our 
hackbutters  on  horseback,  and  held  them  at  bay  so  nigh  to 
their  noses,  that  whether  it  were  by  the  goodness  of  our  men 
or  badness  of  theirs,  the  Scots  did  not  only  not  come  down 
to  them,  but  also  very  courteously  gave  place,  and  fled  to 
their  fellows.  And  yet  I  know  they  lack  no  heart ;  but  they 
cannot  so  well  away  with  these  cracks. 

Our  army  went  on,  but  so  much  the  slower,  because  our 
way  was  somewhat  narrow,  by  means  of  the  Frith  on  the 
one  side,  and  certain  marshes  nigh  on  the  other. 

The  Scots  kept  always  pace  with  us,  upon  their  hill ;  and 
showed  themselves,  upon  sundry  brunts,  very  crank  and 
brag.  At  whom,  as  our  captains  did  look  to  the  ordering 
and  arraying  again  of  the  Battles ;  my  Lord  Protector's 
Grace  appointed  two  field  pieces  to  be  turned.  Each  piece 
shot  off  twice,  whereof  one  Gold,  the  Master  Gunner  there, 
discharged  one,  and  did  so  well  direct  it,  that,  at  his  former 
shot,  he  struck  off  the  leg  of  a  black  horse,  right  fair,  and  as 
it  was  thought  the  best  in  the  company ;  and,  at  his  next 
shot,  he  killed  a  man. 

Hereby,  rather  somewhat  calmed  than  fully  content,  they 
went  their  ways;  and  we  saw  no  more  of  them,  till  the  time 
of  our  camping. 

Then  showed  they  themselves  very  lordly  aloft  upon  this 
hill  again,  over  against  us,  as  though  they  stood  there  to 
take  a  view  of  our  camping  and  muster  of  our  men.     My 


^jkr!!''i548G  T  H  E  Army  reaches  Preston  pans.  97 

Lord  Marshal  [Lord  Grey]  minding  to  know  their  commis- 
sion, did  make  towards  them  with  a  band  of  horsemen  :  but 
they  went  wisely  their  way,  and  would  never  abide  the 
reasoning  of  the  matter. 

In  the  way,  as  we  came,  not  far  from  this  place,  George 
Ferrers,  a  gentleman  of  my  Lord  Protector's,  and  one  of 
the  Commissioners  of  the  Carriages  in  the  army,  happened 
upon  a  cave  in  the  ground ;  the  mouth  whereof  was  so  worn 
with  the  fresh  print  of  steps,  that  he  seemed  to  be  certain 
there  were  some  folk  within  :  and  having  gone  down  to  try, 
he  was  readily  received  with  a  hackbut  or  two.  Yet  he  left 
them  not  till  he  had  known,  whether  they  would  be  content 
to  yield  and  come  out.  Which  they  fondly  [foolisldy]  refusing : 
he  went  to  my  Lord's  Grace,  and  upon  utterance  of  the 
thing,  got  licence  to  deal  with  them  as  he  could;  and  so 
returned  to  them,  with  a  score  or  two  of  pioneers. 

Three  vents  had  their  cave,  which  we  were  [a] ware  of.  He 
first  stopped  up  one.  Another  he  filled  full  of  straw  and  set 
it  a  fire  ;  whereat  they  within  did  cast  water  apace  :  but  it 
was  so  well  maintained  without,  that  the  fire  prevailed,  and 
they  within,  fain  to  get  them,  belike,  into  another  parlour. 

Then  devised  we,  for  I  happened  to  be  with  him,  to  stop 
the  same  up ;  whereby  we  should  either  smother  them,  or 
find  their  vents,  if  they  had  any  more.  As  this  was  done,  at 
another  issue,  about  a  twelve  score  [240  yards]  off,  we  might 
see  the  fume  of  our  smoke  to  come  out.  The  which  con- 
tinued with  so  great  a  force  and  so  long  a  while,  that  we 
could  not  but  think  they  within,  must  needs  get  them  out  or 
smother.  And  forasmuch,  as  we  found  not  that  they  did  the 
one :  we  thought  it  for  certain,  they  were  sure  of  the  other. 
So  we  had  done  that  we  came  for,  and  so  left  them. 

By  this  time,  our  ships  (taking  mannerly  their  leave  of 
Leith  with  a  score  of  shot  or  more ;  and,  as  they  came  by, 
saluting  the  Scots,  in  their  camp,  also  with  as  many)  came 
and  lay,  according  to  appointment. 

We  had  gone  this  day  about  a  five  mile,  and  camped,  to- 
wards night,  nigh  a  town  they  call  Salt  Preston  by  the  Frith 
[Prestonpans].  Here  one  Charleton,  a  man,  before  time, 
banished  out  of  England,  and  continuing  all  the  while  in 
Scotland,  came  in,  and  submitted  himself  to  my  Lord's 
Grace  ;  who  took  him  to  mercy, 

G  I 


98  The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  PjaZ^'S 


Friday, 
the  gth  of 
September. 


His  day  is  marked  in  the  Calendar  with 
the  name  of  Saint  Gorgon  ;  no  famous 
saint,  sure[ly]  ;  but  either  so  obscure  that 
no  m.an  knows  him,  or  else  so  ancient  as 
every  man  forgets  him.  Yet  were  it  both  pity  and  blame 
that  he  should  lose  his  estimation  among  us.  And,  methinks, 
out  of  that  little  that  I  have  read,  I  could  somewhat  say  to 
bring  him  to  light  again :  but  then  I  am  in  doubt  what  to 
make  of  him,  a  He-Saint,  a  She-Saint,  or  a  Neuter ;  for  we 
have  all  in  our  Calendar.  Of  the  male  and  female  saints, 
every  leaf  there  showeth  samples  enough  :  and,  as  for  the 
neuter,  they  are  rather,  I  wot,  unmarked  than  unknown,  as 
Saint  Christmas,  Saint  Candlemas,  Saint  Easter,  Saint  Whit- 
suntide ;  and  sweet  Saint  Sunday  comes  once  a  week. 

Touching  my  doubt,  now.  If  the  day  bear  name  in  the 
worship  and  memory  of  him  whom  the  Preacher  Horace 
doth  mention  in  his  first  book  of  Sermons,  by  these  words 

1  saiine ii.      PastUlos  RuFiLLUS  oUt,  GORGONIUS  hircum. 

then  may  we  be  bold  to  believe  it  was  a  He-Saint;  but  yet  a 
very  sloven  saint,  and,  belike,  a  nesty. 

If  this  name  were  calendared  of  Medusa  Gorgon  *  that  had 
the  hair  of  her  head  turned  into  adders,  whom  Perseus 
overcame  and  killed,  as  Doctor  Ovid  declares  in  his  fourth 
book  Of  changes 

[Lib.w.-]        GoRGONis  angnicomce  Perseus  superator, 

then  may  we  be  sure  it  was  a  She-Saint.  But  if  it  were  in 
the  honour  of  Pallas's  shield,  wherein  this  Medusa  Gorgon's 
head  was  graven,  as  TiTus  Strozza  (a  devout  Doctor,  but  of 
later  days)  doth  say 

*  Phorcus,  King  of  the  isles  Corsica  and  Sardinia,  had  four  daughters, 
SCYLLA,  Medusa,  Stenio,  and  Euriale,  called  Goro-ons.  Of  whom,  as 
Neptune  had  ravished  Medusa  Gorgon  in  the  temple  of  Pallas  :  this 
goddess  for  displeasure  of  the  fact,  changed  all  the  hair  of  her  head  into 
snakes  and  adders  ;  and  gave  her  a  further  gift  of  that  whosoever  saw 
her  should  be  turned  straight  into  stone. 

Perseus  coveting  to  kill  this  monster,  borrowed  of  Mercury  his  wings 
and  falchion ;  and  struck  off  her  head  as  she  slept,  and  brought  it  with 
him  ;  which  Pallas  did  after  set  in  her  shield  :  and  it  had  the  same 
power  still  after,  as  it  had  while  she  lived. 


^k^^istsJ     James    of    the    Sink-hole.     99 
GORGONIS  ans^uicomcB  ccelatos  cB£[ide  vultiis,   „ 

i^  -  o  '     Stroz. /r. 

Pallas  nab et.  ^oio\w. 

Then  was  it  neither  a  He,  nor  a  She,  but  a  plain  Neuter- 
Saint.  And  thus  with  the  ancient  authority  of  mere  poetical 
Scriptures,  my  conscience  is  so  confounded,  as  I  wot  not  in 
the  world  what  saint  to  make  of  him. 

James  *  of  the  Sink-hole,  saving  your  reverence  !  a  friar, 
forsooth,  that  wrote  the  Legendaury,  telleth  me  a  •  Jacobus  de 
very  preposterous  order  in  good  cookery,  of  one  ^°''-^'°'*^- 
Gorgon  t  and  his  fellow  Dorotheus  that  were  first  \  Legenda 
sauced  with  vinegar  and  salt,  and  after  that,  then  c^P-  cxxviii. 
broiled  on  a  girdiron  [grid-iron].    But  to  be  plain,  as  it  is  best 
for  a  man  to  be  with  his  friends,  he  hath  farced  [stttffed]  his 
book  so  full  of  lies,  that  it  is  quite  out  of  credit  in  all  honest 
company.     And,  for  my  part,  I  am  half  ashamed  to  say  that 
I  saw  it :  but  since  it  is  said,  and  somewhat  to  tell  you  what 
I  saw,  he  makes  me  Thomas  the  traitor,  Lupus  the  lecher, 
Peter  the  knave,  if  I  may  call  a  conjuror  so,  all  thomas 
to  be  his  high  and  holy  saints  in  heaven  ;  and  that  it/'^'"f  caf" "'' 
with  such  prodigal  impudency,  and  so  shameless  "i'^gl'-chf^^^ 
lying,  as  I  may  safely  think  he  had  either  a  Bull  to  ca.  ixxim. 
make  saints  of  devils,  or  else  a  Placard  to  play  the  knave  as 
he  list. 

But  as  for  Gorgon,  be  he  as  he  may  be,  it  makes  no  great 
matter  :  for  he  shall  have  my  heart  while  he  stands  in  the 
calendar ;  he  hath  been  ever  so  lucky !  But  what  saint  so- 
ever he  be,  he  is,  sure[ly],  no  Scotsman's  friend  :  but  a  very 
angry  saint  towards  them. 

For,  upon  his  day,  thirty-four  years  past,  they  had  a  great 
overthrow  by  us  at  Flodden  Field,  and  their  King  Jamy  the 
Fourth  slain  :  and  therefore  is  this  day  not  smally  marked 
among  them. 

To  tell  our  adventures  that  befell  now  upon  it,  I  think  it 
very  meet  that  first  I  advertise  how  as  we  here  lay. 

Our  camp  and  theirs  were  either  \eadi\  within  the  sight 
and  view  of  others  [each  other]  ;  and,  in  distance,  as  I  guessed, 
a  two  mile  and  [a]  little  more  asunder.  We  had  the  Frith 
on  the  north  ;  and  this  hill,  last  remembered,  as  I  said,  on 
the  south  ;  the  west  end  whereof  is  called  Fauxside  Bray 
\now  Falside  Brae],  whereupon  standeth  a  sorry  castle  and 


lOO    The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  [^ai!^"4a 

half  a  score  of  houses  of  like  worthiness  by  it.  We  had  west 
ward,  before  us,  them  lying  in  camp. 

Along  this  hill,  being  about  a  mile  from  us,  were  they  very 
busy  pranking  up  and  down,  all  the  morning:  and  fain  would 
have  been  of  counsel  with  the  doings  of  our  camp.  We, 
again,  because  their  army  seemed  to  sit  to  receive  us,  did 
diligently  prepare  that  we  might  soon  go  to  them  ;  and  there- 
fore kept  our  camp  all  that  day  :  my  Lord's  Grace  and  the 
council  sitting  in  consultation  ;  and  the  captains  and  officers 
providing  their  bands  with  store  of  victail  and  furniture  of 
weapons,  for  furtherance  whereof,  our  vessels  of  munition 
and  victuals  were  here  already  come  to  the  shore. 

The  Scots  continued  their  bravery  on  the  hill ;  the  which 
we  not  being  so  well  able  to  bear,  made  out  a  band  of  Light 
Horsemen  and  a  troop  of  Demi-lances  to  back  them.  Our 
men  gat  up  on  the  hill,  and  thereby,  of  even  ground  with  the 
enemy,  rode  straight  towards  them,  with  good  speed  and 
order  ;  whom,  at  the  first,  the  Scots  did  boldly  countenance 
and  abide ;  but,  after,  when  they  perceived  that  our  men  would 
needs  come  on,  they  began  to  prick  [ride  away],  and  would 
fain  have  begone  ere  they  had  told  their  errand.  But  our 
men  hasted  so  speedily  after,  that,  even  straight,  they  were  at 
their  elbows,  and  did  so  stoutly  then  bestir  them,  that,  what 
in  the  onset  at  the  first,  and  after  in  the  chase,  which  lasted 
a  three  mile,  well-nigh  to  as  far  as  the  furthest  of  their  camp 
on  the  south  side,  they  had  killed  of  the  Scots,  within  a  three 
hours,  above  the  number  of  thirteen  hundred,  and  taken  the 
Master  of  Home,  Lord  Home's  son  and  heir,  two  priests  and 
six  gentlemen  (whereof  one,  I  remember,  by  Sir  Jacques 
Granado)  :  and  all,  upon  the  highest,  and  well  nighest 
towards  them,  of  the  hill ;  within  the  full  sight  of  their  whole 
camp. 

Of  our  side,  again,  one  Spanish  hackbutter  was  hurt :  and 
Sir  Ralph  Bullmer  Knight,  Thomas  Gower,  Marshal  of 
Berwick,  and  Robert  Crouch  (all  Captains  of  several 
bands  of  our  Light  Horsemen,  and  men  of  right  good  courage 
and  approved  service)  were  taken  at  this  time ;  distressed  by 
their  own  forwardness,  and  not  by  the  enemy's  force. 

After  this  skirmish,  it  was  marvelled  on  their  side,  that  we 
used  so  much  cruelty ;  and  doubted,  on  ours,  that  we  had 
killed  so  many.     Their  marvel  was  answered,  that  they  had 


^ar^'S]    Cavalry  F^ight  on  Falside  Brae,    loi 

picked  the  quarrel  first  themselves,  and  showed  us  a  prece- 
dent at  Paniarhough  [Penial  Heiigh] ;  where,  of  late  years, 
without  any  mercy,  they  slew  the  Lord  Evers  and  a  great 
company  with  him.  Our  doubt  was  cleared  by  the  witness 
of  their  own  selves,  who  confessed  that  there  were  two  thou- 
sand that  made  out  of  their  camp  (fifteen  hundred  horsemen 
for  skirmish  and  five  hundred  footmen  to  lie  close  in  ambush, 
and  be  ready  at  need)  and  that  of  all  these,  for  certain,  not 
seven  hundred  returned  home. 

After  this  skirmish,  we  also  heard  that  the  Lord  Home 
himself,  for  haste  in  this  flight,  had  a  fall  from  his  horse,  and 
burst  so  the  canell  bone  [collar  bone]  of  his  neck,  that  he 
was  fain  to  be  carried  straight  to  Edinburgh,  and  his  life  was 
not  a  little  despaired  of. 

Then,  also,  my  Lord's  Grace,  my  Lord  Lieutenant,  and  other 
of  the  council,  with  but  a  small  guard,  did  take,  upon  this 
Fauxside  Bray  (where  the  slaughter,  as  I  said,  was  made), 
about  half  a  mile  south-east  of  them,  full  view  of  their  camp: 
whereof  the  tents,  as  I  noted  them,  were  divided  into  foui 
several  orders  and  rewes  [rows]  lying  east  and  west,  and  a 
prickshot  asunder ;  and  mustered  not  unlike,  as  methought, 
unto  four  great  ridges  of  ripe  barley. 

The  plot  where  they  lay  was  so  chosen  for  strength,  as  in 
all  their  country,  some  thought  there  was  not  a  better.  Safe 
on  the  south,  by  a  great  marsh  ;  and  on  the  north  by  the 
Frith  ;  which  side  also  they  fenced  with  two  field  pieces  and 
certain  hackbuts  a  crock,  lying  under  a  turf  wall.  Edinburgh, 
on  the  west,  at  their  backs  :  and  eastward,  between  us  and 
them,  they  were  strongly  defended  by  the  course  of  a  river, 
called  the  Esk,  running  north  into  the  Frith ;  which,  as 
[though]  it  was  not  very  deep  of  water,  so  [yet]  were  the 
banks  of  it  so  high  and  steep  (after  the  manner  of  the  Peathes 
mentioned  in  our  Monday's  journey),  as  a  small  sort  [company] 
of  resistants  might  have  been  able  to  keep  down  a  great 
number  of  comers-up. 

About  a  twelve  score  [240  yards]  off  from  the  Frith,  over 
the  same  river,  is  there  a  stone  bridge,  which  they  did  keep 
also  ;  well  warded  with  ordnance. 

From  this  hill  of  Fauxside  Bray,  my  Lord's  Grace,  my 
Lord  Lieutenant,  and  the  others  descended  along  before  their 
camp ;  within  less  than  two  flight  shots  into  a  lane  or  street 


I02   The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  Pjan^\"48': 

of  a  thirty  foot  broad,  fenced  on  either  side  with  a  wall  of 
turf,  an  ell  in  height ;  which  way  did  lead  straight  north- 
ward, and  nigh  to  a  church  called  Samt  Michael's  of  Under- 
esk  [Inveresk],  standing  on  a  mean  rising  hill  somewhat 
higher  than  the  site  of  their  camp. 

Thus  this  viewed,  they  took  their  return  directly  homeward 
to  our  tents.  At  whom,  in  the  way,  the  Scots  did  often 
shoot :  but  with  all  their  shots,  and  of  all  our  company,  they 
killed  but  one  horse  in  the  midst  of  three,  without  any  hurt  of 
the  rider. 

And  as  my  Lord's  Grace  was  passed  well  nigh  half  the  way 
homeward,  a  Scottish  Herald,  with  a  coat  of  his  Prince's  arms 
upon  him  as  the  manner  is,  and  a  trumpeter  with  him,  did 
overtake  his  Grace,  we  thought,  upon  some  errand ;  and 
iherefore  every  man  gave  them  place  to  come,  and  say  their 
errands :  which,  as  I  might  guess,  partly  by  the  answers  as 
follow,  were  these  or  to  this  effect. 

The  Herald,  first :  "  My  Lord  the  Governor  hath  sent  me 
to  your  Grace  to  inquire  of  prisoners  taken,  and  therewith  to 
say,  that  for  the  pity  he  hath  of  the  effusion  of  Christian  blood, 
which,  by  battle,  must  needs  be  shed  ;  and  because  your 
Grace  hath  not  done  much  hurt  in  the  country  ;  he  is  content 
ye  shall  return,  as  ye  came,  and  will  proffer  your  Grace  honest 
conditions  of  peace." 

And,  then,  the  trumpeter :  "  My  Lord  and  master,  the  Earl 
of  Huntley  hath  willed  me  to  show  your  Grace  that  because 
[in  order  that]  this  matter  may  be  the  sooner  ended,  and  with 
less  hurt ;  he  will  fight  with  your  Grace  for  the  whole  quarrel, 
twenty  to  twenty,  ten  to  ten,  or  else  himself  alone  with  your 
Grace,  man  to  man." 

My  Lord's  Grace,  having  kept  with  him  my  Lord  Lieutenant, 
had  heard  them  both  thoroughly,  and  then,  in  answering,  spake 
somewhat  with  a  louder  voice  than  they  had  done  their 
messages  ;  whereupon  we,  that  were  the  riders  by,  thinking 
his  Grace  would  have  it  no  secret,  were  somewhat  the  bolder 
to  come  the  nigher.  The  words  whereof,  as  it  seemed  to  me, 
were  uttered  so  expeditely  with  honour,  and  so  honourably 
with  expedition  as  I  was,  for  my  part,  much  moved  then  to 
doubt  whether  I  might  rather  note  in  them  the  promptness 
of  a  singular  prudence,  or  the  animosity  [bravery]  of  a  noble 
courage.     And  they  were  thus : 


T^^SaJ    George  Douglas's  feigned  defiance.       103 

"  Your  Governor  may  know  that  the  special  cause  of  our 
coming  hither,  was  not  to  fight,  but  for  the  thing  that  should 
be  the  weal  of  both  us  and  you  :  for,  we  take  GOD  to  record  ! 
we  mind  no  more  hurt  to  the  realm  of  Scotland,  than  we  do 
to  the  realm  of  England ;  and  therefore  our  quarrel  being  so 
good,  we  trust  GOD  will  prosper  us  the  better.  But  as  for 
peace,  he  hath  refused  such  conditions  at  our  hands  as  we  will 
never  proffer  again,  and  therefore  let  him  look  for  none  till, 
this  way  we  make  it ! 

"  And  thou,  Trumpet !  say  to  thy  master !  he  seemeth  to 
lack  wit,  to  make  this  challenge  to  me,  being,  by  the  suf- 
ferance of  GOD,  of  such  estate,  as  to  have  so  weighty  a  charge 
of  so  precious  a  jewel,  the  Governance  of  a  King's  person,  and, 
then,  the  Protection  of  all  his  realms :  whereby,  in  this  case, 
I  have  no  power  of  myself;  which,  if  I  had,  as  I  am  true 
gentleman!  it  should  be  the  first  bargain  I  would  make. 
But  there  be  a  great  sort  [number]  here  among  us,  his 
equals,  to  whom  he  might  have  made  this  challenge  without 
refusal." 

Quoth  my  Lord  Lieutenant  to  them  both.  "  He  showeth 
his  small  wit  to  make  challenge  to  my  Lord's  Grace ^  and  he  so 
mean  !  but  if  his  Grace  will  give  me  leave,  I  shall  receive  it ; 
and,  trumpeter  !  bring  me  word  thy  master  will  so  do,  and 
thou  shalt  have  of  me  a  hundred  crowns  "  [=  £^0  then  =  about 
3^300  now]. 

"  Nay,"  quoth  my  Lord's  Grace,  "  the  Earl  Huntley  is  not 
meet  in  estate  with  you,  my  Lord !    But,  Herald  !  say  to  the 
Governor  and  him  also  that  we  have  been  a  good  ^-^^^^isthe 
season  in  this  country  ;  and  are  here  now  but  with  a  p^°p«^  '^1^ 

wnerebv  tnc 

sober  company,  and  they  a  great  number :  and  if  Scots  do  sig- 
they  will  meet  us  in  field,  they  shall  be  satisfied  ifuil^'Taly,  or 
with  fighting  enough.  And,Herald!  bring  me  word  ^^"'■'^^^^ 
they  will  so  do,  and,  by  my  honour !  I  will  give  thee  a  thou- 
sand crowns  [=  ;£"300  then  =  about  -£"3,000  now]. 

"  Ye  have  a  proud  sort  among  you,  but  I  trust  to  see  their 
pride  abated  shortly,  and  of  the  Earl  of  Huntley's  too.  I 
wis  his  courage  is  known  well  enough :  but  he  is  a  glorious 
young  gentleman." 

This  said,  my  Lord  Lieutenant  continued  his  requests  that 
he  might  receive  this  challenge  :  but  my  Lord's  Grace  would, 
in  no  wise,  grant  to  it. 


I04    The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  Pjan^^"4s. 

These  messengers  had  their  answers,  and  therewith  leave 
to  depart. 

It  is  an  ancient  order  in  war,  inviolably  observed,  that  the 
Heralds  and  trumpeters,  at  any  time,  upon  necessary  messages, 
may  freely  pass  to  and  fro  between  the  enemies,  without  hurt 
or  stay  of  any,  as  privileged  with  a  certain  immunity  and  free- 
dom of  passage  :  likewise  that,  during  the  time  of  any  such 
message,  hostility  on  both  sides  should  utterly  cease. 

The  Scots,  notwithstanding  (what  moved  them,  I  know  not, 
but  somewhat  besides  the  rules  of  stans  puer  ad  mcnsam)  shot 
three  or  four  shot  at  us,  in  the  midst  of  this  message  doing ; 
but  as  hap  was,  wide  enough. 

On  the  morrow  after,  they  had  everyone  of  their  guns  taken 
from  them ;  and  put  into  the  hands  of  them  that  could  use 
them  with  more  good  manners. 

It  becometh  me  not,  I  wot,  apertly  [openly]  to  tax  their 
Governor,  with  the  note  [slur]  of  Dissimulation :  for  however 
he  be  our  enemy,  yet  is  he  a  man  of  honourable  estate,  and 
worthy,  for  aught  I  know,  of  the  office  he  bears. 

Howbeit,  touching  this  message  sent  by  the  Herald,  to  say 
as  I  think,  I  am  fully  persuaded  he  never  sent  it  either  because 
he  thought  it  would  be  received  by  my  Lord's  Grace,  whose 
courage,  of  custom,  he  knew  to  be  such  that  would  never 
brook  so  much  dishonour  as  to  travel  so  far  to  return  in  vain  ; 
or  else  that  he  meant  any  sparing  or  pity  of  us,  whom,  in  his 
heart,  he  had  already  devoured.  But  only  to  show  a  colour 
[appearance]  of  kindness,  by  the  refusal  whereof  he  might  first, 
in  his  sight,  the  more  justly,  as  he  should  list,  use  extremity 
against  us  ;  and  then,  upon  victory,  triumph  with  more  glory. 
For  he  thought  himself  no  less  sure  of  victory  than  he  was 
sure  he  was  willing  to  fight.  And  that  which  makes  me,  in 
this  case,  now  to  be  so  quite  out  of  doubt,  were  these  causes; 
whereof  I  was  after  certainly  informed. 

And  they  were,  first,  his  respect  of  our  only  strength,  as 
be  thought,  our  horsemen  :  which  (not  so  much  upon  policy 
to  make  his  men  hardy  against  us,  as  for  that  he  plainly  so 
took  it)  he  caused  to  be  published  in  his  host,  that  "  they 
were  wholly  but  of  very  young  men,  unskilful  of  the  wars, 
and  easy  to  be  dealt  withal." 

And,  then,  his  regard  to  the  number  and  place  of  our 
power  and  his :  the  which,  indeed,  were  far  unequal. 


^a^^MS.]  Scots  coming  out  to  catch  the  English.    105 

And  hereto,  his  assured  hope  of  twelve  galleys  and  fifty 
ships  that  he  always  looked  to  be  sent  out  of  France,  to  come 
in  at  our  backs. 

He,  with  his  host,  made  themselves  hereby  so  sure  of  the 
matter,  that  in  the  night  of  this  day,  they  fell  aforehand  to 
playing  at  dice  for  certain  of  our  noblemen  and  captains  ot 
fame.  For  as  for  all  the  rest,  they  thought  quite  to  despatch 
us,  and  were  of  nothing  so  much  afraid  as  lest  we  should 
have  made  away  out  of  the  country  ere  they  and  we  had  met; 
bruiting  among  them,  that  our  ships,  the  day  before,  removed 
from  before  Leith  only  to  take  in  our  footmen  and  carriages, 
to  the  intent  our  horsemen  then,  with  more  haste  and  less 
cumber,  might  thence  be  able  to  hie  them  homeward.  For 
the  fear  hereof  also,  they  appointed,  this  night,  to  have  given 
us  a  camisado  [night  attack]  in  our  camp,  as  we  lay  :  whereof, 
even  then,  we  happened  to  have  an  inkling ;  and  therefore 
late  in  the  night,  entrenched  our  carriages  and  waggon- 
borough,  and  had  good  scout  without  and  sure  watch  within  : 
so  that  if  they  had  kept  appointment  (as  what  letted  [hindered] 
them,  I  could  not  learn)  they  should  not  have  been  un- 
welcomed  nor  unlooked  for. 

Yea,  the  great  fear  they  had  of  our  hasty  departure  made 
them  so  hasty,  as  the  next  morrow,  being  the  day  of  the  battle, 
so  early  to  come  towards  us,  out  of  their  camp:  against  whom, 
then,  though  they  saw  our  horsemen  readily  to  make ;  yet 
would  they  not  think,  but  that  it  was  for  a  policy  to  stay  them, 
while  our  footmen  and  carriage  might  be  stowed  a  shipboard. 

Marvellous  men  !  They  would  not  believe  there  were  any 
bees  in  the  hive,  till  they  came  out  and  stang  them  by  the 
nose.  They  fared  herein  (if  I  may  compare  great  things  to 
small,  and  earnesty  to  game)  like  as  I  have  wist  a  good 
fellow,  ere  this,  that  hath  come  to  a  dicing  board,  very  hastily 
thrusting,  for  fear  lest  all  should  be  done  ere  he  could  begin ; 
and  hath  soon  been  shred  [stripped]  of  all  that  ever  he  brought : 
but,  after,  when  he  hath  come  from  the  board  with  his  hands 
in  his  bosom,  and  remembered  there  was  never  a  penny  in 
his  purse,  he  could  quickly  find  that  the  fondness  was  not  in 
tarrying  too  long,  but  in  coming  too  soon. 

We  are  warned,  if  we  were  wise,  of  these  witless  brunts,  by 
the  common  proverb  that  saith,  "It  is  better  to  sit  still,  than 
rise  up  and  fall."     But,  belike,  they  know  it  not. 


io6  The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  [^kJ^"l8: 

In  the  night  of  this  day,  my  Lord's  Grace  appointed  that 
early  in  the  next  morning,  part  of  our  ordnance  should  be 
planted  in  the  lane  I  spake  of,  under  the  turf  wall  next  to 
their  camp ;  and  some  also  to  be  set  upon  the  hill,  nigh  to 
Underesk  Church,  afore  remembered:  and  these  to  the  intent 
we  should,  with  our  shot,  cause  them  either  wholly  to  re- 
move their  camp  or  else  much  to  annoy  them  as  they  lay. 
It  was  not  the  least  part  of  our  meaning,  also,  hereby  to  win 
from  them  certain  of  their  ordnance  that  lay  nearest  this 
Church. 

It  will  be  no  great  breach  of  order  I  trust ;  though  here  I 
rehearse  the  thing  that  not  till  after,  I  heard  touching  the 
trumpeter's  message  from  the  Earl  Huntley  :  which  was, 
as  I  heard  the  Earl  himself  say,  that  he  never  sent  the  same 
to  my  Lord's  Grace,  but  George  Douglas,  in  his  name. 
And  this  was  devised  by  him,  not  so  specially  for  any  challenge 
sake,  as  that  the  messenger  should  maintain,  by  mouth,  his 
talk  to  my  Lord's  Grace,  while  his  eyes  were  rolling  to  toote 
[glance']  and  pry  upon  the  state  of  our  camp,  and  whether 
we  were  packing  or  not :  as,  indeed,  the  fellow  had  a  very 
good  countenance  to  make  a  spy. 

But  my  Lord's  Grace  (of  custom,  not  using  so  readily  to 
to  admit  any  kind  of  enemy  to  come  so  nigh)  had  despatched 
them  both,  with  their  answers,  as  I  said,  ere  ever  they  came 
within  a  mile  of  our  camp. 

As  I  happed,  soon  after,  to  rehearse  the  excuse  of  the  Earl, 
and  this  drift  of  Douglas,  a  gentleman  Scot  that  was  a 
prisoner  and  present,  sware  "  By  the  mis  [mass]  !  it  was  like 
enough  :  for  he  kenned  George  full  well,"  and  said  "  he  was 
a  meet  man  to  pick  quarrels  for  other  men  to  fight  for." 


To  the  intent  I  would  show  my  good  will  to  make  all  things 
as  easy  to  the  sense  of  the  reader  as  my  knowledge  could 
instruct :  and  forasmuch  as  the  assault,  especially  of  our 
horsemen  at  the  first;  their  retire  again  :  and  our  last  onset, 
pursuit,  and  slaughter  of  the  enemy  cannot  all  be  showed  well 
in  one  plot :  I  have  devised  and  drawn,  according  to  my 
cunning,  three  several  views  of  them  [see  pp.  114,  115,  118, 
119],  placed  in  their  order,  as  follow  in  the  battle.  Wherein 
are  also  other  towns  and  places  remembered,  such  at  that 


^aZ''"'":]  '^^lE  TWO  Armies  march  to  each  other.  107 

time,  I  thought  meet  to  mark ;  and  in  my  memory  could 
since  call  to  mind.  No  fine  portraiture  indeed,  nor  yet  any 
exquisite  observance  of  geometrical  dimension;  but  yet  neither 
so  gross  nor  far  from  the  truth,  I  trust,  but  they  may  serve  for 
some  ease  of  understanding. 

But  since  the  scantness  of  room  will  not  suffer  me  plainly 
and  at  length  to  write  there  every  place's  name,  I  am 
therefore  fain  instead  of  a  name  to  set  up  a  letter.  The 
reader  must  be  content  to  learn  his  A.  B.  C.  again  ;  such  as 
I  have  there  devised  for  the  expounding  of  the  same  views. 

They  that  list  to  learn  ;  I  trust,  in  this  pomt  will  not  much 
stick  with  me  :  considering  also  that 

Ignoratis  terminis,  ignoratur  et  ars.  aristotlk. 

If  they  know  not  my  A.  B.  C,  they  cannot  well  know  my 
matter:    like   as  he   that   knows  not    Raymond's  f"f/"''<f'' 

iesii.  suis 

Alphabet  shall  never  come  to  the  composition  of  <^«-  vl 
his   quintessence;    what  he  shall  do  though,  some  practi- 
tioners do  doubt. 

And  minding  to  interrupt  the  process  of  the  battle  that 
followeth,  with  as  few  mean  matters  as  I  may ;  I  have 
thought  good,  to  have  written  this  here  before. 

Saturday,  the  |M^"mra|His  day  morning,  somewhat  before 
10th  of  September,  j^  ^  eight  o'clock,  our  camp  dislodged  : 
The  day  of  the  ^  ^S  ^nd  our  host  march  straight  to- 
battle.*  pfffi, '«^|  ^ai-^s  thg  Church  of  Underesk,  as 

well  for  intent  to  have  camped  nigh  the  same,  as  for  placing 
our  ordnance,  and  other  considerations  afore  remembered. 

The  Scots,  I  know  not  whether  more  for  fear  of  our  depart- 
ing or  hope  of  our  spoiling,  were  out  of  their  camp ;  coming 
towards  us,  passed  the  river,  gathered  in  array,  and  well  nigh 
at  this  Church  ere  we  were  half  way  to  it. 

They  had  quite  disappointed  our  purpose ;  and  this,  at  the 
first,  was  so  strange  in  our  eyes,  that  we  could  not  devise 
what  to  make  of  their  meaning :  and  so  much  the  stranger, 
as  it  was  quite  beside  our  expectation  or  doubt,  that  they 
would  ever  forsake  their  strength  [strong position],  to  meet  us 

*  This  day  was  long  after  known  in  Scotland  as  "Black  Saturday"  : 
and  the  battle  then  fought,  was  the  last  conflict  between  the  Scotch  and 
the  English,  as  separate  nations.     E.  A. 


io8  The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  ITjaZ'^iS 

in  field.  But  we,  after,  understood  that  they  did  not  only 
thus  purpose  to  do  :  but  also  to  have  assailed  us  in  our  camp, 
as  we  lay,  if  he  had  not  been  stirring  the  timelier. 

And  to  the  intent,  at  this  time,  that  as  well  none  of  their 
soldiers  should  lurk  behind  them  in  their  camps,  as  also  that 
none  of  their  captains  should  be  able  to  flee  from  their  enter- 
prise :  they  had  first  caused  all  their  tents  to  be  let  flat  down 
to  the  ground  ere  they  came  out ;  and  they  that  had  horses 
(as  well  nobles  as  others,  a  few  expected),  that  were  not  horse- 
men, appointed  to  leave  their  horses  behind  them,  and  march 
on  with  their  soldiers  afoot. 

We  came  on  speedily  a  both  sides;  neither,  as  yet,  one 
whit  ware  [aware]  of  [the]  other's  intent :  but  the  Scots  in- 
deed at  a  rounder  pace. 

Between  the  two  hillocks  betwixt  us  and  the  Church,  they 
mustered  somewhat  brim  [exposed]  in  our  eyes:  at  whom,  as 
they  stayed  there  awhile,  our  galley  shot  off,  and  slew  the 
Master  of  Greym  [Graham]  with  a  five  and  twenty  near  by 
him  :  and  therewith  so  scared  the  four  thousand  Irish  archers 
brought  by  the  Earl  of  Argyle  ;  that  where,  as  it  was  said, 
they  should  have  been  a  wing  to  the  Foreward,  they  could 
never  after  be  made  to  come  forward. 

Hereupon,  did  their  army  hastily  remove ;  and  from  thence, 
declining  southward,  took  their  direct  way  towards  Fauxside 
Bray. 

Of  this.  Sir  Ralph  Vane,  Lieutenant  of  all  our  Horsemen, 
(as  I  think,  he,  first  of  all  men,  did  note  it)  quickly  advertised 
my  Lord  ;  whose  Grace  thereby  did  readily  conceive  much 
of  their  meaning  :  which  was  to  win  of  us  the  hill,  and  thereby 
the  wind,  and  sun  (if  it  had  shined,  as  it  did  not ;  for  the 
weather  was  cloudy  and  lowering) ;  the  gain  of  which  three 
things,  whither  [whichever]  party,  in  fight  of  battle,  can  hap 
to  obtain,  hath  his  force  doubled  against  his  enemy. 

In  all  this  enterprise,  they  used,  for  haste,  so  little  the  help 
of  horses,  that  they  plucked  forth  their  ordnance  by  draught 
of  men  ;  which  at  this  time  began  freely  to  shoot  off  towards 
us  :  whereby  we  were  furthered  warned  that  they  meant  more 
than  a  skirmish. 

Herewith  began  every  man  to  be  smitten  with  the  care  of 
his  office  and  charge;  and  thereupon  accordingly  to  apply  him 
about  it.     Herewith  began  still  riding  to  and  fro.     Herewith 


%^^T43  The  English  plan  of  battle.     109 

a  general  rumour  and  buzzing  among  the  soldiers  ;  not  unlike 
the  noise  of  the  sea,  being  heard  afar  off.  And  herewith,  my 
Lord's  Grace  and  the  council,  on  horseback  as  they  were, 
fell  straight  in  consultation  :  the  sharpness  of  whose  circum- 
spect wisdoms,  as  it  quickly  spied  out  the  enemy's  intents, 
so  did  it,  among  other  things,  promptly  provide  therein  to 
prevent  them;  as  needful  it  was,  for  the  time  asked  no  leisure. 

Their  device  was  thus.  That  my  Lord  Grey,  with  his 
band  of  Boulogners,  with  my  Lord  Protector's  band,  and  my 
Lord  Leiutenant's  ;  all  to  the  number  of  an  eighteen  hundred 
men,  on  the  East  half:  and  Sir  Ralph  Vane,  with  Sir 
Thomas  Darcy  Captain  of  the  Pensioners,  and  my  Lord 
FiTzv^ALTER  with  his  band  of  Demi-lances ;  all  to  the 
number  of  a  sixteen  hundred,  to  be  ready  and  even  with  my 
Lord  Marshal,  on  the  West  half  :  and  thus,  all  these  together, 
afore  [before],  to  encounter  the  enemy  a  front :  whereby 
either  to  break  their  array,  and  that  way  weaken  their  power  by 
disorder ;  or,  at  the  least,  to  stop  them  of  their  gate  [march], 
and  force  them  to  stay,  while  our  Foreward  might  wholl}^ 
have  the  hill's  side,  and  our  Battle  and  Rereward  be  placed 
in  grounds  next  that  in  order,  and  best  for  advantage. 

And  after  this,  then  that  the  same  our  horsemen  should  re- 
tire up  the  hill's  side  ;  to  come  down,  in  order,  afresh,  and 
infest  them  on  both  their  sides;  while  our  Battles  should 
occupy  them  in  fight  a  front. 

The  policy  of  this  device,  for  the  state  of  the  case,  as  it  was, 
to  all  that  knew  of  it,  generally  allowed  to  be  the  best  that 
could  be  :  even  so,  also,  taken  to  be  of  no  small  danger  for 
my  Lord  Marshal,  Sir  Ralph  Vane,  and  others  the  assailers; 
the  which,  nevertheless,  I  know  not  whether  more  nobly  and 
wisely  devised  of  the  council,  or  more  valiantly  and  willingly 
executed  of  them. 

For  even  there,  with  good  courage  taking  their  leaves  of 
the  council,  my  Lord  Marshal  requiring  only  that  if  it  went 
not  well  with  him,  my  Lord's  Grace  would  be  good  to  his  wife 
and  children  ;  he  said,  "  he  would  meet  these  Scots  !  "  And 
so,  with  their  bands,  these  captains  took  their  way  towards 
the  enemy. 

By  this,  were  our  Foreward  and  theirs  with  a  two  flight 
shot  asunder.  The  Scots  hasted  with  so  fast  a  pace,  that  it 
was  thought  of  the  most  part  of  us,  they  were  rather  horse- 


no  The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  pjkn^^,"48: 

men  than  footmen.     Our   men,    again,  were   led   the  more 
with  speed. 

The  Master  of  the  Ordnance,  to  our  great  advantage,  then 
plucked  up  the  hill  certain  pieces ;  and,  soon  after,  planted 
two  or  three  cannon  of  them  well  nigh  upon  the  top  there  ; 
whereby,  having  so  much  the  help  of  the  hill,  he  might  shoot 
Highest,  over  our  men's  heads,  at  the  enemy. 

As  my  Lord's  Grace  had  so  circumspectly  taken  order  for 
the  array  and  station  of  the  army,  and  for  the  execution  of 
every  man's  office  besides ;  even  as  it  is  meetest  that  the 
head  should  be  the  highest,  that  should  well  look  about  for 
the  safeguard  of  all  the  other  members  and  parts  of  the  body ; 
so  did  his  Grace,  first  perfectly  appointed  in  fair  harness 
[armour],  accc^mpanied  with  no  more,  as  I  noted,  than  with 
Sir  Thomas  Challoner  Knight,  one  of  the  Clerks  of  the 
King's  Majesty's  Privy  Council,  take  his  way  towards  the 
height  of  the  hill,  to  tarry  by  the  ordnance,  where  he  might 
both  best  survey  us  all,  and  succour  with  aid  where  he  saw 
need  ;  and  also,  by  his  presence,  be  a  defence  to  the  thing 
that  stood  weakest  in  place  and  most  in  danger.  The  which 
thereby,  how  much  it  did  steed  anon,  shall  I  show. 

As  his  Grace  was  half  up  the  hill,  my  Lord  Lieutenant, 
as  it  chanced,  by  him,  he  was  ware  [aware]  the  enemy  were 
all  at  a  sudden  stay,  and  stood  still  a  good  while.  The  sight 
and  cause  hereof  was  marvellous  to  us  all ;  but  understand- 
able of  none. 

My  Lord's  Grace  thought,  as  indeed  it  most  likely  was, 
that  the  men  had  overshot  themselves,  and  would  fain  have 
been  home  again ;  and  herewith  said  to  this  effect,  "  These 
men  will  surely  come  no  farther.  It  were  best  to  cast 
where  we  should  camp  for,  pain  of  my  life  !  they  will  never 
fight  !  " 

It  had  been  hardly,  I  wot  not  how  bad,  but  I  am  sure  no 
good  device,  for  our  power  to  have  forsaken  their  ground,  to 
assail  them  where  they  stood,  so  far  from  the  hill  that  we 
had  wellnigh  won  so  hardly  and  should  keep  to  so  much 
advantage.  And  in  warfare,  always,  timely  provision  is 
counted  great  policy.  Hereto  his  Grace  was  sure  that  we 
were  able,  better  and  longer  to  keep  our  hill,  than  they  their 
plain. 

As  for  fighting  now,  it  might  be  more  than  likely  to  who- 


^m^^msG  The  Scotch  Order  of  Battle,    hi 

ever  considered  it,  that  their  courage  was  quite  quailed,  and 
therefore  that  they  had  no  will  to  come  any  further ;  but 
would  have  been  glad  to  have  been  whence  they  came.  First, 
because,  at  that  time,  besides  the  full  muster  of  our  footmen 
(of  whom  they  thought,  we  had  none  there  ;  but  all  to  have 
been  either  shipped  or  a  shipping):  then,  they  saw  plain  that 
we  were  sure  to  have  the  gain  of  the  hill ;  and  they,  the 
ground  of  disadvantage,  out  of  their  Hold,  and  put  from 
their  hope. 

And  hereto,  for  that  their  Herald  gave  my  Lord's  Grace  no 
warning,  the  which  by  him,  if  they  had  meant  to  fight  it 
out,  who  would  not  have  presumed  that  (for  the  estimation 
of  their  honour)  they  would  little  stuck  to  have  sent  by  him  ; 
and  he,  again,  and  it  had  been  but  for  his  thousand  crowns, 
would  have  been  right  glad  to  have  brought  ? 

These  be  the  considerations  that,  both  then  and  since,  did 
persuade  me,  my  Lord's  Grace  had  good  cause  to  say,  "  They 
would  not  fight !  " 

Howbeit  hereunto  if  I  wist  and  disclosed  but  half  as  much 
now,  as,  I  am  sure,  of  circumspection,  his  Grace  knew  then  ; 
I  do  not  doubt  but  I  were  able  sufficiently  to  prove  he  might 
well  be  no  less  certain  of  that  he  had  said,  than  any  man, 
might  be  of  an  undone  deed.  The  which,  nevertheless,  how 
true  it  was,  the  proof  of  the  matter  soon  after  did  declare  ; 
which  was  that  the  Scots  ran  quite  their  way  [away]  and 
would  never  tarry  stroke  with  our  footmen  where  the  fight, 
on  both  sides,  should  have  been  showed. 

Notwithstanding,  by  this  time  considering,  belike,  the  state 
they  stood  in,  that  as  they  had  left  their  strength  too  soon, 
so,  now  to  be  [it  was]  too  late  to  repent :  upon  a  change  of 
countenance,  they  made  hastily  towards  us  again,  I  know 
not  (to  say  truth)  whether  more  stoutly  of  courage,  or  more 
strongly  of  order ;  methought  then,  I  might  note  both  in  their 
march. 

But  what  after  I  learned,  specially  touching  their  order, 
their  armour,  and  their  manner  of  fight,  as  well  in  going  to 
offend,  as  in  standing  to  defend :  I  have  thought  necessary 
here  to  utter. 

Hackbutters  have  they  few  or  none  :  and  they  appoint  their 
fight  most  commonly  always  afoot. 


112   The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  ['^an^''i548: 

They  came  to  the  field,  all  well  furnish  with  jack  [light 
iron  jackets  covered  with  white  leather]  and  skull  [helmet],  dagger, 
buckler,  and  swords  all  notably  broad  and  thin,  of  exceed- 
ing good  temper  and  universally  so  made  to  slice,  that  as  I 
never  saw  any  so  good,  so  think  I  it  hard  to  devise  the  better. 
Hereto,  every  man  his  pike ;  and  a  great  kercher  wrapped 
twice  or  thrice  about  his  neck  ;  not  for  cold  but  for  [against] 
cutting. 

In  their  array,  towards  the  joining  with  the  enemy,  they 
cling  and  thrust  so  near  in  the  fore  rank,  shoulder  to  shoulder 
together,  with  their  pikes  in  both  hands  straight  afore 
them;  and  their  followers  in  that  order  so  hard  at  their 
backs,  laying  their  pikes  over  their  foregoers'  shoulders;  that 
if  they  do  assail  undissevered,  no  force  can  well  withstand 
them. 

Standing  at  defence,  they  thrust  shoulders  likewise  so  nigh 
together;  the  fore  rank,  well  nigh  to  kneeling,  stoop  low 
before  their  fellows  behind  holding  their  pikes  in  both  hands, 
and  therewith  on  their  left  [arm]  their  bucklers  ;  the  one  end 
of  the  pike  against  their  right  foot,  the  other  against  the 
enemy  breast  high  ;  their  followers  crossing  their  pike  points 
with  them  foreward  ;  and  thus,  each  with  other,  so  nigh  as 
place  and  space  will  suffer,  through  the  whole  Ward  so  thick, 
that  as  easily  shall  a  bare  finger  pierce  through  the  skin  of 
an  angry  hedgehog,  as  any  encounter  the  front  of  their 
pikes. 

My  Lord  Marshal,  notwithstanding,  whom  no  danger 
detracted  from  doing  his  enterprise,  with  the  company  and 
order  afore  appointed,  came  full  in  their  faces  from  the  hill's 
side  toward  them. 

The  Herewith  waxed  it  very  hot,  on  both  sides,  with 

counenanceo  pj^|£y|  cHcs,  horriblc  roar,  and  terrible  thundering 
of  guns  besides.  The  day  darkened  above  head,  with  smoke 
of  shot.  The  sight  and  appearance  of  the  enemy,  even  at 
hand,  before.  The  danger  of  death  on  every  side  else.  The 
bullets,  pellets,  and  arrows  flying  each  [every]  where  so  thick, 
and  so  uncertainly  lighting,  that  nowhere  was  there  any 
surety  of  safety.  Every  man  stricken  with  a  dreadful  fear, 
not  so  much,  perchance,  of  death  as  of  hurt;  which  things, 
though  they  were  but  certain  to  some,  were  yet  doubted  of 


^3m""^8:]  The  Charge  of  the  English  Cavalry.   113 

all.  Assured  cruelty  at  the  enemy's  hands,  without  hope  of 
mercy.     Death  to  fly,  and  danger  to  fight. 

The  whole  face  of  the  field,  on  both  sides,  upon  this  point 
of  joining,  both  to  the  eye  and  the  ear,  so  heavy,  so  deadly, 
lamentable,  outrageous,  terribly  confused,  and  so  quite 
against  the  quiet  nature  of  man  :  as  if,  to  our  nobility,  the 
regard  of  their  honour  and  fame  ;  to  the  knights  and  captains, 
the  estimation  of  their  worship  and  honesty ;  and  generally 
to  us  all,  the  natural  motion  of  bounden  duty,  our  own  safety, 
hope  of  victory,  and  the  favour  of  GOD  that  we  trusted  we 
had  for  the  equity  of  our  quarrel ;  had  not  been  a  more 
vehement  cause  of  courage  that  the  danger  of  death  was 
cause  of  fear,  the  very  horror  of  the  thing  had  been  able  to 
make  any  man  to  forget  both  prowess  and  policy. 

But  my  Lord  Marshal  and  the  others,  with  present  mind 
and  courage,  warily  and  quickly  continued  their  course 
towards  them :  and  my  Lord's  Grace  was  then  at  this  post, 
by  the  ordnance  aloft. 

The  enemy  were  in  a  fallow  field,  whereof  the  furrows  lay 
sideling  towards  our  men. 

By  the  side  of  the  same  furrows,  next  us,  and  a  stone's 
cast  from  them,  was  there  a  cross  ditch  or  slough,  which  our 
men  must  needs  pass  to  come  to  them  :  wherein  many,  that 
could  not  leap  over,  stack  fast,  to  no  small  danger  of  them- 
selves, and  some  disorder  of  their  fellows. 

The  enemy,  perceiving  our  men's  fast  approach,  disposed 
themselves  to  abide  the  brunt ;  and  in  this  order,  stood  still 
to  receive  them. 

The  Earl  of  Angus,  next  us,  in  their  Foreward,  as  Captain 
of  the  same  :  with  an  eight  thousand  men  ;  and  four  or  five 
pieces  of  ordnance  on  his  right  side,  and  a  four  thousand 
horsemen  on  his  left. 

Behind  him,  somewhat  westward,  the  Governor  [with  the 
Battle]  with  a  ten  thousand  Inland  men,  as  they  call  them  ; 
counted  the  choicest  men  of  their  country. 

And  the  Earl  Huntley  in  the  Rereward,  well  nigh  even 
with  the  Battle  on  the  left  side,  with  eight  thousand  men  also. 
The  four  thousand  Irish  archers,  as  a  wing  to  them  both,  last 
indeed  in  order,  and  first  (as  they  said)  that  ran  away. 

The  Battle  and  Rereward  were  warded  also  with  their 
ordnance,  according[ly]. 

H  I 


114 


W^EST/ 


EAST. 


115 

Cfte  jFirst  €aW. 

C  CI)e  ejcpo^ttion  of  tl)e  Letters  of  tl)i^  Cal)le, 

A.  Signifieth  the  place  we  camped  in,  before  the  battle. 

B.  Our  Rereward. 

C.  Our  Battle. 

D.  Our  Fore  ward. 

E.  The  square  Close. 

F.  The  foot  of  the  hillside. 

G.  My  Lord  Protector's  Grace. 
H.  The  Master  of  the  Ordnance, 
I.    Our  Horsemen. 

K.  The  Slough. 

L.  The  lane  and  the  two  turf  walls. 

M.  Their  Foreward,  and  horsemen  by  the  same. 

N.  Their  Battle. 

O.  Their  Rereward. 

P.  P.  The  two  hillocks  before  the  church. 

Q.  St.  Michael's  of  Underesk  [Inveresk]. 

R.  Muskelborowe  [Musselburgh]. 

S.  Their  horsemen  at  the  end  of  Fauxside  Bray, 

T.  T.  T.  T.  Their  rows  of  Tents. 

V.  The  turf  wall  towards  the  Frith. 

W.  Our  Carriages. 

X.  The  Marsh. 

Y.  Our  Galley. 

Z.  Edinburgh  Castle. 


Cj^e  ^igmftcatton  o!  certain  otljer  mtz9* 

•  Signifieth  a  Footman. 

o  a  Horseman. 

t-  a  Hackbutter  a  foot. 

®  a  Hackbutter  on  horseback. 

^  an  Archer. 

\   a  Footmen  slain. 

ey  a  Horsemen  slain. 

)li  The  fallow  field  whereon  their  army  stood. 


ii6  The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.    [^ja^™ 

Edward  Shelley,  Lieutenant  under  my  Lord  Grey,  of  his 
band  of  Boulogners,  was  the  first  on  our  side  that  was  over  this 
slough,  my  Lord  Grey  next ;  and  so  then  after,  two  or  three 
ranks  of  the  former  [leading]  bands.  But  badly,  yet,  could 
they  make  their  race ;  by  reason,  the  furrows  lay  travers  to 
their  course.  That  notwithstanding,  and  though  there  were 
nothing  likely  well  to  be  able  thus  a  front  to  come  within  them 
to  hurt  them,  as  well  because  the  Scottish  men's  pikes  were  as 
long  or  longer  than  their  staves  [spears],  as  also  for  that  their 
horses  were  all  naked  without  barbs  [breastplates]  whereof, 
though  there  were  right  many  among  us,  yet  not  one  put  on  : 
forasmuch  as  at  our  coming  forth  in  the  morning,  we  looked 
for  nothing  less  than  for  battle  that  day :  yet  did  my  Lord, 
and  Shelley,  with  the  residue,  so  valiantly  and  strongly  give 
the  charge  upon  them,  that,  whether  it  were  by  their  prowess 
or  power,  the  left  side  of  the  enemy  that  his  Lordship  did  set 
upon,  though  their  order  remained  unbroken,  was  yet  com- 
pelled to  sway  a  good  way  back  and  give  ground  largely;  and 
all  the  residue  of  them  besides,  to  stand  much  amazed. 

Before  this,  as  our  men  were  well  nigh  at  them,  they  stood 
very  brave  and  braggart,  shake  their  pike-points,  crying, 
"  Come  here,  lounds  [rascals]  !  Come  here,  tykes  [dogs] ! 
Come  here,  heretics  !  "  as  hardly  they  are  fair  mouthed  men. 
Though  they  meant  but  small  humanity ;  yet  showed  they 
hereby  much  civility :  both  of  fair  play,  to  warn  ere  they 
struck,  and  of  formal  order,  to  chide  ere  they  fought. 

Our  captains  that  were  behind  (perceiving,  at  eye  [at  a 
glance],  that  both  by  the  unevenness  of  the  ground,  by  the 
sturdy  order  of  the  enemy,  and  for  that  their  [own]  fellows 
were  so  nigh  and  straight  before  them  ;  they  were  not  able,  to 
any  advantage,  to  maintain  this  onset),  did  therefore,  accord- 


^an^^^tfl  ^  Balaclava  Charge  in  1547.    117 

ing  to  the  device  in  that  point  appointed,  turned  themselves, 
and  made  a  soft  [slow]  retire  up  towards  the  hill  again. 

Howbeit,  to  confess  the  truth,  some  of  the  number  (that 
knew  not  the  prepensed  [aforethought]  policy  of  the  council,  in 
this  case)  made,  of  a  sober  advised  retire,  a  hasty  temera- 
rious flight. 

Sound  to  any  man's  ear  as  it  may,  I  shall  never  admit,  for 
any  affection  towards  country  or  kin,  to  be  so  partial  as  will, 
wittingly,  either  bolster  the  falsehood  or  bury  the  truth  :  for 
honour,  in  my  opinion,  that  way  gotten,  were  unworthily  won, 
and  a  very  vile  gain.  Howbeit  hereby  I  cannot  count  any  lost, 
where  but  a  few  lewd  soldiers  ran  out  of  array,  without 
standard  or  captain;  upon  no  cause  of  need,  but  a  mere  indis- 
cretion and  madness.  A  madness,  indeed  !  For,  first,  the 
Scots  were  not  able  to  pursue,  because  they  were  footmen  : 
and,  if  they  could,  what  hope  by  flight?  so  far  from  home 
in  their  enemy's  land  !  where  there  was  no  place  of  refuge  ! 

My  Lord  Marshal,  Edward  Shelley,  little  Preston, 
Brampton,  and  Gerningham,  Boulogners ;  Ratcliffe,  the 
Lord  Fitzvv^alter's  brother  ;  Sir  John  Clerk's  son  and  heir; 
DiGGES  of  Kent;  Ellerker,  a  Pensioner;  Segrave.  Of  my 
Lord  Protector's  band,  my  Lord  Edward,  his  Grace's  son, 
Captain  of  the  same  band;  Stanley,  Woodhouse,  Coonisby, 
HoRGiLL,  Morris,  Dennis,  Arthur,  and  Atkinson  ;  with 
others  in  the  forerank,  not  being  able,  in  this  earnest 
assault,  both  to  tend  [attend]  to  their  flght  afore,  and  to  the 
retire  behind  :  the  Scots,  again  (well  considering  hereby  how 
weak  they  remained)  caught  courage  afresh,  ran  sharply  for- 
ward upon  them,  and,  without  any  mercy,  slew  every  man 
of  our  men  that  abode  furthest  in  press;  a  six  more,  of 
Boulogners  and  others,  than  I  have  here  named :  in  all,  to 
the  number  of  twenty-six,  and  the  most  part,  gentlemen. 


ii8 


^ 


Ct)e  S)econl)  Cable 

^botoetf)  the  placing  of  out  footmen;  tbz  slaugfjtet 

of  €tiUjatti  ^bcllep  ann  tbe  otijetg;  tbe  tetite 

of  out  tianti  of  f)ot0emen  up  tfte  i)iU, 

ann  tfte  titcacb  of  attap  of  tbe 

gttagglets  from  tbem 

But  touching  the  exposition  of  the  notes  and  letters  ;  I 
refer  the  reader  to  the  Table  before  [p.  115I. 


ragyy/. 


EAIT 


IT9 

f^  Ci)is  tE:t)trti  Cable 

^J)Otomg  tt)c  coming  into  accap  of  out  Norsemen  upon 

tbe  IjiU  again;  tfje  placing  of  t!)e  JJ)ack5utters  a^ 

gainst  tlje  enemj?;  tj)c  sfiooting  of  our  arcfter^: 

anD  tbcn  tbe  coming  tjoton  of  our  Norsemen 

after,  atiout  tht  cbase  anD  slaughter 

of  tbe  enemp. 

M.  Signify  the  pikes  and  weapons  let  fall  by  the  Scots,  in 
N.  the  place  where  they  stood. 

O.         As  for  the  other  characters,  I  refer  the  Reader  again 
to  the  first  Table  [p.  115]. 


I20  The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  [^aZ''i548; 

Yet  my  Lord  Grey  and  my  Lord  Edward  (as  some  grace 
was)  returned,  but  neither  all  in  safety,  nor  without  evident 
marks  they  had  been  there  :  for  the  one,  with  a  pike  through 
the  mouth,  was  raced  [torn]  along  from  the  tip  of  the  tongue, 
and  thrust  that  way  very  dangerously,  more  than  two  inches 
with  the  neck ;  and  my  Lord  Edward  had  his  horse  under 
him,  wounded  sore  with  swords,  and  I  think  to  death. 

Like  as  also,  a  little  before  this  onset.  Sir  Thomas  Darcy 
upon  his  approach  to  the  enemy  was  struck  glancing  wise, 
on  the  right  side,  with  a  bullet  of  one  of  their  field  pieces ; 
and  thereby  his  body  bruised  with  the  bowing  in  of  his 
harness,  his  sword  hilts  broken,  and  the  forefinger  of  his  right 
hand  beaten  flat:  even  so,  upon  the  parting  of  this  fray,  was 
Sir  Arthur  Darcy  flashed  at  with  swords,  and  so  hurt  upon 
the  wedding  finger  of  his  right  hand  also,  as  it  was  counted 
for  the  first  part  of  medicine  to  have  it  quite  cut  away. 

About  the  same  time,  certain  of  the  Scots  ran  out  hastily 
to  the  King's  Majesty's  Standard  of  the  Horsemen,  the 
which  Sir  Andrew  Flammack  bare  ;  and  laying  fast  hold  of 
upon  the  staff  thereof,  cried,  "  A  King !  A  King !  "  that  if 
both  his  strength,  his  heart,  and  his  horse  had  not  been 
good ;  and  hereto,  somewhat  aided,  at  this  pinch,  by  Sir 
Ralph  Coppinger  a  Pensioner,  both  he  had  been  slain,  and 
the  standard  lost ;  which  the  Scots,  nevertheless,  held  so 
fast  that  they  brake  and  bare  away  the  nether  [lower]  end  of 
the  staff  to  the  burrell  [ring]  and  intended  so  much  to  the 
gain  of  the  standard,  that  Sir  Andrew,  as  hap  was,  'scaped 
home  all  safe,  and  else  without  hurt. 

At  this  business,  also,  was  my  Lord  Fitzwalter,  Captain  of 
a  number  of  Demi-lances,  unhorsed  ;  but  soon  mounted  again, 
escaped,  yet  in  great  danger,  and  his  horse  all  [that]  he  wan. 

Hereat  further,  were  Cavarley,  the  Standard  Bearer  of  the 
Men  of  Arms,  and  Clement  Paston  a  Pensioner,  each  of 
them  thrust  into  the  legs  with  pikes ;  and  Don  Philip,  a 
Spaniard,  in  the  knee  :  divers  others  maimed  and  hurt ;  and 
many  horses  sore  wounded  beside. 

C  By  this  time,  had  our  Foreward,  accordingly,  gotten  the 
full  vantage  of  the  hill's  side  ;  and,  in  respect  of  their  march, 
stood  sideling  towards  the  enemy:  who,  nevertheless  were 
not  able,  in  all  parts,  to  stand  full  square  in  array  by  reason 
that  at  the  west  end  of  them,   upon  their  right  hand  and 


^ai!!^"48.]  Principal  Officers  of  the  Foreward.     121 

towards  the  enemy,  there  was  a  square  plot  enclosed  with  turf, 
as  their  manner  of  fencing  [making  with  walls]  in  those  parts 
is  ;  one  corner  whereof  did  let  the  square  of  the  same  array. 
Our  Battle,  in  good  order,  next  them,  but  so  as  in  continu- 
ance of  array:  the  former  part  thereof  stood  upon  the  hill's 
side,  the  tail  upon  the  plain.  And  the  Rereward  wholly  upon 
the  plain. 

So  that  by  the  placing  and  countenance  of  our  army  in 
this  wise,  we  showed  ourselves,  in  a  manner,  to  compass  them 
in,  that  they  should,  in  no  way  'scape  us  :  the  which,  by  our 
power  and  number,  we  were  as  well  able  to  do,  as  a  spinner's 
web  to  catch  a  swarm  of  bees.  Howbeit,  for  heart  and  courage, 
we  meant  to  meet  with  them,  had  they  been  as  many  more. 

Those  indiscreet  gadlings  that  so  fondly  brake  array  from 
the  horsemen  in  the  retire,  as  I  said,  ran  so  hastily  through 
the  orders  and  ranks  of  our  Foreward,  as  it  stood,  that  it  did 
both  disorder  many,  feared  many,  and  was  a  great  encourage- 
ment to  the  enemy. 

My  Lord  Lieutenant,  who  had  the  guiding  of  the  Foreward, 
right  valiantly  had  conducted  them  to  their  standing :  and 
there  did  very  nobly  encourage  and  comfort  them  ;  bidding 
them,  "  Pluck  up  their  hearts  1  and  show  themselves  men  !  for 
there  was  no  cause  of  fear.  As  for  victory,  it  was  in  their 
own  hands,  if  they  did  abide  by  it !  and  he  himself,  even 
there,  would  live  and  die  among  them  !  " 

And  surely,  as  his  Worthiness  always  right  well  deserveth, 
so  was  his  Honour,  at  that  time,  worthily  furnished  with 
worthy  captains. 

First,  Sir  John  Lutterell,  who  had  the  leading  of  a 
three  hundred  of  his  Lordship's  men,  that  were  the  foremost 
of  this  Foreward ;  all  with  harness  and  weapon  :  and,  in  all 
points  else,  so  well  trimmed  for  war  that,  like  as,  at  that 
time,  I  could  well  note  my  Lord's  great  cost  and  honour,  for 
their  choice  and  perfect  appointment  and  furniture  ;  so  did  I 
then  also  consider  Sir  John  Luttrell's  prowess  and  wisdom 
for  their  valiant  conduction,  and  exact  observance  i  mean  such  a 
of  order.  Whom  (knowing,  as  I  know)  for  his  wit,  bTl^aSiTe 
manhood,  good  qualities,  and  aptness  to  all  gentle  [Castiglione] 

,         •  I  -r     1  1  11  t"^  Italian,  in 

feats  besides;  I  have  good  cause  to  count  both  a  hs  book  of 
good   Captain  a  warfare   in   field,   and  a   worthy  d^^rTi^'"^ 
Courtier  in  peace  at  home. 


122   The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  [^aiT'^Ms: 

Then  in  the  same  Foreward,  Sir  Morice  Dennis,  another 
Captain,  who  wisely  first  exhorting  his  men  "  to  play  the 
men,  showing  thereby  the  assurance  of  victory,"  and  then  to 
the  intent  they  should  be  sure  he  would  never  shrink  from 
them,  he  did  with  no  less  worship  than  valiance,  in  the 
hottest  of  this  business,  alighted  among  them,  and  put  his 
horse  from  him. 

But  if  I  should  (as  cause,  I  confess,  there  was  enough) 
make  here  any  stay  in  his  commendation  therefore,  or  of  the 
forward  courage  of  Sir  George  Haward,  who  bear  the 
King's  Majesty's  Standard  in  the  Battle  ;  or  of  the  circum- 
spect diligence  of  Sir  William  Pickering  and  Sir  Richard 
WiNGFiELD,  Sergeants  of  the  Band  to  the  Foreward ;  or  of 
the  prompt  forwardness  of  Sir  Charles  Brandon,  another 
captain  there  ;  or  of  the  painful  industry  of  Sir  James 
WiLFORD,  Provost  Marshal,  who  placed  himself  with  the 
foremost  of  this  Foreward  ;  or  of  the  good  order  in  march  of 
Sir  Hugh  Willoughby  and  William  Dennis  Esquire, 
both  captains  ;  or  of  the  present  heart  of  John  Challoner, 
a  captain  also  in  the  battle  ;  or  of  the  honest  respect  of 
Edward  Chamberlain,  Gentleman  Harbinger  [Quartermaster] 
of  the  Army,  who  willingly  as  then,  came  in  order  with  the 
same  Foreward;  or  of  right  many  others  in  both  these  Battles 
(for  I  was  not  nigh  the  Rereward)  whose  behaviour  and 
worthiness  were,  at  that  time,  notable  in  mine  eye  (although 
I  neither  knew  then  all  of  them  I  saw;  nor  could  since 
remember  of  them  I  knew)  I  might  well  be  in  doubt  it  should 
be  too  much  an  intrication  to  the  matter,  too  great  a  tedious- 
ness  to  the  reader.     And  therefore  to  say  on. 

The  Scots  were  somewhat  disordered  with  their  coming 
out  about  the  slaughter  of  our  men  ;  the  which  they  did  so 
earnestly  then  intend,  they  took  not  one  to  mercy.  But 
more  they  were  amazed  at  this  adventurous  and  hardy  onset. 
My  Lord's  Grace  having  before  this,  for  causes  aforesaid, 
placed  himself  on  this  Fauxside  Bray,  and  thereby  quickly 
perceiving  the  great  disorder  of  these  straggling  horsemen, 
hemmed  them  in  from  further  straying  ;  whom  Sir  Ralph 
Vane,  with  great  dexterity,  brought  in  good  order  and  array 
again. 

And  therewith,  the  rest  of  our  strengths,  by  the  policy  of 


j^n.^iMs"']  ^^^^  Scotch  first  see  the  English  Foot,  i  23 

my  Lord's  Grace,  and  the  diligence  of  every  captain  and 
officer  beside,  were  so  opportunely  and  aptly  applied,  in  their 
feat,  that  where  this  repulse  by  the  enemy  and  retire  of  us 
were  doubted  by  many,  to  turn  to  the  danger  of  our  loss  : 
the  same  was  wrought  and  advanced,  according  as  it  was 
devised,  to  our  certainty  of  gain  and  victory. 

For,  first,  at  this  slough,  where  most  of  our  horsemen  had 
stood.  Sir  Peter  Mewtys,  Captain  of  all  the  Hackbutters 
afoot,  did  very  valiantly  conduct,  and  place  a  good  number  of 
his  men,  in  a  manner,  hard  at  the  face  of  the  enemy. 
Whereunto,  Sir  Peter  Gamboa,  a  Spaniard,  Captain  of  a 
two  hundred  Hackbutters  on  horseback,  did  readily  bring  his 
men  also  :  who,  with  the  hot  continuance  of  their  shot,  on 
both  parties,  did  so  stoutly  stay  the  enemy,  that  they  could 
not  well  come  further  forward. 

Then  our  archers  that  marched  in  array,  on  the  right  hand 
of  our  footmen,  and  next  to  the  enemy,  pricked  them  sharply 
with  arrows,  as  they  stood. 

Therewith,  the  Master  of  the  Ordnance,  to  their  great 
annoyance,  did  gall  with  hail  shot  and  other  [shot]  out  of  the 
great  ordnance  directly  from  the  hill  top ;  and  certain  other 
gunners,  a  flank,  from  our  Rereward.  Most  of  our  artillery 
and  missive  engines  then  wholly  thus  at  once,  with  great 
puissance  and  vehemency,  occupied  about  them. 

Herewith,  the  full  sight  of  our  footmen,  all  shadowed  from 
them  before,  by  our  horsemen  and  the  dust  raised  ;  whom 
then  they  were  ware  [aware] ,  in  such  order,  to  be  so  near  upon 
them.  And  to  this  the  perfect  array  of  our  horsemen  again 
coming  courageously  to  set  on  them  afresh.  Miserable  men  ! 
perceiving  themselves,  then  all  too  late,  how  much  too  much 
they  were  misinformed,  began  suddenly  to  shrink.  Their 
Governor,  that  brought  them  first  to  the  bargain,  like  a 
doughty  Captain,  took  hastily  his  horse  that  he  might  run 
foremost  away.  Indeed,  it  stood  somewhat  with  reason  that 
he  should  make  first  homeward  that  first  made  outward  ;  but, 
as  some  of  them  said,  scant  [scarcely]  with  honour,  and  with 
shame  enough.  The  Earl  of  Angus  and  other  chief  captains 
did  quickly  follow,  as  their  Governor  led  ;  and  with  the  fore- 
most, their  Irishmen. 

Therewith  then  turned  all  the  whole  rout,  kest  [cast]  down 
their  weapons,  ran  out  of  their  Wards,  off  with  their  jacks 


124  The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  Pjan^^"*?: 

and  with  all  that  ever  they  might,  betook  them  to  the  race 
that  their  Governor  began. 

Our  men  had  found  them  at  the  first  (as  what  could 
escape  so  many  thousand  eyes?),  and  sharply  and  quickly, 
with  an  universal  outcry,  "  They  fly  !  They  fly  !  "  pursued 
after  in  chase  amain :  and  thereto  so  eagerly  and  with  such 
fierceness,  that  they  overtook  many,  and  spared  indeed  but 
few;  as  it  might  then  hardly  have  been  both  folly  and  peril 
to  have  showed  any  pity. 

But  when  they  were  once  turned ;  it  was  a  wonder  to  see 
how  soon,  and  in  how  sundry  sorts  they  were  scattered.  The 
place  they  stood  on  like  a  wood  of  staves  [pikes]  strewed  on 
the  ground  as  rushes  in  a  chamber ;  impassable  they  lay  so 
thick,  for  either  horse  or  man. 

Here,  at  the  first,  they  let  fall  all  their  pikes  after 
that,  everywhere,  they  scattered  swords,  bucklers,  daggers, 
jacks,  and  all  things  else  that  either  was  of  any  weight,  or 
might  be  any  let  to  their  course.  Which  course  among 
them,  they  made  specially  three  ways.  Some  along  the 
sands  by  the  Frith,  towards  Leith.  Some  straight  towards 
Edinburgh,  whereof  part  went  through  the  park  there :  in 
the  walls  whereof,  though  they  be  round  about  of  flint  stone; 
yet  were  there  many  holes  already  made.  And  part  of  them 
by  the  highway  that  leads  along  by  Holy  Rood  Abbey.  And 
the  residue,  and,  as  we  noted  then,  the  most  of  them  towards 
Dalkeith  :  which  way,  by  means  of  the  marsh,  our  horsemen 
were  worst  able  to  follow. 

Sundry  shifts,  some  shrewd,  some  sorry,  made  they  in  their 
running.  Divers  of  them  in  their  courses,  as  they  were  ware 
[aware]  they  were  pursued  but  of  one,  would  suddenly  back, 
and  lash  at  the  legs  of  the  horse  or  foin  [thrust]  him  in 
the  belly.  And  sometime  did  they  reach  at  the  rider  also  : 
whereby  Clement  Paston  in  the  arm,  and  divers  others 
otherwise,  were  hurt  in  this  chase. 

Some  other  lay  flat  in  a  furrow,  as  though  they  were  dead, 
and  thereby  were  passed  by  of  our  men  untouched;  as  I  heard 
say,  the  Earl  of  Angus  confessed  he  couched  till  his  horse 
happed  to  be  brought  him.  Other  some,  to  stay  in  the  river, 
cowering  down  his  body,  his  head  under  the  root  of  a  willow 
tree,  with  scant  his  nose  above  water  for  breath.  A  shift, 
but  no  succour,  it  was  to  many  that  had  their  skulls  [helmets] 


^jam^"48]  The  Panic,  and  frightful  Pursuit.    125 

on,  at  the  stroke  of  the  follower,  to  shrink  their  heads  into 
their  shoulders,  like  a  tortoise  into  its  shell.  Others,  again, 
for  their  more  lightness,  cast  away  shoes  and  doublets ;  and 
ran  in  their  shirts.  And  some  were  also  seen  in  this  race,  to  fall 
flat  down  all  breathless,  and  to  have  run  themselves  to  death. 

Before  this,  at  the  time  of  our  onset,  came  there  eastward, 
a  five  hundred  of  their  horsemen,  up  along  this  Fauxside 
Bray,  straight  upon  our  ordnance  and  carriage.  My  Lord's 
Grace,  as  I  said,  most  specially  for  the  doubt  of  the  same, 
placing  himself  thereby,  caused  a  piece  or  two  to  be  turned 
towards  them  ;  with  a  few  shots  whereof,  they  were  soon 
turned  also,  and  fled  to  Dalkeith.  But  had  they  kept  on, 
they  were  provided  for  accordingly.  For  one  parson  Keble, 
a  Chaplain  of  his  Grace's,  and  two  or  three  others,  by  and  by 
discoverd  four  or  five  of  the  carts  of  munition,  and  therewith 
bestowed  pikes,  bills,  bows  and  arrows  to  as  many  as  came. 
So  that  of  carters  and  others  there  were  soon  weaponed,  there, 
about  a  thousand  men  ;  whom  parson  Keble  and  the  others 
did  very  handsomely  dispose  in  array,  and  made  a  pretty 
muster. 

To  return  now.  Soon  after  this  notable  strewing  of  their 
footmen's  weapons,  began  a  pitiful  sight  of  the  dead  corpses 
lying  dispersed  abroad.  Some,  with  their  legs  off ;  some  but 
bought  [ham-strung]  and  left  lying  half  dead :  others,  with  the 
arms  cut  off;  divers,  their  necks  half  asunder;  many,  their 
heads  cloven ;  of  sundry,  the  brains  pasht  [smashed]  out ; 
some  others  again,  their  heads  quite  off:  with  a  thousand 
other  kinds  of  killing. 

After  that,  and  further  in  the  chase,  all,  for  the  most  part, 
killed  either  in  the  head  or  in  the  neck  ;  for  our  horsemen 
could  not  well  reach  them  lower  with  their  swords. 

And  thus,  with  blood  and  slaughter  of  the  enemy,  this 
chase  was  continued  five  miles  in  length  westward,  from  the 
place  of  their  standing,  which  was  in  the  fallow  fields  of 
Underesk  [Inveresk],  unto  Edinburgh  Park,  and  well  nigh  to 
the  gates  of  the  town  itself,  and  unto  Leith ;  and  in  breadth, 
nigh  three  miles,  from  the  Frith  sands,  towards  Dalkeith 
southward.  In  all  which  space,  the  dead  bodies  lay  as  thick 
as  a  man  may  note  cattle  grazing  in  a  full  replenished 
pasture.  The  river  ran  all  red  with  blood  :  so  that  in  the 
same  chase  were  counted,  as  well  by  some  of  our  men  that 


126   The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  [^jam''x54?: 

somewhat  diligently  did  mark  it,  as  by  some  of  them  taken 
prisoners,  that  very  much  did  lament  it,  to  have  been  slain 
above  thirteen  thousand.  In  all  this  compass  of  ground, 
what  with  weapons,  arms,  hands,  legs,  heads,  blood,  and 
dead  bodies,  their  flight  might  have  easily  been  tracked  to 
every  [each]  of  their  three  refuges. 

And  for  the  smallness  of  our  number,  and  the  shortness  of 
the  time,  which  was  scant  five  hours,  from  one  till  well  nigh 
six,  the  mortality  was  so  great,  as  it  was  thought  the  like 
aforetime  had  not  been  seen.  Indeed,  it  was  the  better 
maintained  with  their  own  swords  that  lay  each  where 
[everywhere]  scattered  by  the  way  ;  whereof  our  men,  as  they 
brake  one,  still  took  up  another.  There  was  store  enough  : 
and  they  laid  it  on  so  freely,  that  right  many  among  them,  at 
this  business,  brake  three  or  four  ere  they  returned  homeward 
to  the  army. 

I  may  well,  perchance,  confess  that  herein  we  used  some 
sharpness,  although  not  as  much  as  we  might  have,  and  little 
courtesy :  and  yet  I  can  safely  avow,  all  was  done  by  us  as 
rather  by  sundry  respects  driven  and  compelled,  than  either 
of  cruelty  or  of  delight  in  slaughter.  And  like,  some  way, 
to  the  diligent  master  that  sharply  sometimes,  when  warning 
will  not  serve,  doth  beat  his  scholar :  not  hardly  [probably]  for 
hate  of  the  child  or  his  own  delight  in  beating,  but  for  love, 
he  would  have  him  amend  his  faults  or  negligence  ;  and  beats 
him  once  surely,  because  he  would  need  to  beat  him  no 
more. 

One  cause  of  the  correction  we  used,  I  may  well  count  to 
be,  the  tyrannous  Vow  that  they  made,  which  we  certainly 
heard  of,  that  whensoever  they  fought  and  overcame,  they 
would  slay  so  many  and  spare  so  few :  a  sure  proof  whereof 
they  plainly  had  showed  at  our  onset  before,  where  they 
killed  all,  and  saved  not  a  man. 

Another  respect  was  to  revenge  their  great  and  cruel 
tyranny  at  Panyar  Hough  [?  Penial  Heugh],  as  I  have  said 
before,  where  they  slew  the  Lord  Evers,  whom  otherwise 
they  might  have  taken  prisoner  and  saved  ;  and  cruelly  killed 
as  many  else  of  our  men  as  came  into  their  hands. 

We  were  forced  yet  hereto,  by  a  further  and  very  earnest 
regard,  which  was  the  doubt  of  the  assembling  of  their  army 
again;  whereof  a  cantel  [fraction],  for  the  number,  had  been 


^^^.r^'Sl   The  Gentlemen  taken  prisoners.    127 

able  to  compare  with  our  whole  host,  when  it  was  at  the 
greatest :  and  so,  perchance,  we  should  have  been  driven, 
with  double  labour,  to  beat  them  again,  and  make  two  works 
out  of  one;  whereas  we  well  remembered  that  "  a  thing  once 
well  done,  is  twice  done." 

To  these,  another,  and  not  the  meanest  matter.  The  name  of 
was  that  their  armour  among  them  so  little  differed,  t^ke^Jfriife'^"''' 
and   their    apparel   was   so    base    and    beggarly:  signification  of 

,  ,  C_JCj?  ■/     /     SpCGCll  3,S  \VC 

wherein  the  Lurdein  was,  in  a  manner,  all  one  do:  but  a 
with  the  Lord;  and  the  Lound  with  the  La[i]rde:  tSnlel 
all  clad  alike  in  jacks  covered  with  white  leather ;  [^^^f,^"]''^vith 
doublets  of  the  same  or  of  fustian ;  and  most  us. 
commonly  all  white  hosen.  Not  one!  with  either  namro"f  '^^ 
chain,  brooch,  ring,  or  garment  of  silk  that  I  could  vnia'in''or  Sdi 
see;  unless  chains  of  latten  [pewter]  drawn  four 'i^e. 
or  five  times  along  the  thighs  of  their  hosen,  and  doublet 
sleeves  for  cutting:  and  of  that  sort  I  saw  many.  This 
vileness  of  port  [dress]  was  the  cause  that  so  many  of  their 
great  men  and  gentlemen  were  killed;  and  so  few  saved. 
The  outward  show,  the  semblance  and  sign  whereby  a  stranger 
might  discern  a  villain  from  a  gentleman,  was  not  to  be  seen 
among  them.  As  for  words  and  goodly  proffer  of  great 
ransoms,  they  were  as  common  and  rife  in  the  mouths  of  the 
one  as  the  other  :  and  therefore  it  came  to  pass  that  after,  in 
the  examination  and  counting  of  the  prisoners,  we  found  we 
had  taken  above  twenty  of  their  villains  to  one  of  their 
gentlemen  :  whom  no  man  need  to  doubt  we  had  rather  have 
spared  than  the  villains,  if  we  could  have  known  any  difference 
between  them  in  the  taking. 

And  yet,  notwithstanding  all  these  our  just  causes  and 
quarrels  to  kill  them,  we  showed  more  grace,  and  took  more 
to  mercy,  than  the  case  on  our  side,  for  the  causes  aforesaid, 
did  well  deserve  or  require. 

For,  beside  the  Earl  Huntley  who  was  appointed  in  good 
harness  (likest  a  gentleman  of  any  of  them  that  I  could  hear 
of  or  see)  who  could  not  then  escape  because  he  lacked  his 
horse  ;  and  therefore  happed  to  be  taken  by  Sir  Ralph  Vane  ; 
and  beside  the  Lord  of  Yester:  Hobby  Hambleton  [Hamil- 
ton], Captain  of  Dunbar;  the  Master  of  Sampoole  [Semple]: 
the  Laird  of  Wimmes,  taken  by  John  Been;  a  brother  of 
the  Earl  of  Cassil'IjS  ;  besides  one   Moutrell.   taken  by 


128  The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  [^: 


Pattea 
an.  1548. 


beiike!'^f"he  CoRNELius,  Comptrollcr  of  the  Ordnance  of  this 
Eario'fARGYLE  army;  and  one  of  the  Camals  [?  Campbells],  an 
naI^l^^°^^''  Irish  gentleman,  taken  by  Edward  Chamberlain  ; 
^?cliMPSELL-i  ^nd  besides  many  other  Scottish  gentlemen  more, 
likeas  the  Earl  whosc  namcs  and  takers  I  remember  not  well,  the 

of  Angus  s  is  .  ,    ,  i         •»  i-         i      n       i         i 

Douglas,  and  prisoncrs  accountcd  by  the  Marshal  s  book,  were 
Huntley's  is   numbered  to  above  fifteen  hundred. 
Gordon.  Touching  the  slaughter,  sure[ly]  we  killed  noth- 

hemw'wS also  ^'^S  ^o  many  as,  if  we  had  minded  cruelty  so  much, 
herrn'  ^"'  ^°^  ^^^  timc  and  opportunity  right  well  we  might, 
placed:  For  my  Lord's  Grace,  of  his  wonted  mercy,  much 

Lwd^s  G?a«  moved  with  the  pity  of  this  sight,  and  rather  glad 
for'thwith'"  °^  victory  than  desirous  of  cruelty,  soon  after  (by 
freely  to  be  gucss)  five  o'clock,  staycd  his  Standard  of  his 
witli^utraSrom  Horscm.en,  at  the  furthest  part  of  their  camp 
or  loss.  westward;  and  caused  the  trumpets  to  blow  a  retreat. 

Whereat  also,  Sir  Ralph  Sadler,  Treasurer  (whose  great 
diligence  at  that  time,  and  ready  forwardness  in  the  chiefest 
of  the  fray  before,  did  worthily  merit  no  small  commendation) 
caused  all  the  Footmen  to  stay,  and  then,  with  much  travail 
and  great  pains,  made  them  to  be  brought  into  some  ordef 
again.  It  was  a  thing  not  yet  easily  to  be  done,  by  reason 
they  all,  as  then,  somewhat  busily  applied  their  market,  the 
spoil  of  this  Scottish  camp  :  wherein  were  found  good  pro- 
vision of  white  bread,  ale,  oaten  cakes,  mutton,  butter  in  pots, 
cheese ;  and,  in  divers  tents,  good  wine  also.  Good  store,  to 
say  truth,  of  good  victail,  for  the  manner  of  their  country. 

And  in  some  tents  among  them,  as  I  heard  say,  were  also 
found  a  dish  or  two,  two  or  three  goblets,  or  three  or  four 
chalices  of  silver  plate :  which  the  finders  (I  know  not  with 
what  reverence,  but  hardly  with  some  devotion)  plucked  out 
of  the  cold  clouts  and  thrust  into  their  warm  bosoms. 

Here  now,  to  say  somewhat  of  the  manner  of  their  camp. 
As  they  had  no  pavilions  or  round  houses  of  a  commendable 
compass  :  so  were  there  few  other  tents  with  posts,  as  the 
used  manner  of  making  is  ;  and  of  these  few  also,  none  of 
above  twenty  foot  in  length,  but  most  far  under.  For  the 
most  part,  they  were  all  sumptuously  beset,  after  their  fashion, 
with  fleur  de  lys,  for  the  love  of  France,  some  of  blue  buck- 
ram, some  of  black,  and  some  of  some  other  colours. 

These  white  ridges,  as  I  called  thsm,  that,  as  we  stood  on 


^an^^iS:]  T  H  E  Pursuit  is  stayed  at  5  p.m.  129 

Fauxside  Bray,  did  make  so  great  a  muster  towards  us,  which 
I  did  take  then  to  be  a  number  of  tents  :  when  we  came,  we 
found  them  to  be  a  linen  drapery,  of  the  coarser  camerick 
[cambric]  indeed,  for  it  was  all  of  canvas  sheets. 

They  were  the  tenticles  or  rather  cabins  and  couches  of 
their  soldiers :  which  (much  after  the  common  building 
of  their  country  besides)  they  had  framed  of  four  sticks,  about 
an  ell  long  a  piece  :  whereof  two  fastened  together  at  one  end 
aloft,  and  the  two  ends  beneath  stuck  in  the  ground  an  ell 
asunder,  standing  in  fashion  like  the  bow  of  a  sow's  yoke. 
Over  two  such  bows,  one,  as  it  were,  at  their  head,  the  other 
at  their  feet,  they  stretched  a  sheet  down  on  both  sides 
whereby  their  cabins  became  roofed  like  a  ridge,  but  scant 
shut  at  both  ends ;  and  not  very  close  beneath,  on  the  sides, 
unless  their  sticks  were  the  shorter,  or  their  wives  the  more 
liberal  to  lend  them  larger  napery.  Howbeit  within  they 
had  lined  them,  and  stuffed  them  so  thick  with  straw,  that  as 
the  weather  was  not  very  cold,  when  they  were  once  couched, 
they  were  as  warm  as  [if  J  they  had  been  wrapped  in  horsedung. 

The  plot  of  their  camp  was  called  Edminston  Edge,  nigh 
Gilberton  [?  Gthnerton],  a  place  of  the  Lord  of  Brunston[e]s, 
half  a  mile  beyond  Musselburgh,  and  a  three  mile  on  this  side 
Edinburgh;  and  occupied  in  largeness,  with  divers  tents  and 
tenticles  in  sundry  parts  out  of  square,  about  a  mile's  com- 
pass. Wherein,  as  our  men,  upon  the  sound  of  retreat,  at  their 
retire,  were  somewhat  assembled ;  we  all,  with  a  loud  and 
entire  outcry  and  hallowing  [holloaing],  in  sign  of  gladness  and 
victory,  made  a  universal  noise  and  shout :  whereof  the 
shrillness,  as  we  heard  after,  was  heard  unto  Edinburgh. 

It  was  a  wonder  to  see,  but  that  as  they  say  "  many  hands 
make  light  work  "  how  soon  the  dead  bodies  were  stripped, 
even  from  as  far  as  the  chase  went,  unto  the  place  of  our  onset, 
whereby  the  personages  of  the  enemies  might,  by  the  way, 
easily  be  viewed  and  considered :  which  for  their  tallness 
of  stature,  cleanness  of  skin,  bigness  of  bone,  with  due  pro- 
portion in  all  parts,  I,  for  my  part  advisedly  noted,  to  be 
such  as  but  that  I  well  saw  that  it  was  so,  I  would  not  have 
believed,  sure  [ly],  so  many  of  that  sort  to  have  been  in  all  their 
country. 

Among  them,  lay  there  many  priests  and  *'  Kirkmen," 
as  they  call  them;  of  whom  it  was  bruited  among  us,  that 

I  I 


130   The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  [^an^^'^s: 

there  was  a  whole  band  of  a  three  or  four  thousand :  but 
we  were  afterwards  informed  that  it  was  not  altogether  so. 

At  the  place  of  the  charge  given  by  us,  at  the  first,  we  there 
found  our  horses  slain  all  gored  and  hewn,  and  our  men  so 
ruefully  gashed  and  mangled,  in  the  head  especially,  as  not  one 
could,  by  the  face,  be  known  who  he  was. 

Little  Preston  was  found  there  with  both  his  hands  cut 
off  by  the  wreasts  [wrists] ;  and  known  to  be  him,  for  that  it 
was  known  he  had  on  each  arm  a  bracelet  of  gold  :  for  the 
which  they  so  chopped  him. 

Edward  Shelley,  alas,  that  worthy  gentleman  and  valiant 
Captain !  lay  all  pitifully  disfigured  and  mangled  among 
them;  and  nothing  discernable  but  by  his  beard.  Of  whom, 
besides  the  properties  of  his  person,  for  his  wit,  his  good 
quaHties,  his  activities  in  feats  of  war,  and  his  perfect  honesty, 
for  the  which  he  was,  by  all  men  of  all  estates,  so  much 
esteemed  and  so  well  beloved  :  and  hereto,  for  that  he  was  my 
so  near  friend,  I  had  cause  enough  here,  without  parsimony 
to  praise  his  life  and  lament  his  death,  were  it  not  that  the 
same  should  be  too  great  a  digression,  and  too  much  inter- 
ruption of  the  matter. 

But  touching  the  manner  of  his  death,  I  think  his  merit 
too  much,  to  let  pass  in  silence  :  who  not  inferior,  in 
fortitude  of  mind,  either  unto  the  Roman  Curtius  *  or  the 
two  Decii  :  he,  being  in  this  business,  foremost  of  all  our 
men  against  the  enemy:  considering  with  himself,  that  as 
his  hardy  charge  upon  them,  was  sure  to  be  their  terror,  and 
very  likely  to  turn  to  the  breach  of  their  order;  and  herewith 
also  that  the  same  should  be  great  courage  to  his  followers 
that  came  to  give  the  charge  with  him  ;  and  pondering  again 
that  his  turning  back  at  this  point,  should  cause  the  contrary, 

*  As  there  fell  suddenly  in  Rome,  a  great  dungeon,  and  swallowing  of 
ground,  CURTIUS,  a  Roman  Gentleman,  for  the  pleasing  of  the  gods,  and 
that  the  same  might  cease,  mounted  on  his  horse  and  leapt  down  into  the 
same,  which  then  after  closed  up  again.    Valerius  Maximus,  /i.  vi.  ca.  vi. 

Decius  Mus  and  PUBLIUS  Decius  his  son,  Consuls  of  Rome,  as  they 
should  fight,  the  father  against  the  Latins,  and  the  son  after  that  against 
the  Samnites  ;  and  were  warned,  by  dream,  that  those  armies  should 
have  the  victory,  whose  Captains  were  first  slain  in  field  :  they  both  ran 
willingly  into  the  liosts  of  their  enemies.  They  were  slain,  and  their 
armies  wan  the  field. 

Plutarch,  De  Dec  10  pre  paral.  xxxvii.  Et  LiviUS  de  P.  Decio  li.  x. 
dec.  i. 


^J^^'Sfl  Edward  Shelley,  Lord  Grey.    131 

and  be  great  danger  of  our  confusion,  was  content,  in  his 
King's  and  country's  quarrel,  in  hopes  the  rather  to  leave 
victory  unto  his  countrymen,  thus  honourably  to  take  death 
to  himself. 

Whom,  let  no  man  think  !  no  foolish  hardness  or  weari- 
ness of  life  drave  unto  so  hard  an  enterprise,  whose  sober 
valiance  of  courage  hath  often  otherwise,  in  the  late  wars 
with  France,  been  sufficiently  approved  before  ;  and  whose 
state  of  living,  I  myself  knew  to  be  such  as  lacked  nothing 
that  might  pertain  to  perfect  worldly  wealth. 

I  trust  it  shall  not  be  taken  that  I  mean,  hereby,  to 
derogate  fame  from  any  of  the  rest  that  died  there,  GOD 
have  their  souls !  who,  I  wot,  bought  the  bargain  as  dear  as 
he :  but  only  to  do  that  in  me  may  lie,  to  make  his  name 
famous  who,  among  these,  in  my  opinion,  towards  his 
Prince  and  country,  did  best  deserve. 

Nigh  this  place  of  onset,  where  the  Scots,  at  their  running 
away,  had  let  fall  their  weapons,  as  I  said :  there  found  we, 
besides  their  common  manner  of  armour,  certain  nice 
instruments  of  war,  as  we  thought.  They  were  new  boards' 
ends  cut  off,  being  about  a  foot  in  breadth  and  half  a  yard  in 
length  :  having  on  the  inside,  handles  made  very  cunningly 
of  two  cords'  ends.  These,  a  GOD's  name  !  were  their 
targets  against  the  shot  of  our  small  artillery ;  for  they  were 
not  able  to  hold  out  a  cannon. 

And  with  these,  found  we  great  rattles,  swelling  bigger 
than  the  belly  of  a  pottle  [half  gallon]  pot,  covered  with  old 
parchment  or  double  paper,  small  stones  put  in  them  to  make 
a  noise,  and  set  upon  the  end  of  a  staff  of  more  than  two  ells 
long.  And  this  was  their  fine  device  to  fray  [frighten]  our 
horses,  when  our  horsemen  should  come  at  them.  Howbeit, 
because  the  riders  were  no  babies,  nor  their  horses  any  colts ; 
they  could  neither  duddle  the  one,  nor  affray  the  other.  So 
that  this  policy  was  as  witless,  as  their  power  forceless. 

Among  these  weapons,  and  besides  divers  other  banners, 
standards,  and  pennons,  a  banner  of  white  sarsenet  was 
found,  under  which,  it  was  said  these  "  Kirkmen "  came, 
Whereon  was  painted  a  woman,  with  her  hair  about  her 
shoulders,  kneeling  before  a  crucifix ;  and  on  her  right  hand, 
a  church  :  after  that,  written  along  upon  the  banner,  in  great 
Roman  letters, 


132  The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  [^aZ^Ms! 

AFFLICTS  SPONS^,NE  O  B  L  I  V  I  S  CARI  S! 

which  words  declared  that  they  would  have  this  woman  to 
signify  the  Church,  Christ's  Spouse,  thus,  in  humble  wise, 
making  her  petition  unto  Christ  her  husband  that  He 
would  not  now  forget  her,  His  Spouse,  being  scourged  and 
persecuted ;   meaning,  at  this  time,  by  us. 

It  was  said  it  was  the  Abbot  of  Dunfermline's  banner : 
but  whether  it  were  his,  or  the  Bishop  of  Dunkeld's,  the 
Governor's  brother  (they,  I  understand,  were  both  in  the  field) ; 
and  what  the  number  of  these  "  kirkmen  "  was  ;  I  could  not 
certainly  learn.  But,  sure[ly],  it  was  some  devout  Papist's 
device,  that  not  only,  belike,  would  not  endeavour  to  do 
ought  for  atonement  and  peacemaking  between  us;  but,  all 
contrariwise,  brought  forth  his  standard  stoutly  to  fight  in 
field  himself  against  us,  pretexing  [pretending]  this  his  great 
ungodliness  thus  bent  towards  the  maintenance  of  a  naughty 
quarrel,  with  colour  [pretext]  of  religion,  to  come  in  aid  of 
Christ's  Church. 

Which  Church,  to  say  truth,  coming  thus  to  battle  full 
appointed  with  weapon,  and  guarded  with  such  a  sort 
[company]  of  deacons  to  fight;  however  in  painting  he  had  set 
her  out,  a  man  might  well  think  that,  in  condition,  he  had 
rather  framed  her  after  a  curst  quean  that  would  pluck  her 
husband  by  the  pate,  except  she  had  her  will;  than  like  a 
meek  spouse  that  went  about  humbly  by  submission  and 
prayer  to  desire  her  husband's  help  for  redress  of  things 
amiss. 

Howbeit  for  saving  upright  the  subtilty  of  this  godly  man's 
device,  it  is  best  we  take  what  he  meant  the  most  likely, 
that  is,  the  Church  malignant  and  Congregation  of  the 
Wicked,  whereunto  that  Antichrist,  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  is 
yohn  ca.  2.  husband,  whom  Christ  said,  as  a  thief,  comes  never 
but  to  steal,  slay,  and  destroy;  and  whose  good  son,  this 
holy  Prelate,  in  his  thus  coming  to  the  field,  with  his 
A  F  F  L  I  C  T  i©  ,  now  showed  himself  to  be. 

There  was  upon  this  Fauxside  Bray  (as  I  have  before  said, 
p.  99)  a  little  Castle  or  Pile,  which  was  very  busy  all  the 
time  of  the  battle,  as  any  of  our  men  came  nigh  it,  to  shoot 
at  them  with  such  artillery  as  they  had ;  which  was  none 
other  than  hand-guns  and  hackbuts,  and  of  them  not  a  dozen 


^k^^'Sl   i3jOOo  Scots  killed  in  the  battle.  133 

either.  Little  hurt  did  they  :  but  as  they  saw  their  fellows 
in  the  field  thus  driven  and  beaten  away  before  their  faces ; 
they  plucked  in  their  pieces,  like  a  dog,  his  tail ;  and  couched 
themselves  within  all  mute.  But,  by  and  by,  the  house 
was  set  on  fire:  and  they,  for  their  good  will,  burnt  and 
smothered  within. 

Thus,  through  the  favour  of  GOD's  bounty,  by  the  valiance 
and  policy  of  my  Lord  Protector's  Grace,  by  the  forward 
endeavour  of  all  the  nobles  and  council  there  besides ;  and 
by  the  willing  diligence  of  every  captain,  officer,  and  true 
subject  else  :  we,  most  valiantly  and  honourably,  wan  the 
victory  over  our  enemies. 

Of  whom,  thirteen  thousand  were  slain  thus  in  field,  of 
which  number,  as  we  were  certainly  informed  by  sundry  and 
the  best  of  the  prisoners  then  taken,  beside  the  Earl  of 
LoGHEN  [Louden]  were  the  Lord  Fleming,  the  Master  of 
Greym  [Graham],  the  Master  of  Arskyn  [Erskine],  the  Master 
Ogleby  [?  Oglevy],  the  Master  of  Avondale,  the  Master  of 
RouQn[?  Rowan];  and  many  others  of  noble  birth  among  them. 

There  were  slain  of  Lairds,  Laird's  sons,  and  other  gentle- 
men, above  twenty-six  hundred :  five  hundred  were  taken 
prisoners,  whereof  many  were  also  gentlemen  ;  among  whom 
were  there  of  name,  as  I  have  before  named,  the  Earl 
Huntley,  Lord  Chancellor  of  the  Realm  there,  the  Lord 
of  Yester,  Hobby  Hambleton  [Hamilton],  Captain  of 
Dunbar;  the  Master  of  Sampoole  [Semple],  the  Laird  of 
Wemmis,  and  a  brother  of  the  Earl  of  Cassil[i]s. 

Two  thousand,  by  lurking  and  lying  as  though  they  were 
dead,  'scaped  away  in  the  night,  all  maimed  and  hurt. 

Herewith  wan  we  of  their  weapons  and  armour  more  than 
we  would  vouchsafe  to  give  carriage  for  :  and  yet  were  there 
conveyed  thence,  by  ship,  into  these  parts,  of  jacks  specially, 
and  swords,  above  thirty  thousand. 

This  night,  with  great  gladness,  and  thanksgiving  to  GOD 
(as  good  cause  we  had),  we  pitched  our  camp  at  Edgebuckling 
Bray  [Brae],  beside  Pynkersclough  [Pinkie  Cleugh]  ;  and  a 
mile  beyond  the  place  we  camped  at  before. 

About  an  hour  after  that,  in  some  token,  as  I  took  it,  of 
GOD's  assent  and  applause  showed  to  us  touching  this 
victory;  the  heavens  relented  and  poured  down  a  great 
shower  of  rain  that  lasted  well  nigh  an  hour :  not  unlike  and 


134    The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  [^am^'xj's: 

according,  as  after  our  late  sovereign  Lord's  conquest  of 
Boulogne,  plentiful  showers  did  also  then  ensue. 

And  as  we  were  then  a  settling,  and  the  tents  a-setting 
up,  among  all  things  else  commendable  in  our  whole  journey, 
one  thing  seemed  to  me  an  intolerable  disorder  and  abuse. 
That  whereas  always,  both  in  all  towns  of  war  and  in  all 
camps  of  armies,  quietness  and  stillness,  without  noise,  is 
principally  in  the  night,  after  the  watch  is  set,  observed  (I 
need  not  reason  why) :  our  Northern  prickers,  the  Borderers, 
notwithstanding  (with  great  enormity,  as  thought  me,  and 
not  unlike,  to  be  plain,  a  masterless  hound  howling  in  a 
highway,  when  he  hath  lost  him  he  waited  on)  some 
"  hoop  "-ing,  some  whistling,  and  most  with  crying,  "  A 
Berwick !  a  Berwick  !  "  "A  Fenwick  !  A  Fenwick  !  "  "A 
BuLMER !  a  BuLMER ! "  or  so  otherwise  as  their  Captains' 
name  were,  never  ceased  these  troublous  and  dangerous 
noises  all  the  night  long. 

They  said  they  did  it  to  find  out  their  captains  and 
fellows :  but  if  the  soldiers  of  other  countries  [counties]  and 
shires  had  used  the  same  manner,  in  that  case,  we  should 
have  ofttimes  had  the  state  of  our  camp  more  like  the  outrage 
of  a  dissolute  hunting,  than  the  quiet  of  a  well  ordered  army. 
It  is  a  feat  of  war,  in  mine  opinion,  that  might  right  well  be 
left.  I  could  rehearse  causes  (but  that  I  take  it,  they  are 
better  unspoken  than  uttered,  unless  the  fault  were  sure  to 
be  amended)  that  might  show  they  move  always  more  peril 
to  our  army  but  in  their  one  night's  so  doing,  than  they 
show  good  service,  as  some  say,  in  a  whole  voyage. 

And  since  it  is  my  part  to  be  plain  in  my  process,  I  will  be 
the  bolder  to  show  what  further  I  noted  and  heard.  Another 
manner  have  they  among  them,  of  wearing  handkerchers 
rolled  about  their  arms,  and  letters  broidered  upon  their 
caps.  They  said  themselves,  the  use  thereof  was  that  each 
of  them  might  know  his  fellow,  and  thereby  the  sooner 
assemble  or  in  need  to  aid  one  another,  and  such  like 
respects.  Howbeit  there  were  of  the  army  among  us  (some 
suspicious  men,  perchance)  that  thought  they  used  them  for 
collusion  ;  and  rather  because  they  might  be  known  to  the 
enemy  as  the  enemy  are  known  to  them,  for  they  have  their 
marks  too  :  and  so,  in  conflict,  either  each  to  spare  the 
other,  or  gently  each  to  take  the  othor. 


^^^"48^     ^^^   DISORDER    OF    THE    BoRDERERS.      I35 

Indeed  men  have  been  moved  the  rather  to  think  so, 
because  some  of  their  crosses  [i.e.,  the  badge  of  the  English 
army,  a  red  cross  on  a  white  ground]  were  so  narrow,  and  so 
singly  [slightly]  set  on,  that  a  puff  of  wind  might  have  blown 
them  from  their  breasts :  and  that  they  were  found,  right 
often,  talking  with  the  Scottish  prickers  within  less  than 
their  gad's  [spear's]  length  asunder ;  and  when  they  perceived 
they  had  been  spied,  they  have  begun  to  run  at  one  another 
But  so  apparently  perlassent  [i.e.,  in  a  make  believe  manner], 
as  the  lookers  on  resembled  their  chasing,  like  the  running 
at  base  in  an  uplandish  town,  where  the  match  is  made  for  a 
quart  of  good  ale  :  or  like  the  play  in  Robin  Cook's  school ; 
where  because  the  punies  may  learn,  they  strike  few  strokes, 
but  by  assent  and  appointment. 

I  heard  some  men  say,  it  did  much  augment  their  sus- 
picion that  way,  because,  at  the  battle,  they  saw  these 
prickers  so  badly  demean  themselves,  more  intending  the 
taking  of  prisoners  than  the  surety  of  victory:  for  while 
other  men  fought,  they  fell  to  their  prey ;  that  as  there  were 
but  few  of  them  but  brought  home  his  prisoner,  so  were 
there  many  that  had  six  or  seven. 

Many  men,  yet  I  must  confess,  are  not  disposed  always  to 
say  all  of  the  best;  but  are  more  ready,  haply,  to  find  other 
men's  faults  than  to  amend  their  own.  Howbeit,  I  think, 
sure[ly],  as  for  our  prickers,  if  their  faults  had  been  fewer, 
their  infamy  had  been  less.  Yet  say  I  not  this  so  much  to 
dispraise  them  ;  as  a  means  for  amendment.  Their  captains 
and  gentlemen  again,  are  men,  for  the  most  part,  all  of  right 
honest  service  and  approved  prowess  :  and  such,  sure[ly],  as 
for  their  well-doing,  would  become  famous,  if  their  soldiers 
were  as  toward  as  they  themselves  be  forward. 

As  things  fell  after  in  communication,  one  question  among 
others  arose,  "  Who  killed  the  first  man  this  day,  in  field  ?  " 
The  glory  whereof  one  Jeronimo,  an  Italian,  would  fain  have 
had  :  howbeit  it  was,  after,  well  tried,  that  it  was  one  Cuth- 
BERT  MusGRAVE,  a  gentleman  of  my  Lord  of  Warwick's, 
who  right  hardily  killed  a  gunner  at  his  piece  in  the  Scots' 
Forward,  ere  ever  they  began  any  whit  to  turn.  The  fact, 
for  the  forwardness,  well  deserving  remembrance ;  I  thought 
it  not  meet  to  let  it  slip  in  silence. 

This  night,  the  Scottish  Governor,  when  he  once  thought 


o 


6    The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  [^aJ!^^"* 


himself  in  some  safety,  with  all  speed,  caused  the  Earl 
BoTHWELL  to  be  let  out  of  prison  :  which  whether  he  did  it 
for  the  doubt  he  had  that  we  would  have  released  him, 
"  willed  he,  nilled  he  "  ;  or  whether  he  would  show  himself 
fain  to  do  somewhat  before  the  people,  to  make  some 
amends  of  his  former  fault,  I  do  not  know:  but  this,  sure[ly], 
rather  for  some  cause  of  fear  than  for  any  good  will ;  which 
was  well  apparent  to  all  men,  in  that  he  kept  the  Earl  so 
long  before  in  hold,  without  any  just  cause. 

Sunday,  |U%|'^  N  the  morning,  a  great  sort  [company] 
the  nth  oftM  ^  of  us  rode  to  the  place  of  onset,  where 
September.  ^^  ^^  our  men  lay  slain  :  and,  what  by  gentle- 
"  '  men   for  their   friends,  and  servants   for 

their  masters,  all  of  them  that  were  known  to  be  ours  were 
buried. 

In  the  meantime,  the  Master  and  Officers  of  the  Ordnance, 
did  very  diligently  get  together  all  the  Scottish  ordnance : 
which,  because  it  lay  in  sundry  places,  they  could  not  in 
[bring  in]  all  overnight.  And  these  were  in  number,  a  thirty 
pieces :  whereof  one  culverin,  three  sakers,  and  nine  smaller 
pieces  were  of  brass;  and  of  iron,  seventeen  pieces  more, 
mounted  on  carriages. 

These  things  thus  done.  Somewhat  afore  noon,  our  camp 
raised.  We  marched  along  the  Frith  side,  straight  towards 
Leith  ;  and  approaching  nigh  the  same  about  three  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon,  we  pight  [pitched]  our  field  [i.e.,  the  camp] 
a  prick  shot  on  this  side  the  town,  being  on  the  south-east 
half,  somewhat  shadowed  from  Edinburgh  by  a  hill  [Calton 
Hill],  but  the  most  of  it  lying  within  the  full  sight  and  shot 
of  the  Castle  there,  and  in  distance  somewhat  above  a 
quarter  of  a  mile. 

My  Lord's  Grace,  guarded  but  with  a  small  company,  was 
come  to  Leith  well-nigh  half  an  hour  before  the  army;  which 
he  found  all  desolate  of  resistance,  or  anybody  else.  There 
were  in  the  haven  that  runneth  unto  the  midst  of  the  town, 
a  thirteen  vessels  of  divers  sorts.  Somewhat  of  oade, 
wines,  wainscot,  and  salt  were  found  in  the  town  :  but  as 
but  little  of  that,  so  nothing  else  of  value.  For  how  much  of 
other  things  as  could  well  be  carried,  the  inhabitants,  over- 
night, had  packed  away  with  them. 


^^^IS'.]  The  Army  marches  to  Leith.     137 


My  Lord  Marshal  and  most  of  our  horsemen  were  bestowed 
and  lodged  in  the  town.  My  Lord's  Grace,  my  Lord  Lieu- 
tenant, and  the  rest  of  the  army  in  the  camp. 


His  day,  my  Lord's  Grace  with  the  council 
and  Sir  Richard  Lee,  rode  about  the 
town,  and  to  the  plots  and  hillocks,  on 
either  side,  nigh  to  it,  to  view  and  con- 
sider whether  the  same,  by  building,  might  be  made  tenable 
and  defensible. 


Monday, 

the  12th  of 
September. 


mam 


Tuesday 
the  i^th  of 
September. 


Ertain  of  our  small  vessels  burnt  King- 
horn,  and  a  town  or  two  more  standing  on 
the  north  side  of  the  Frith,  againstLeith. 
In  the  afternoon,  my  Lord's  Grace  rowed 
up  the  Frith  a  six  or  seven  miles  westward,  as  it  runneth  into 
the  land  ;  and  took  in  his  way  an  island  there,  called  Saint 
Colms  Ins  [Inchcolm]  which  standeth  a  four  mile  beyond 
Leith,  and  a  good  way  nearer  the  north  shore  than  the  south : 
yet  not  within  a  mile,  of  the  nearest.  It  is  but  half  a  mile 
about ;  and  hath  in  it  a  pretty  Abbey  (but  the  monks  were 
gone),  fresh  water  enough,  and  also  conies  [rabbits] ;  and  is 
is  so  naturally  strong  as  but  by  one  way  it  can  be  entered. 

My  Lord's  Grace  considering  the  plot  whereof,  did  quickly 
cast  to  have  it  kept :  whereby  all  traffic  of  merchandise,  all 
commodities  else  coming  by  the  Frith  into  their  land  ;  and 
utterly  the  whole  use  of  the  Frith  itself,  with  all  the  havens 
upon  it,  should  quite  be  taken  from  them. 


Wednesday, 
the  14th  of 
September 


His  day;  my  Lord's  Grace  riding  back 
again,  eastward,  to  view  divers  things 
and  places,  took  Dalkeith  in  his  way ; 
where  a  house  of  George  Douglas's 
doth  stand:  and  coming  somewhat  near  it,  he  sent  Somerset 
his  Herald  with  a  trumpet  before,  to  know  "Who kept  it;  and 
whether  the  keepers  would  hold  it,  or  yield  it  to  his  Grace?" 
Answer  was  made,  that  "  there  were  a  sixty  persons  within, 
whom  their  master,  lying  there  the  Saturday  at  night,  after  the 
battle,  did  will  that  they,  the  house,  and  all  that  was  in  it, 
should  be  at  my  Lord  Grace's  commandment  and  pleasure." 
Whereupon  the  chiefest  came  out;  and,  in  the  name  of 


138   The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  |7Jkn^^"48■. 

all  the  rest,  humbled  himself  unto  my  Lord's  will ;  proferring 
his  Grace,  in  his  master's  name,  divers  fair  goshawks ;  the 
which  my  Lord's  Grace  (how  nobly  soever  he  listed  to  show 
mercy  upon  submission,  yet  uttering  a  more  majesty  of 
honour  than  to  base  [abase]  his  generosity  to  the  reward  of 
his  enemy)  did,  but  not  contemptuously,  refuse. 

So,  without  coming  in,  passed  by;  and  rode  to  the  place 
where  the  battle  was  begun  to  be  struck :  the  which  having 
a  pretty  while  overseen,  he  returned  by  Musselburgh,  and  so 
along  by  the  Frith ;  diligently  marking  and  noting  things  by 
the  way. 

Many  were  the  houses,  gentlemen,  and  others  that,  as 
well  in  his  return  as  in  his  going  out,  upon  submission,  his 
Grace  received  into  his  protection. 

This  day,  my  Lord's  Grace,  as  well  for  countenance  [the 
appearance]  of  building  as  though  he  would  tarry  long;  as 
also  to  keep  our  Pioneers  somewhat  in  exercise  (whom  a  little 
rest  would  soon  make  nought),  caused  along  the  east  side  of 
Leith,  a  great  ditch  and  trench  to  be  cast  towards  the  Frith  : 
the  work  whereof  continued  till  the  morning  of  our  departing. 

Thursday,  I'h  \^i  ^1^  Lord  Clinton,  High  Admiral,  as  I  said, 
the  15th  ofli^^  {  of  the  Fleet,  taking  with  him  the  Galley, 
September.\j^^  I    whereof  one  Broke  is  Captain,  and  four 

or  five  of  our  smaller  vessels  besides,  all 

well  appointed  with  munition  and  men,  rowed  up  the  Frith 
a  ten  mile  westward,  to  an  haven  town  standing  on  the  south 
shore,  called  Blackness,  whereat,  towards  the  water  side,  is 
a  castle  of  petty  strength  :  as  nigh  whereunto  as  the  depth  of 
water  there  would  suffer,  the  Scots,  for  safeguard,  had  laid 
the  Mary  Willoughby  and  the  Anthony  of  Newcastle;  two  tall 
ships  which,  with  extreme  injury,  they  had  stolen  from  us 
beforetime,  when  there  was  no  war  between  us.  With  these, 
lay  there  also  another  large  vessel,  called  by  them  the  Bosse, 
and  a  seven  more ;  whereof  a  part  were  laden  with  merchan- 
dise. 

My  Lord  Clinton  and  his  company,  with  right  hardy 
approach,  after  a  great  conflict  betwixt  the  castle  and  our 
vessels,  by  fine  [sheer]  force,  wan  from  them  those  three  ships 
of  name ;  and  burnt  all  the  residue,  before  their  faces,  as 
they  lay. 


Tan^'iMS.]  Rescue  of  English  ships  at  Blackness,     i  39 


Friday, 
the  16th  of 
September. 


HELaird  of  Brunston[e],  a  Scottish  gentle- 
man who  came  to  my  Lord's  Grace  from 
their  Council,  for  cause  of  communication 
belike,  returned  to  them  ;  having  with 
him  NoRROY  a  Herald  and  King  of  Arms  of  ours  :  who  found 
them  with  the  old  Queen  [Mary  of  Lorraine],  at  Stirling, 
a  town  standing  westward  upon  the  Frith,  a  twenty  [or 
rather  forty]  mile  beyond  Edinburgh. 


Saturday, 
the  lyth  of 
September. 


HEREwas  a  fellowtaken  inourcamp,whom 
the  Scots  called  "  English  William." 
An  Englishman  indeed,  that,  before  time, 
having  done  a  robbery  in  Lincolnshire, 
did  run  away  into  Scotland ;  and,  at  this  time,  coming  out  of 
Edinburgh  Castle  as  a  spy  for  the  Scots,  was  spied  himself 
with  the  manner,  and  hanged  for  his  meed  in  the  best  wise 
(because  he  well  deserved)  upon  a  new  gibbet  somewhat 
beside  our  camp,  in  the  sight  both  of  the  town  and  castle. 
GOD  have  mercy  on  his  soul ! 

There  is  no  good  logicioner  [logician]  but  would  think,  I 
think,  that  a  syllogism  thus  formed  of  such  a  thieving  major, 
a  runaway  minor,  and  a  traiterous  consequent  must  needs 
prove,  at  the  weakest,  to  such  a  hanging  argument. 

Sir  John  Luttrel  Knight,  having  by  my  Lord's  Grace 
and  the  council,  been  elected  Abbot,  by  GOD's  sufferance, 
of  the  monastery  of  Saint  Colms  In  [Inchcolm]  afore  re- 
membered ;  in  the  afternoon  of  this  day,  departed  towards  the 
island  to  be  stalled  [installed]  in  his  see  there  accordingly  : 
and  had  with  him  a  Convent  of  a  hundred  hackbutters  and 
fifty  pioneers  to  keep  his  house  and  land  there  ;  and  two 
row  barks  well  furnished  with  munition,  and  seventy  mariners 
for  them,  to  keep  his  waters.  Whereby  it  is  thought,  he  shall 
soon  become  a  Prelate  of  great  power.  The  perfectness  of 
his  religion  is  not  always  to  tarry  at  home ;  but  sometimes 
to  row  out  abroad  on  a  Visitation  :  and  when  he  goeth,  I  have 
heard  say,  he  taketh  always  his  Sumners  in  his  bark  with 
him  ;  which  are  very  open  mouthed,  and  never  talk  but  they 
are  heard  a  mile  off.  So  that  either  for  love  of  his  blessings, 
or  fear  of  his  cursings,  he  is  likely  to  be  sovereign  over  most 
of  his  neighbours. 

My  Lord's  Grace,  this  day  giving  warning  that  our  de- 


140    The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  PjkZ^"".' 

parture  should  be  on  the  morrow,  and  minding  before  (with 
recompence  somewhat  according),  to  reward  one  Barton, 
that  had  played  an  untrue  part ;  commanded,  over  night, 
that  his  house  in  Leith  should  be  set  afire.  And  as  the  same 
was  done,  the  same  night  about  five  o'clock,  many  of  our 
soldiers  that  were  very  forward  in  firing,  fired,  with  all  haste, 
all  the  town  besides :  but  so  far  forth,  as  I  may  think, 
without  commission  or  knowledge  of  my  Lord's  Grace  as  that, 
right  many  horses,  both  of  his  Grace's  and  of  divers  others, 
were  in  great  danger  ere  they  could  be  then  quitted  from  out 
[got  quit]  of  the  town. 

Six  great  ships  lying  in  the  haven  there,  that  for  age  and 
decay  were  not  so  apt  for  use,  were  then  also  set  afire ;  which 
all  the  night  did  burn  with  a  great  flame  very  solemnly. 

In  the  time  of  our  camping  here,  many  Lairds  and  gentle- 
men of  the  country  nigh  there,  come  to  my  Lord  to  require 
his  protection  :  the  which  his  Grace  did  grant  to  whom  he 
thought  good. 

This  day  also,  came  the  Earl  of  Bothwell  to  my  Lord's 
Grace,  a  gentleman  of  a  right  comely  port  and  stature  ;  and 
hereto,  of  right  honourable  and  just  meaning  and  dealing 
towards  the  King's  Majesty :  whom  my  Lord's  Grace  did 
therefore,  according  to  his  degree  and  demerits,  very  friendly 
welcome  and  entertain.  Having  supped,  this  night,  with  his 
Grace  ;  he,  after,  departed. 

There  stood  south-westward,  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile 
from  our  camp,  a  monastery  they  call  Holy  Rood  Abbey. 
Sir  Walter  Bonham  and  Edward  Chamberlain  got  license 
to  suppress  it.  Whereupon  these  Commissioners  making 
their  first  Visitation  there,  found  the  monks  all  gone  :  but  the 
church  and  much  [a  great]  part  of  the  house  well  covered 
with  lead.  Soon  after,  they  plucked  off  the  lead ;  and  had 
down  the  bells,  which  were  but  two  :  and,  according  to  the 
statute  [i.e.,  the  English  Act  of  Parliament  for  the  suppression  of 
the  Monasteries],  did  somewhat  hereby  disgrace  the  house.  As 
touching  the  monks  ;  because  they  were  gone,  they  put  them 
to  their  pensions  at  large. 

Sunday,      h^^M  ^  Y  Lord's  Grace,  for  considerations  moving 

the  18th  of  jh^  \    him  to  pity,  having,  all  this  while,  spared 

September.  ^^^  <    Edinburgh  from  hurt;  did    so  leave  it: 

'  but,   Leith  and  the  ships  still  burning, 


^a^^'Sl  '^HE  Army  returns  by  Lauderdale.    141 

soon  after  seven  o'clock  in  this  morning,  caused  the  camp  to 
dislodge.  And  as  we  were  parted  from  where  we  lay,  the 
Castle  shot  off  a  peal  (with  chambers  hardly  and  all)  of  a 
twenty-four  pieces. 

We  marched  south-eastward  from  the  Frith,  into  the  land- 
ward. 

But  part  of  us  kept  the  way  that  the  chief  of  the  chase  was 
continued  in ;  whereby  we  found  most  part  of  the  dead 
corpses  lying  very  ruefully,  with  the  colour  of  their  skins 
changed  greenish  about  the  place  they  had  been  smitten  in, 
and  as  there  too  above  ground  unburied.  Many  also,  we 
perceived  to  have  been  buried  in  Underesk  churchyard ;  the 
graves  of  whom,  the  Scots  had,  very  slily  for  sight,  covered 
again  with  green  turf.  By  divers  of  these  dead  bodies  were 
there  set  up  a  stick  with  a  clout,  with  a  rag,  with  an  old 
shoe,  or  some  other  mark  for  knowledge :  the  which  we 
understood  to  be  marks  made  by  the  friends  of  the  dead 
party,  when  they  had  found  him  ;  whom  then,  since  they 
durst  not  for  fear  or  lack  of  leisure,  convey  away  to  bury 
while  we  were  in  those  parts ;  they  had  stickt  [stuck]  up  a 
mark  to  find  him  the  sooner  when  we  were  gone. 

And  passing  that  day,  all  quietly,  a  seven  mile ;  we 
camped  early,  for  that  night,  at  Crainston  [Cranstoun]  by 
a  place  of  the  Lord  of  Ormiston. 

This  morning,  his  Grace  making  Master  Andrew  Dudley 
(brother  unto  the  Earl  of  Warwick)  a  knight,  as  his  valiance, 
sundrywhere  tried,  had  well  before  deserved  it,  despatched 
my  Lord  Admiral  and  him,  with  ships  full  fraught  with  men 
and  munition,  towards  the  winning  of  a  Hold  in  the  east  side 
of  Scotland,  called  Broughty  Crak  [Broughty  Castle]  which 
standeth  in  such  sort  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Tay,  that 
being  gotten,  both  Dundee,  Saint  John's  Town,  and  many 
towns  else  (the  best  of  the  country  in  those  parts,  set  upon 
the  Tay)  shall  either  become  subject  unto  this  Hold  or  else 
be  compelled  to  forego  their  whole  use  of  the  river  from 
having  anything  thereby  coming  inward  or  outward. 

Monday,     \\k.h^A\^  went  a  ten  mile,  and  camped  toward 
the  igth  of  ^V^^M  night,  a  little  a  this  side  a  market  town 
September.    ^j4^  called  Lauder  :  at  the  which,  as  we  had 
^  '^  indeed  no  friendly  entertainment,  so  had 

we  no  envious  resistance  :  for  there  was  nobody  at  home. 


142  The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  Pjk^^'S 

Here  as  our  tents  were  a  pitching,  a  dozen  or  twenty  of 
their  hedge-creepers,  horsemen  that  lay  lurking  thereby  (like 
sheep-biter  curs  to  snatch  up,  and  it  were  but  a  sorry  lamb 
for  their  prey)  upon  a  hill,  about  half  a  mile  south-east  from 
us,  ran  at,  and  hurt  one  of  our  men. 

For  acquittal  whereof,  my  Lord's  Grace  commanded  that 
three  or  four  houses,  such  as  they  were,  standing  also  upon 
a  hill  two  flight  shot  southward  from  our  camp,  should  be 
burnt.  Thomas  Fisher,  his  Grace's  Secretary,  rode  straight 
thither,  with  a  burning  brand  in  his  one  hand  and  his  gun  in 
the  other,  accompanied  with  no  more  but  one  of  his  own 
men,  and  fired  them  all  by  and  by  [at  once].  I  noted  it,  for 
my  part,  an  enterprise  of  a  right  good  heart  and  courage  : 
peradventure,  so  much  the  rather,  because  I  would  not  gladly 
have  taken  in  hand  to  have  done  it  so  myself;  specially  since 
part  of  these  prickers  stood  then  within  a  flight  shot  of  him. 
Howbeit,  as  in  all  this  journey,  upon  any  likelihood  of 
business,  I  ever  saw  him  right  well  appointed,  and  as 
forward  as  the  best ;  so  at  the  skirmish  which  the  Scots 
proffered  at  Hailes  Castles  on  Wednesday  the  7th  of  this 
month,  afore  written  [p.  go],  I  saw  none  so  near  them  as 
he.  Whereby  I  may  have  good  cause  to  be  the  less  in  doubt 
of  his  hardiness. 

Here  also  as  we  were  settled,  our  Herald  Norroy  returned 
from  the  Scots  Council,  with  the  Laird  of  Brunston  and 
Ross  their  Herald  :  who,  upon  their  suit  to  my  Lord's  Grace, 
obtained  that  five  of  their  Council  should  have  his  Grace's 
safe  conduct  that,  at  any  time  and  place,  within  fifteen  days, 
during  our  abode  in  their  country  or  at  Berwick,  the  same 
five  might  come  and  common  [commune]  with  five  of  our 
Council  touching  the  matters  between  us. 


Tuesday,  |fi"ar|i\J'Oss  the  Herald  departed  early  with  this 
the  20th  of  K  ^^*^  safe  conduct.  Our  camp  raised,  and  we 
September.  |^^a  went  that  day  a  seven  mile  to  as  far  as 
'  ■  ^^^1  Home  Castle  :  where  we  camped  on  the 
west  side  of  a  rocky  hill  that  they  call  Harecra[ijg ;  which 
standeth  about  a  mile  westward  from  the  castle  [now  called 
Hirsil] . 

The  Lord  Home,  as  I  said,  lay  diseased  [ill]  at  Edinburgh, 


^^^^"Ts:]  Surrender  of  Home  Castle  at  Hirsil.  143 

of  his  hurt  in  his  flight,  at  the  Friday's  skirmish  before  the 
battle.  The  Lady  his  wife  came  straight  to  my  Lord's 
Grace,  mailing  her  humble  suit  that  like  as  his  goodness  had 
graciously  been  shown  to  right  many  others,  in  receiving 
them  and  their  houses  into  his  Grace's  protection  and 
assurance  ;  even  so  that  it  would  please  him  to  receive  and 
assure  her  and  her  house,  the  castle. 

My  Lord's  Grace  minding  never  otherwise  but  to  assure 
her  she  should  be  sure  so  to  forego  it,  turned  straight  her 
suit  of  assurance  into  communication  of  rendering.  For 
my  part,  I  doubt  not  but  the  terror  of  extremity  by  their 
obstinacy,  and  the  prolit  of  friendship  by  their  submission 
was  sufficiently  showed  her.  The  which,  having  well,  belike, 
considered  ;  she  left  off  her  suit,  and  desire  respite  for  con- 
sultation till  the  next  day  at  noon  :  which  having  been 
granted  her,  she  returned  to  the  castle. 

They  say,  "  a  match  well  made,  is  half  won."  We  were 
half  put  in  assurance  of  a  toward  answer  by  the  promise  of  a 
prophecy  among  the  Frenchmen,  which  saith 

Chateau  qui  park,  et  femme  qui  ecout 
L'un  veut  rendre,  et  V autre, 

and  so  forth. 

There  were  certain  hackbutters  that,  upon  appointment 
before,  had  beset  the  castle  :  who  then  had  further  command- 
ment given  them,  that  taking  diligent  heed  none  should  pass 
in  or  out  without  my  Lord's  Grace's  licence,  they  should 
also  not  occupy  [use]  any  shot  or  annoyance  till  upon  further 
warning. 

Wednesday,  ^^^1  His  lady,  in  this  mean  time,  consulted 
the  21st  of  ^  ^  with  her  son  and  heir,  prisoner  with  us  ; 
September.    ^  ^    and  with  other  her  friends,  the  keepers  of 

the  castle :  and,  at  the  time  appointed, 

returned  this  day  to  my  Lord's  Grace,  requiring  first  a  longer 
respite  till  eight  o'clock  at  night,  and  therewith  safe  conduct 
for  Andrew  Home  her  second  son,  and  John  Home,  Lord 
of  Coldam  Knowes  [?  Cowden  Knowes]  a  kinsman  of  her  hus- 
band. Captains  of  this  castle,  to  come  and  speak  with  his 
Grace  in  the  meanwhile. 

It  was  granted  her,  whereupon  these  Captains,  about  three 


144  The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  '^ja^^"^. 

o'clock,  came  to  his  Lordship ;  and,  after  other  covenants, 
with  long  debating,  on  both  parts  agreed  upon  ;  she  and  these 
Captains  concluded  to  give  their  assent  to  render  the  castle, 
so  far  forth  as  the  rest  of  the  keepers  would  therewith  be 
content.  For  two  or  three  within,  said  they,  were  also  in 
charge  as  well  as  they  in  keeping  it.  For  knowledge  of 
whose  minds,  my  Lord's  Grace  thensent  Somerset  his  Herald, 
with  this  Lady  to  the  castle  to  them  :  who,  as  the  Herald  had 
made  them  privy  of  the  Articles,  would  fain  have  had  leisure 
for  twenty-four  hours  longer  to  send  to  their  Lord  to  Edin- 
burgh to  know  his  will :  but  being  wisely  and  sharply  called 
upon  by  the  Herald,  they  agreed  to  the  covenants  concluded 
on  before  by  their  Lady  and  the  Captains. 

Whereof  part  were,  as  I  saw  by  the  sequel,  that  they  should 
depart  thence,  the  next  day  morning,  by  ten  o'clock,  with  bag 
and  as  much  baggage  as  they  could  carry;  saving  that  all 
munition  andvictail  were  to  be  left  behind  them  in  the  castle. 

Howbeit  forasmuch  as  before  their  nation  had  not  been 
altogether  so  just  of  covenant,  whereby  we  might  have  cause 
then  firmly  to  credit  their  promise  :  my  Lord's  grace  (provi- 
ding each  way  to  be  ready  for  them)  caused  this  night  eight 
pieces  of  our  ordnance  fenced  with  baskets  of  earth,  to  be 
planted  on  the  south  side,  towards  the  castle  within  power 
[range]  of  battery;  and  the  hackbutters  to  continue  their 
watch  and  ward. 

Thursday,  ||^~^||His  morning,  my  Lord's  Grace  having 
the  22nd  0/ ira  ^8  deputed  my  Lord  Grey  to  receive  the  ren- 
Sebtemher.    ^3^3    dering   of  the  castle,    and  Sir  Edward 

^ Dudley,  after,  to  be  Captain  of  the  same ; 

they  both  departed  to  it :  and,  at  the  time  set,  Andrew  Home 
and  four  others  of  the  chiefest  there  with  him,  came  out ;  and 
yielding  the  castle,  delivered  my  Lord  the  keys. 

His  Lordship  causing  the  residue  (who  were  in  all  seventy- 
eight  in  number],  to  come  out  then,  saving  six  or  seven  to 
keep  their  baggage  within)  entered  the  same,  with  Master 
Dudley  and  divers  other  gentlemen  with  him.  He  found 
there  indifferent  good  store  of  victual  and  wine  :  and  of  ord- 
nance, two  bastard  culverins,  one  saker,  and  three  falconets 
of  brass ;  besides  eight  pieces  of  iron.  The  castle  standeth 
up  on  a  rocky  crag,  at  a  proud   height  over  all  the  country 


^ai^^MS.]  The  Fortification  at  Roxburgh.     145 

about  it ;  well  nigh  fenced  in  on  every  side  by  marshes ;  with 
thick  walls,  almost  round  in  form  ;  and  which  is  a  rare  thing 
upon  so  high  and  stony  a  ground,  a  fair  well  within  it. 

The  keeping  of  this  castle,  my  Lord  betaking  to  Master 
Dudley  accordingly,  returned  to  my  Lord's  Grace  at  the 
camp. 

Friday         fe  f^^/sE    raised    [the   camp],    and    came    this 

ihe  2'^rd  of  ^Va^^  morning  to  Roxburgh,  a  three  mile  from 

September.   ^^ikJM  Home.  Our  camp  occupied  a  great  fallow 

|.v-^,«™™[  ^^^^     between    Roxburgh,    and    Kelsey 

[Kelso]  which  stood  eastward  a  quarter  of  a  mile  off,  a  pretty 
market  town,  but  they  were  all  gone  forth  there. 

My  Lord's  Grace,  with  divers  of  the  council,  and  Sir 
Richard  Lee  (whose  charge  in  this  expedition  specially  was 
to  appoint  the  pioneers  each  where  in  w^ork  as  [wherever]  he 
should  think  meet;  and  then,  where  my  Lord's  Grace 
assigned,  to  devise  the  form  of  building  for  fortification : 
whom  surely  the  goodness  of  his  wit  and  his  great  experience 
hath  made  right  excellent  in  that  science)  went  straight  to 
Roxburgh,  to  cast  [plan]  what  might  be  done  there  for 
strengthening. 

The  plot  and  site  thereof  hath  been,  in  time  past,  a  castle  : 
and  standeth  [about  a  mile  from  Kelso]  naturally  very  strong, 
upon  a  hill  east  and  west,  of  an  eight  score  [=  160  yards]  in 
length  and  three  score  [  =  60  yards]  in  breadth,  drawing  to 
narrowness  at  the  east  end  :  the  whole  ground  whereof,  the  old 
walls  do  yet  environ.  Besides  the  height  and  hardness  to 
come  to,  it  is  strongly  fenced,  on  either  side,  with  the  course 
of  two  great  rivers,  Tweed  on  the  north,  and  Teviot  on  the 
south  :  both  of  which  joining  somewhat  nigh  together  at  the 
west  end  of  it.  The  Teviot,  by  a  large  compass  about  the 
fields  we  lay  in,  at  Kelsey  doth  fall  into  this  Tweed  :  which, 
with  great  depth  and  swiftness,  runneth  from  thence  eastward 
into  the  sea  at  Berwick ;  and  is  notable  and  famous  for  two 
commodities  [e]specially,  salmon  and  whetstones. 

Over  this,  betwixt  Kelsey  and  Roxburgh,  there  hath  been  a 
great  stone  bridge  with  arches,  the  which  the  Scots,  in  time 
past,  have  all  to  broken  ;  because  [in  order  that]  we  should  not 
come  that  way  to  them. 

Soon  after  my  Lord's  Grace's  surv^ey  of  the  plot  and  deter- 

K  I 


146  The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  [Jj, 


.  Patten, 
an.  1548. 


mination  to  do  as  much  indeed  for  making  it  defensible  as  the 
shortness  of  the  time  and  the  season  of  the  year  could  suffer : 
which  was  that  one  great  trench  of  twenty  feet  broad,  with 
depth  accordingly,  and  a  wall  of  like  breadth  and  height, 
should  be  made  across  within  the  castle  from  the  one  sidewall 
to  the  other,  and  a  forty  foot  from  the  west  end ;  and  that  a 
like  trench  and  wall  should  likewise  be  cast  a  travers,  within 
about  a  quoit's  cast  from  the  east  end.  And  hereto  that  the 
castle  walls,  on  either  side,  where  need  was,  should  be  mended 
with  turf,  and  made  with  loopholes  as  well  for  shooting  for- 
ward as  for  flanking  at  hand.  The  work  of  which  device  did 
make  that  besides  the  safeguard  of  these  trenches  and  walls, 
the  keepers  [garrison]  should  also  be  much  fenced  by  both  the 
end  walls  of  the  castle. 

The  pioneers  were  set  awork,  and  diligently  applied  in  the 
same. 

This  day,  the  Laird  of  Cesforth  [Cessford],  and  many  other 
Lairds  and  gentlemen  of  Teviotdale  and  their  Marches  there, 
having  come  and  communed  with  my  Lord's  Grace,  made  us 
an  "  assurance,"  which  was  a  friendship  and,  as  it  were,  a 
truce ;  for  that  day,  till  next  day  at  night. 

This  day,  in  the  mean  while  their  assurance  lasted,  these 
Lairds  and  gentlemen  aforesaid,  being  the  chiefest  of  the 
whole  Marches  and  Teviotdale,  came  in  again :  whom  my 
Lord's  Grace,  with  wisdom  and  policy,  without  any  fighting 
or  bloodshed,  did  win  into  the  obedience  of  the  King's 
Majesty  ;  for  the  which  they  did  willingly  then  also  receive 
an  oath.     Whose  names  follow. 


Lairds. 


The  Laird  of  Cesforth. 
The  Laird  of  Fernyhurst. 
The  Laird  of  Greenhead. 
The  Laird  of  Hunthill. 
The  Laird  of  Huntley. 
The  Laird  of  Markstone  by 

Mereside. 
The  Laird  of  Browniedworth. 
The  Laird  of  Ormiston. 


The  Laird  of  Mallestaines. 

[Alellersfane]. 
The  Laird  of  Walmesey. 
The  Laird  of  Linton. 
The  Laird  of  Edgerston. 
The  Laird  of  Marton  [Merton\. 
The  Laird  of  Mowe. 
The  Laird  of  Riddell. 
The  Laird  of  Beamerside. 


^k^S]    The  building  of  Roxburgh  Castle.       147 
Gentlemen, 


George  Trombull  [Turnbull]. 

John  Hollyburton. 

Robert  Car. 

Robert  Car,  of  Greyden. 

Adam  Kirton. 

Andrew  Meyther. 

Saunders  Spurvose,  of  Erleston. 

Mark  Car,  of  Litleden. 

George  Car,  of  Faldenside. 

Alexander  Macdowell. 

Charles  Rotherford. 


Thomas  Car,  of  the  Yare. 
John  Car,  of  Meinthorn. 
Walter  Halyburton. 
Richard  Hanganside. 
Andrew  Car. 
James  Douglas,  of  Cavers. 
James  Car,  of  Mersington. 
George  Hoppringle. 
William  Ormiston,  of  Endmer- 

den. 
John  Grimslow. 


Many  more  there  were,  there,  besides ;  whose  names  also  for 
that  they  remain  in  register  with  these,  I  have  thought  the 
less  necessary  to  write  here. 

My  Lord's  Grace  did  tender  so  much  the  furtherance  of 
this  work  in  the  Castle  [of  Roxburgh],  that,  this  day,  as  every 
day  else  during  our  camping  there,  his  Grace  did  not  stick  to 
dig  with  a  spade  above  two  hours  himself.  Whereby,  as  his 
Estate,  sure[ly]  was  no  more  embased  [lowered]  than  the 
majesty  of  great  Alexander,  what  time  he  set,  curtius  m. 
with  his  own  hands,  the  poor  cold  soldier  in  his  own  ^'"■ 
chair  of  Estate,  to  relieve  him  by  his  fire  :  so,  by  the  example 
hereof,  was  every  man  so  moved,  that  there  were  but  few  of 
the  Lords,  Knights,  and  gentlemen  in  the  field,  but  with  spade, 
shovel,  or  mattock,  did  their  parts  therein  right  willingly  and 
uncompelled. 


Sunday, 
the  2$th  of 
September. 


His  day,  began  the  Scots  to  bring  victail 
to  our  camp ;  for  the  which  they  were  so 
well  entreated  and  paid,  that,  during  the 
time  we  lay  there,  we  wanted  none  of  the 


commodities  their  country  could  minister. 


O  NOTABLE  thing,  but  the  continuance 
of  our  work  at  the  Castle.  For  further- 
ance whereof,  order  was  taken  that  the 
Captains   of  footmen,  each  after   other, 

should  send  up  his  hundred  soldiers  thither  to  work  an  hour's 

space. 


Monday, 
the  26th  of 
September. 


148   The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  pja^^'S's; 


Tuesday, 
the  2Jth  of 
September. 


He  Laird  of  Coldam  Knowes  [Cowden 
Knowes]  not  having  so  fully  kept  his 
appointment,  made  at  Home  Castle, 
touching  his  coming  again  to  my  Lord's 


Grace  at  Roxburgh;  Sir  Ralph  Vane,  with  a  two  or  three 
hundred  horse,  about  three  o'clock  in  this  morning,  was  sent 
to  his  house  for  him  :  which  was  a  seven  mile  from  us.  The 
which  charge,  Master  Vane  did  so  earnestly  apply,  as  he  was 
there,  with  his  number,  before  six.  But  the  Laird,  whether 
he  was  warned  thereof  by  privy  scout  or  spy  or  not,  he  passed 
by  another  way;  and,  soon  after  seven,  was  with  my  Lord's 
Grace  in  the  camp.  Master  Vane  was  welcomed  :  and  having 
no  resistence  made,  but  all  submission,  and  profer  of  good 
cheer  (for  so  had  the  Laird  charged  his  wife  to  do) ;  soon 
after,  returned  to  the  camp. 

This  day,  my  Lord's  Grace  was  certified  by  letter  from  my 
Lords  Clinton  and  Sir  Andrew  Dudley,  that,  on  the 
Wednesday  last,  being  the  21st  of  this  month,  after  certain 
of  their  shot  discharged  against  the  Castle  of  Droughty  Crak, 
the  same  was  yielded  unto  them.  The  which,  Sir  Andrew 
did  then  enter ;  and,  after,  keep  as  Captain. 


Wednesday, 
the  28th  of 
September. 


Scottish  Herald,  accompanied  with  cer« 
tain  Frenchmen  (that  were,  perchance, 
more  desirous  to  mark  our  army,  than  to 
wit  [know]  of  our  welfare)  came,  and  de- 
claredfromtheirCouncil, that,  within  asevennight  [week]  after, 
their  Commissioners,  to  whom  my  Lord's  Grace  had  before 
gtranted  his  safe  conduct,  should  come  and  commune  with 
our  Council  at  Berwick:  Whose  coming  my  Lord  Lieutenant, 
Master  Treasurer,  and  the  other  of  our  Commissioners  did,  so 
long  while,  there  abide. 

But  these  Scots  (as  men  that  are  never  so  just,  and  in 
nothing  so  true  as  in  breach  of  promise  and  using  untruth) 
neither  came,  nor,  belike,  meant  to  come.  And  yet  sure[ly], 
I  take  this  for  no  fetch  of  a  fine  device :  unless  they  mean 
thereby  to  win  that  they  shall  never  need,  after,  to  promise  : 
inEpigr.  using  the  feat  of  Arnus  :  who  with  his  always 
Mow.  swearing,  and  his  ever  lying,  at  last,  obtained  that 

his  bare  word  was  as  much  in  credit  as  his  solemn  oath:  but 
his  solemn  oath  no  more  than  an  impudent  lie.  However  since 


>i^^"48:]  Honours  given  to  the  Chivalry.     149 


I  am  certain  that  sundry  of  them  have  showed  themselves 
right  honest  ;  I  would  be  loath  hereto  be  counted  so  unadvised 
as  to  arret  [impute]  the  faults  of  many  to  the  infamy  of  all. 

It  was  said  among  us,  they  had  in  the  meantime  received 
letters  of  consolation,  and  many  gay  offers  from  the  French 
King :  yet  had  that  been  no  cause  to  have  broken  promise 
with  the  Council  of  a  realm.  Howbeit,  as  these  letters  were 
to  them  but  an  unprofitable  plaster  to  heal  their  hurt  then  ; 
so  are  they  full  likely,  if  they  trust  much  therein  to  find  them 
a  corzey  [corasive]  that  will  fret  them  a  new  sore. 

My  Lord's  Grace  considering  that  of  virtue  and  well  doing, 
the  proper  need  is  honour  (as  well  therefore  for  reward  to 
them  that  had  afore  done  well,  as  for  cause  of  encourage[ment] 
to  others,  after,  to  do  the  like),  did,  this  day  afternoon,  adorn 
many  Lords,  Knights,  and  Gentlemen,  with  dignities,  as  follow. 
The  names  and  promotions  of  whom,  I  have  here  set  in  order, 
as  they  were  placed  in  the  Heralds'  book. 

Bannerets, 

Sir  Ralph  Sadler,  Treasurer. 
Sir  Francis  Byran,  Captain  of  the  Light  Horsemen. 
Sir  Ralph  Vane,  Lieutenant  of  all  the  Horsemen. 
These  Knights  were  made  Bannerets  :  a  dignity  above  a  Knight,  and 
next  to  a  Baron  :  whose  acts  I  have  partly  touched  in  the  stoiy  before. 


Knights. 


The  Lord  Grey,  of  Wilton  ;   High 

Marshal. 
The  Lord  Edward  Seymour,  my 

Lord  Grace's  son. 
Of  these,  the  readers  shall  also  find 

before. 
The  Lord  Thomas  Howard. 
The  Lord  Walldike. 
Sir  Thomas  Dacres. 
Sir  Edward  Hastings. 
Sir  Edmund  Bridges. 
Sir  John  THYNNE,my  Lord  Grace's 

Steward  of  his  Household. 
Sir  Miles  Partridge. 
Sir  John  Conway. 
Sir  Giles  Poole, 
Sir  Ralph  Bagnolle, 
Sir  Oliver  Lawrence. 


Sir  Henry  Gates. 

Sir  Thomas  Chaloner,  one  of  the 
Clerks  of  the  King's  Majesty's 
Privy  Council,  and  in  this 
army,  as  I  might  call  him. 
Chief  Secretary  :  who,  with  his 
great  pains  and  expedite  dili- 
gence in  despatch  of  things 
passing  from  my  Lord's  Grace 
and  the  council  there,  did  make 
that  his  merit  was  not  with  the 
meanest. 

Sir  Francis  Flemming,  Master  of 
the  Ordnance  there.  A  gentle- 
man whom  long  exercise  and 
good  observance  hath  made  in 
that  feat  right  perfect  :  where- 
unto,  in  this  Voyage,  he  joined  so 


150  The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  H^n  iS 


much  heed  and  diligence,  as  it 
was  well  found  how  much  his 
service  did  stead. 

Sir  John  Gresham. 

Sir  William  Skipwith. 

Sir  John  Buttes. 

Sir  George  Blage. 

Sir  William  Francis. 

Sir  Francis  Knowles. 

Sir  William  Thorborow. 

Sir  George  Haward. 

Sir  James  Wilford. 

Sir  Ralph  Coppinger.  But  that 
I  have  written  in  the  Story  [p. 
122],  with  what  forward  hard- 
ness Sir  George  Haward  did 
bear  the  King's  Majesty's 
Standard  in  the  battle  ;  and 
there  also   of  the  industrious 

fiain  of  Sir  James  Wilford 
p.  122]  ;  and  Sir  RALPH  COP- 
PINGER  did  aid,  not  smally,  in 
safeguard  of  the  Standard  of 
our  Horsemen  [p.  120]  ;  I  have 
been  more  diligent  to  have  re- 
hearsed it  here. 


Sir  Thomas  Wentworth. 

Sir  John  Marven. 

Sir  Nicholas  Straunge. 

Sir  Charles  Sturton. 

Sir  Hugh  Ascue. 

Sir  Francis  Salmin. 

Sir  Richard  Townley. 

Sir  Marmaduke  Constable. 

Sir  George  Audley, 

Sir  John  Holcroft. 

Sir  John  Southworth. 

Sir  Thomas  Danby. 

Sir  John  Talbot. 

Sir  Rowland  Clerk. 

Sir  John  Horsely. 

Sir  John  Forster. 

Sir  Christopher  Dies. 

Sir  Peter  Negroo. 

Sir  Alonso  de  Ville. 

Sir  Henry  Hussey. 

Sir  James  Granado. 

Sir  Walter  Bonham. 

Sir  Robert  Brandling,  Mayor 
of  Newcastle,  and  made  Knight 
there,  at  my  Lord  Grace's  re- 
turn. 


'  I  Three 
f  SJ>aniards, 


As  it  is  not  to  be  doubted  but  right  many  more  in  the 
army,  besides  these,  did  also  well  and  valiantly  quit  them 
(although  their  preferment  was  rather  then  deferred  than 
their  deserts  yet  to  be  forgotten)  ;  even  so,  among  these  were 
there  right  many,  the  knowledge  of  whose  acts  and  demerits 
I  could  not  come  by  :  and  yet  would  have  no  man  any  more 
to  doubt  of  the  worthiness  of  their  advancement,  than  they 
are  uncertain  of  his  circumspection  and  wisdom,  who  pre- 
ferred them  to  it.  Whereupon,  all  men  may  safely  thus  far 
forth,  without  offence,  presume  ;  that  his  Grace  unworthily 
bestowed  this  honour  on  no  man. 

By  this  day,  as  Roxburgh  was  sufficiently  made  tenable 
and  defensible  (the  which  my  Lord's  Grace  seemed  half  to 
have  vowed  to  see,  before  he  would  depart  thence)  his  Grace 
and  the  council  did  first  determine  that  my  Lord  Grey  should 
remain  upon  the  Borders  there,  as  the  King's  Majesty's 
Lieutenant.  And  then  took  order  for  the  forts,  that  Sir 
Andrew  Dudley,  Captain  of  Broughty  Crak,  had  left  with 
him,  two  hundred  soldiers  of  hackbutters  and  others,  and  a 


Tan^^S]  '^^^  Expedition  from  the  West  Marches,  i  5 1 

sufficient  number  of  pioneers  for  his  works ;  Sir  Edward 
Dudley,  Captain  of  Home  Castle,  sixty  hackbutters,  forty 
horsemen,  and  a  hundred  pioneers ;  Sir  Ralph  Bulmer, 
Captain  of  Roxburgh,  three  hundred  soldiers,  of  hackbutters 
and  others,  and  two  hundred  pioneers. 

Thursday,  I^P^^  ^  things  were  thus  concluded :  and 

the  2gth  of  W^^    warning  given  overnight  that  our 

September,  being      ^^^^    camp  should,  this  day,  dissolve  : 

Michaelmas  Day.  '  every  man  fell  to  packing  apace. 

My  Lord's  Grace,  this  morning,  was  passed  over  the  Tweed 
here,  soon  after  seven  o'clock.  The  best  place  whereof  for 
getting  over  (which  was  over  against  the  west  end  of  our 
camp,  and  not  far  from  the  broken  arches  of  the  broken 
bridge)  was  yet,  with  great  stones  in  the  bottom,  so  uneven 
of  ground  ;  and  by  reason  of  rain  that  lately  fell  before,  the 
water  was  so  deep  and  the  stream  so  swift ;  that  right  many 
of  our  horsemen  and  footmen  were  greatly  in  peril  at  their 
passage,  and  one  or  two  drowned.  Many  carriages  also 
were  overthrown,  and  in  great  danger  of  being  lost. 

My  Lord's  Grace  took  his  way  straight  towards  Newcastle; 
and  thence  homeward. 

My  Lord  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  my  Lord  Grey,  and  Sir 
Ralph  Sadler,  with  divers  others,  rode  towards  Berwick, 
to  abide  the  coming  of  the  Scottish  Commissioners. 

In  the  mean  time  of  tarrying  there,  my  Lord  of  Warwick 
did  make  five  knights  : 

Sir  Thomas  Nevil,  the  Lord  N  evil's  brother. 

Sir  Anthony  Strelley. 

Sir  —  Verney. 

Sir  John  Bartevile,  a  Frenchman, 

And  another. 
But  the  Scots  (like  men  though  slipper  in  covenant,  yet 
constant  in  usage,  and  therefore  less  blushing  to  break 
promise  than  custom)  came  not  at  all.  Whereupon  my  Lord 
and  the  other  of  our  Commissioners  having  tarried  for  them 
the  full  time  of  appointment,  which  was  until  the  4th  of 
October ;  the  next  day  after,  departed  thence  homeward. 

In  part  of  the  meantime,  while  my  Lord's  Grace  was  thus 


152   The  Expedition  into  Scotland  in  1547.  [^j 


W.  Patten. 

an.  1548. 


doing  the  exploits  in  Scotland,  as  I  have  before  written ;  the 
Earl  of  LiNNOS  [Lennox],  with  my  Lord  Wharton,  Lord 
Warden  of  our  West  Marches  against  Scotland,  according  as 
his  Grace  had  before  taken  order,  with  a  number  of  five 
thousand,  entered  Scotland  by  the  West  Marches ;  and,  iirst 
passing  a  two  mile,  after  a  day's  and  night's  defence,  they 
won  the  Church  of  Annan:  a  strong  place,  and  very  noisome 
always  unto  our  men,  as  they  passed  that  way.  There  they 
took  seventy-two  prisoners,  the  keepers  of  the  same ;  burnt 
the  spoil,  for  cumber  [encumbrance]  of  carriage ;  and  caused 
the  Church  to  be  blown  [up]  with  powder. 

Passing  thence,  a  sixteen  mile  within  the  land  ;  soon  after, 
they  won  a  Hold  called  the  "  Castle  of  Milk  "  :  the  which 
they  left  well  furnished  with  munition  and  men,  and  so 
returned. 

Divers  other  notable  acts  they  did,  here  left  unwritten  of 
by  me,  because  unknown  to  me :  but  as  much  as  I  certainly 
heard  of,  I  have  thought  meet  to  add  hereunto ;  because  I 
may  well  count  them  as  part  of  this  Expedition  and  Voyage. 


153 


^  A     PERORATION 

unto  tl)t  gentle  ISeaDer,  Mil)  a 

gl)on  reljear^al  of  tl^e 

action  Done* 

Have  thus  absolved  my  book :  but  neithei 
with  such  speed  as,  perchance,  it  had  been  the 
office  of  him  that  would  take  upon  him  to  write 
of  this  matter;  nor  as  the  dignity  of  the  argu- 
ment required  pubHcation. 

For  it  may  well  be  thought  a  man  that 
had  been  forth  in  no  part  of  the  voyage, 
with  mean  diligence  might,  in  this  space,  have  learned  and 
written  as  much  by  inquiry  at  home.  And  since  the  power 
of  time  is,  in  each  case,  so  great  as  things  indifferently  good, 
by  choice  of  opportunity,  are  made  much  commendable;  and 
again,  by  coming  out  of  season  may  be  much  disgraced  : 
right  small  then  may  I  take  my  merit  to  be,  that  come  now 
so  intempestively  [out  of  time]  to  tell  that  tale,  whereof  all 
men's  ears  are  full  of,  a  four  months  before. 

Yet  for  erxcuse  of  my  slackness  (as  who  would  not  be 
blameless  ?),  trusting  that  my  plain  confession  may  the  rather 
move  you  to  take  things  to  the  better,  I  have  thought  it  best 
to  render  you  the  very  cause  thereof. 

Which  is,  that  after  I  had  somewhat  entered  into  this 
business,  and  thereby  was  compelled  to  consider  the  precise 


154    Peroration  to  the  gentle  Reader.  [^^n^^'J^s! 

observance  of  deeds,  words,  and,  in  a  manner,  gestures  ;  the 
diligent  marking  of  the  situation  of  towns,  castles,  and 
churches  ;  of  the  lying  of  the  hills,  plains,  and  fields ;  of  the 
course  of  rivers,  of  respect  of  winds ;  and  of  infinite  such 
other  things  that  ought  first  to  have  been  made  there  while 
they  were  a  doing,  and  while  a  man  had  been  at  them  (the 
which  indeed,  I  had  not  so  perfectly  written  in  my  notes ; 
therefore  was  driven  to  stress  my  memory  the  more  for 
calling  the  same  to  mind  again) :  and,  herewith,  regarding 
the  great  heed  that  ought  to  be  had  in  rehearsal  of  circum- 
stances, and  in  placing  of  things  in  writing,  accordingly  as 
they  were  done,  seen,  or  heard — I  found  the  enterprise  a  great 
deal  more  weighty  than  the  slenderness  of  my  wit  was  able 
quickly  to  pass  with. 

Howbeit,  when,  upon  deeper  consideration,  I  pondered 
with  myself  what  a  thing  it  was  to  make  any  Monument  in 
this  so  prosperous  a  commonalty ;  whereof  the  Governors  are 
so  absolutely  wise,  and  wherein  an  infinite  number  of  men 
are  so  finely  witted  and  so  profoundedly  learned  beside :  I 
In  de  Art.  Tathcr  regarded  the  counsel  of  the  wise  poet  Horace, 
^''"^'  who  wills  a  man  to  keep  his  writings  in  his  hands  nine 

years  (meaning  a  good  while  for  correction)  than  to  have  any 
haste  of  publication,  whereby  at  once  I  should  lose  my  liberty 
of  amendment.  Which  liberty,  though,  after,  I  might  have 
never  so  well,  yet  because  it  is  nothing  so  commendable  to 
mend  a  fault  as  to  make  no  fault ;  I  would  gladly  before  have 
had  the  leisure  to  look  that  the  thing  might  have  passed  as 
faultless  from  me,  as  my  diligence  could  have  made  it. 

And  surely,  had  it  not  been  more  for  answering  the  expec- 
tation of  some  men  of  honour  (who  knew  I  was  in  hand  with 
the  matter ;  and  who  else,  peradventure,  might  have  doubted 
my  diligence)  than  it  was  for  mine  own  desire  to  have  my 
doings  to  come  soon  abroad  :  I  would  have  taken  a  better 
breath,  ere  they  had  come  out  yet. 

But  since  the  chance  is  cast,  and  the  word  thus  uttered 
cannot  be  called  again  ;  whereby  I  have  jeoparded  [jeopardize] 


^aZ^T48:]  A  Special  Correspondent's  troubles.      155 

with  your  three  hours'  reading,  to  make  you  Censor  of  my 
three  months'  writing  :  judge  ye,  I  pray  you !  as  ye  may  with 
favour !  and  conster  my  meaning  to  the  best ! 

I  know  my  need  is  to  pray  much.  For  I  am  not  so  foolish 
as  to  think  myself  so  wise,  that  with  a  text  all  faultless,  I 
can  drive  forth  so  long  a  process.  But  as  I,  for  the  time, 
have  endeavoured  to  say,  rather  as  well  as  I  can,  than  as 
well  as  can  be  ;  so  shall  there  be,  for  me,  liberty  to  all  men  to 
write  what  else  they  can  utter,  either  further  or  better  :  which 
if  they  do,  I  shall,  with  all  my  heart,  become  then  as  benign 
a  reader  to  them,  as  I  would  wish  you  now  to  be  here  to  me. 

To  the  intent  now  I  would  quite  [be  quit]  from  the  cumber 
of  inquiry  or  question,  such  as,  haply,  would  wit,  "  What  a 
do  I  had  in  the  army  ?  or  how  I  had  any  knowledge  of  that 
I  have  written?"  I  have  thought  it  courtesy,  not  to  be  dan- 
gerous to  show,  that  it  pleased  my  very  good  Lord,  the  Earl 
of  Warwick,  Lieutenant  of  the  Host  (who  thereby  had  power 
to  make  Officers),  to  make  me  one  of  the  Judges  of  the  Mar- 
shalsy  [i.e.,  in  connection  with  the  High  Marshal  of  the  Army, 
Lord  Grey],  as  Master  William  Cecil,  now  Master  of  the 
Requests  [and  afterwards  Lord  Burghley]  was  the  other. 
Whereby,  we  both  (not  being  bound  so  straightly,  in  days  of 
travel,  to  the  order  of  march ;  nor  otherwhile,  but  when  we 
sat  in  Court,  to  any  great  affairs)  had  liberty  to  ride  to  see 
the  things  that  were  done,  and  leisure  to  note  occurrences  that 
came.  The  which  thing,  as  it  chanced,  we  both  did  :  but  so 
far  from  appointment  between  us,  as  neither  was  witing  of 
the  other's  doing  till  somewhat  before  our  departure  home- 
ward. Marry,  since  my  coming  home,  indeed,  his  gentleness 
being  such  as  to  communicate  his  notes  to  me,  I  have,  I 
confess,  been  thereby,  both  much  a  certained  [confirmed]  in 
many  things  I  doubted,  and  somewhat  remembered  [put  in 
mind]  of  that  which  else  I  might  hap  to  have  forgotten. 

But  now,  forasmuch,  as  it  hath  pleased  the  most  benign 


156     Peroration  to  the  gentle  Reader.  [^Jan^^"'^ 

goodness  of  GOD,  so  favourably  to  aid  us  in  these  our  affairs, 
and  so  much  to  tender  the  equity  of  our  cause,  as  by  His 
Minister,  and  our  Head  in  this  journey.  My  Lord  Protector's 
Grace,  we  have  turned  our  enemy's  intents  for  destruction  of 
us,  unto  their  own  confusion.  And,  first,  overturned  of  their 
Holds,  Dunglas,  Thornton,  Anderwick,  and  Annan  Church ; 
overcome  them,  with  half  of  their  number  of  thirty-two  thou- 
sand men;  slain  fifteen  thousand  three  hundred;  maimed  two 
thousand  ;  taken  fifteen  hundred  ;  burnt  Leith  and  KinghorUj 
as  we  might  also  more  of  their  towns,  if  our  Chieftain  had 
been  as  willing  as  our  captains  were  ready ;  won  the  best 
part  of  their  navy,  and  burnt  the  residue ;  won  from  them, 
and  keep  in  the  midst  of  their  land.  Saint  Coomes  Inn  and 
Broughty  Crak,  and  thereby,  but  by  our  leave,  keep  them 
from  their  whole  intercourse  of  merchants;  won  also  and 
keep  the  Castle  of  Milk  and  Home  Castle ;  won  of  ordnance, 
in  their  forts  and  at  the  field,  above  eighty  pieces ;  built 
Roxburgh  Castle  and  Eymouth ;  and  gained  unto  the  King's 
Majesty's  obedience,  all  Teviotdale  and  their  Marches  :  all 
this,  in  so  short  a  time,  as  within  twenty-five  days,  with  so 
small  a  loss  of  our  side,  as  of  under  the  number  of  sixty 
persons  in  all  the  whole  Voyage; 

And  that,  in  this,  the  first  year  of  our  King's  Majesty's 
dominion  and  rule :  whereby,  according  to  his  singular  to- 
wardness,  else  evident,  we  may  well  conceive  an  assured  hope 
that  His  Highness  too,  shall  have  a  most  happy,  and,  with 
GOD'S  grace,  a  long  reign — 

I  would  wish  and  exhort  that  ye  which  were  not  there 
(for  though  ye  were  far  from  any  danger  of  the  loss,  yet  can 
ye  not  be  but  full  partners  of  the  winning)  should  effec- 
tually, v/ith  us  (according  as  we  all  have  cause)  give  and  wish, 
first,  glory  and  praise  unto  GOD,  obedience  and  victory  to 
our  Sovereign,  honour  and  thanks  unto  our  Protector  and 
Councilors  [i.e.,  the  Privy  Council],  worship  to  our  Chivalry, 
commendation  unto  the  rest  that  were  out,  and  a  better  mind 
unto  our  enemies. 


"jaZ^TJ:]       T  E  D  E  UM !  LAUDAMus,        157 

And  I,  trufiiing  unto  the  benignity  of  yourgentle  acceptance, 
who[ever]  shall  hap  to  be  reader  of  this  work  (with  such  in- 
differency  of  request  touching  the  same,  as  Horace  made  to 
his  well  beloved  friend  Numitius)  shall  thus  take  my  leave  of 
you 

Vive  !  Vale  I  si  quid  novisti  rectius  isiis,  Epist.  i. 

Candidas  imperii,  si  non,  his  utere  mecum. 

Out  of  the  Parsonage  of  Saint  Mary's  Hill,  in  London,  this 
28th  of  January,  1548. 


M PRINTED  in  Lo?ido7i^  the  last  day  oj 

June^  in  the  second  year  of  the 

reign  of  our  Sovereign  Lord^ 

King  Edward  the  VL  ; 

by  Richard  Grafton^ 

Printer  to  his  most 

royal  Majesty. 

M.     D.     X  L  V  I  1  I. 


C[  Cum  privilegio  ad  imprimendum  solum. 


3af)n  iSon  anD 
mast  3^ar0on* 


PicUire  of  a 

procession  of  Priests 

hearing  the  Host. 


IS*    0la£f,  poor  fool0 1  00  0ore  ^e  be  laDe  1 
^0  martel  10  it,  tlioug;!)  pour  sitjoultier^  acije: 
ifor  ?e  bear  a  great  g;oD  to^icl)  pe  pouriSelte^  matie* 
apafee  of  It,  toljat  ?e  toilU  it  i0  a  clHafer  Cake ; 
anti  bettoeen  ttoo  iron0,  printeli  it  i0  anti  bafee. 
ianU  look,  tobere  iDolatrp  i0,  Cbri0t  \xiHi  not  be  t^ere? 
CLfll^erefore,  lap  doton  pour  burtien?  ^n  itiol,  peDo  bear? 
ts'    ^la0,  poor  fool0j 


i6i 


3ol)n  Mn  aim 
ma0t  3^ar0on. 

What,  John  Bon  !     Good  morrow  to  thee  ! 

lo'bn  Bom 

Now,  good  morrow,  mast[er]  Parson,  so  mut  I  thee ! 

^ar0on» 

What  meanest  thou,  John  !  to  be  at  work  so  soon  ? 

1of)m 

The  sooner  I  begin,  the  sooner  shall  I  have  done, 
For  I  'tend  to  work  no  longer  than  none. 

^ar0on. 

Marry,  John,  for  that,  GOD's  blessing  on  thy  heart ! 
For,  surely,  some  there  be,  will  go  to  plough  and  cart ; 
And  set  not  by,  this  holy  Corpus  Christi  even. 

They  are  the  more  to  blame,  I  swear  by  Saint  Stephen  ! 
But  tell  me,  mast[er]  Parson,  one  thing,  and  you  can; 
What  Saint  is  Copsi  Cursty,  a  man,  or  a  woman? 


i62   The  Interlude  of  yo//JvBoArl^'''^^^^;^'^^"^''f^^^- 

par0om 

Why,  John  !  knowest  not  that  ?  I  tell  thee,  it  was  a  man. 
It  is  Christ  His  own  self,  and  to-morrow  is  His  day. 
We  bear  Him  in  procession,  and  thereby  know  it  ye  may. 

31oI)m 

I  know  !  mast[erj  Parson  !  and  nay,  by  my  fay  ! 
But  methink  it  is  a  mad  thing  that  ye  say, 
That  it  should  be  a  man.     How  can  it  come  to  pass  ? 
Because  ye  may  Him  bear  within  so  small  a  glass. 

par0om 

Why,  neighbour  John,  and  art  thou  now  there  ? 
Now  I  may  perceive  ye  love  this  new  gear. 

God's  forbod  !  master !  I  should  be  of  that  faction. 
I  question  why,  your  masship,  in  way  of  cumlication. 
A  plain  man,  ye  may  see,  will  speak  as  cometh  to  mind : 
Ye  must  hold  us  excused,  for  ploughmen  be  but  blind. 
I  am  an  eld  fellow,  of  fifter  winter  and  more, 
And  yet,  in  all  my  life,  I  knew  not  this  before. 

No  did  1     Why  sayest  thou  so  ?     Upon  thyself,  thou  lyest  ! 
Thou  hast  ever  known   the  sacrament  to   be  the  body  of 
Christ  I 

Yea,  sir,  ye  say  true  !     All  that,  I  know  indeed  ; 
And  yet,  as  I  remember,  it  is  not  in  my  Creed : 
But  as  for  Cropsy  Cursty  to  be  a  man  or  no, 
I  knew  not  till  this  day,  by  the  way  my  soul  shall  to ! 

Why,  foolish  fellow  !  I  tell  thee  it  is  so  I 

For  it  was  so  determined  by  the  Church  long  ago ; 

It  is  both  the  sacrament  and  very  Christ  himself. 


Luke  Shep:.ard.  M.D.-|    A  N  D    M  A   S   t\_E  R^    P  A  R  S  O  N ,        I  63 

No  apleaser,  mast[er]  Parson!   Then  make  ye  Christ  an  elf; 
And  the  maddest  made  man,  that  ever  body  saw  ! 

What !  peace,  mad  man  !     Thou  speakest  like  a  daw  1 
It  is  not  possible  his  manhood  for  to  see. 

Why,  sir ;  ye  tell  me  it  is  even  very  He : 

And  if  it  be  not  His  manhood,  His  godhead  it  must  be. 

Par0om 

I  tell  thee,  none  of  both  !     What  meanest  thou  ?     Art  thou 
mad? 

No,  neither  made  nor  drunk;  but  to  learn  I  am  glad: 
But  to  displease  your  masship,  I  would  be  very  loath, 
Ye  grant  me  here  plainly,  that  it  is  none  of  both. 
Then  it  is  but  a  cake  :  but  I  pray  ye,  be  not  wroth  ! 

par0om 

Wroth,  quoth  ha !     By  the  mass  !  (thou  makest  me  swear 

an  oath), 
I  had  leaver  with  a  Doctor  of  Divinity  to  reason, 
Than  with  a  stubble  cur,  that  eateth  beans  and  peason. 

I  cry  ye  mercy,  mast[er]  Parson  !     Patience  for  a  season  ! 
In  all  this  cumlication  is  neither  felony  nor  treason. 

^ar0on* 

No,  by  the  mass  !     But  hearest  thou  !     It  is  plain  heresy. 


i64  The  Interlude  of  ^oi/n  Boj\rl^''^'^\'^'''"^''^^°\ 

I  am  glad  it  chanced  so,  there  was  no  witness  by  ; 
And  if  there  had,  I  cared  not ;  for  ye  spake  as  ill  as  I. 
I  speak  but  as  I  heard  you  say,  I  wot  not  what  ye  thought. 
Ye  said  '*  It  was  not  God,  nor  man,"  and  made  it  worse  than 
nought. 

I  meant  not  so.     Thou  tookest  me  wrong  I 

A,  sir !     Ye  sing  another  song ! 
I  dare  not  reason  with  you  long. 
I  see  well,  now,  ye  have  a  knack 
To  say  a  thing,  and  then  go  back. 

par0om 

No,  John  !  I  was  but  a  little  overseen; 
But  thou  meantest  not  good  faith,  I  ween. 
In  all  this  talk  that  was  us  between. 

I !     No,  trow,  it  shall  not  so  been 

That  John  Bon  shall  an  heretic  be  called, 

Then  might  he  lay  him  so  foul  befald. 

But,  now,  if  thou  wilt  mark  me  well ! 
From  beginning  to  ending,  I  will  thee  tell 
Of  the  godly  service  that  shall  be  to-morrow ; 
That,  ere  I  have  done,  no  doubt,  thou  wilt  sorrow 
To  hear  that  such  things  should  be  foredone. 
And  yet,  in  many  places,  they  have  begun 
To  take  away  the  old,  and  set  up  new. 
Believe  me,  John  !  this  tale  is  true. 


Luke  Shepherd,  M.D.-]    ^   ^  j)    M  A  S  t\_E  r'\    P  A  R  S  0  N .       165 

Go  to,  mast[er]  Parson  !     Say  on,  and  well  to  thrive  ! 
Ye  be  the  jolliest  gemman  [gentleman]  that  ever  saw  in  my 
life. 

We  shall  first  have  Matins.     Is  it  not  a  godly  hearing  ? 

jl On  n     rivko  !S  no"M  speaking,  aside\  , 

Fie  !  yes.     Methink  'tis  a  shameful  gay  cheering, 

For  oftentimes,  on  my  prayers,  when  I  take  no  great  keep, 

Ye  sing  so  arrantly  well,  ye  make  me  fall  asleep  ! 

par0om 

Then  have  we  Procession,  and  Christ  about  we  bear. 

That  is  a  poison  holy  thing,  for  GOD  Himself  is  there. 

Then  come  we  in,  and  ready  us  dress. 
Full  solemnly  to  go  to  Mess, 

Is  not  here  a  mischievous  thing ! 

The  Mess  is  vengeance  holy,  for  all  their  saying! 

iSacgion* 

Then  say  we  Confiteor  and  Miseriatur. 

loljn. 

Jeze  lord  !  'tis  abominable  matter  ! 

And  then  we  stand  up  to  the  altar. 

This  gear  is  as  good  as  Our  Lady's  Psalter, 


i66  The  Interlude  of  y o^iv^  i5c;iv[L"''« Shepherd. ivld 

And  so  go  forth  with  the  other  deal 
Till  we  have  read  the  Pistel  and  GospeL 

That  is  good,  mast[er]  Parson,  I  know  right  well. 

^ar0om 

Is  that  good !     Why,  what  say'st  thou  to  the  other  ? 
Marry!  horribly  good  !     I  say  none  other. 

^ar0om 

So  is  all  the  Mess,  I  dare  avow  this, 

As  good  in  every  point  as  Pistel  or  Gospel  is. 

The  foul  evil  it  is !     Who  would  think  so  much  ? 
In  faith,  I  ever  thought  that  it  had  been  no  such. 

^ar0om 

Then  have  we  the  Canon,  that  is  holiest. 
A  spiteful  gay  thing,  of  all  that  ever  I  wist. 

i9at0om 

Then  have  we  the  Memento,  even  before  the  sacring. 

Ye  are  morenly  well  learned  !     I  see  by  your  reck'ning 
That  ye  will  not  forget  such  an  elvish  thing. 

^arjsom 

And  after  that,  we  consecrate  Very  God  and  Man  ; 
And  turn  the  bread  to  flesh,  with  five  words  we  can. 


Luke  Shepherd.  M.D.-|     ^   j^  j)     M  A   S   t\_E  r'^    P  A   R  S  0  N ,      I  67 

The  devil  ye  do  !     I  trow  this  is  pestilence  business  ! 
Ye  are  much  bound  to  GOD  for  such  a  spittle  holiness  ! 
A  gallows  gay  gift !     With  five  words  alone, 
To  make  both  God  and  Man ;  and  yet  we  see  none  ! 
Ye  talk  so  unreasonably  well,  it  maketh  my  heart  yearn, 
As  eld  a  fellow  as  I  am,  I  see  well  I  may  learn. 

Yea,  John!  and  then,  with  words  holy  and  good, 
Even,  by  and  by,  we  turn  the  wine  to  blood. 

Lo  !     Will  ye  se  ?     Lo  !  who  would  have  thought  it  ? 
That  ye  could  so  soon  from  wine  to  blood  ha  brought  it  ? 
And  yet,  except  your  mouth  be  better  tasted  than  mine, 
I  cannot  feel  it  other  but  that  it  should  be  wine. 
And  yet  I  wot  ne'er  a  cause  there  may  be,  why 
Perchance,  ye  ha  drunk  blood  oftner  than  ever  did  I. 

Truly,  John,  it  is  blood,  though  it  be  wine  in  taste. 

As  soon  as  the  word  is  spoke,  the  wine  is  gone  and  past 

A  sessions  on  it !  for  me.     My  wits  are  me  benumme  : 
For  I  cannot  study  where  the  wine  should  become  ? 

^ar0om 

Study,  quoth  ha  !     Beware,  and  let  such  matter  go ! 
To  meddle  much  with  this,  may  bring  ye  soon  to  woe. 

Yea,  but,  mast[er]  Parson  !  think  ye  it  were  right, 
That,  if  I  desired  you  to  make  my  black  ox  white ; 
And  you  say,  "  It  is  done  !  "  and  still  is  black  in  sight  ; 
Ye  might  me  deem  a  fool,  for  to  believe  so  light  ? 


i68  The  Interlude  of  J ohn  ^^^^[luI'^ shepherd. m^d. 

I  marvel  much,  ye  will  reason  so  far  1 
I  fear  if  ye  use  it,  it  will  ye  mar ! 

No,  no,  sir!     I  trust  of  that  I  shall  be  'ware, 
I  pray  you,  with  your  matter  again  forth  to  fare  1 

^ar0om 

And  then  we  go  forth,  and  Christ's  body  receive; 
Even  the  very  same  that  Mary  did  conceive. 

The  devil  it  is  !     Ye  have  a  great  grace 
To  eat  GOD  and  Man  in  so  short  a  space. 

Par0om 

And  so  we  make  an  end,  as  it  lieth  in  an  order. 

But  now  the  blessed  Mess  is  hated  in  every  border. 

And  railed  on,  and  reviled,  with  words  most  blasphemous : 

But  I  trust  it  will  be  better  with  the  help  of  Catechismus. 

For  though  it  came  forth  but  even  that  other  day, 

Yet  hath  it  turned  many  to  their  old  way: 

And  where  they  hated  Messe,  and  had  it  in  disdain, 

There  have  they  Messe  and  Matins  in  Latin  tongue  again. 

Yea,  even  in  London  self,  John,  I  tell  the  truth ! 

They  be  full  glad  and  merry  to  hear  of  this,  GOD  knoweth  ! 

By  my  troth !  mast[er]  Parson,  I  like  full  well  your  talk  ! 
But  mass  me  no  more  messings !     The  right  way  will  I  walk. 
For,  though  I   have  no  learning,  yet  I  know  cheese  from 

chalk, 
And  each  can  perceive  your  juggling,  as  crafty  as  ye  walk  ! 
But  leave  your  devilish  Mass,  and  the  Communion  to  you  take  ! 
And  then  will  Christ  be  with  you  ;  even  for  His  promise 

sake  ! 


Luke  Shepherd,  M.D.J    ^  N  D    M  A   S   t\_E  r'\    P  A    R  S  O  N .       I  69 

What,  art  thou  such  a  one,  and  kept  it  so  close  ! 

Well,  all  is  not  gold,  that  hath  a  fair  gloss, 

But,  farewell,  John  Bon  !     GOD  bring  thee  in  better  mind  ! 

I  thank  you,  sir !  for  that  you  seem  very  kind ; 

But  pray  not  so  for  me !  for  I  am  well  enough. 

Whistle,  boy  1  drive  forth  !  GOD  speed  us  and  the  plough  ! 

Ha  !  browne  done  !  forth,  that  horson  crab  !  iriuse  are  cries 

to  tlie plough. 

Reecomomyne,  garled  !  with  haight,  black  hab  !  horses.\ 

Have  a  gain,  bald  before  !  hayght  ree  who  ! 
Cherrily,  boy,  come  off  I  that  homeward  we  may  go. 


if  fnf0. 

ts*    Imprmteti  at  Hoixnon,  b^   loljn   2Da^,  anti 

aoiilliam   »»er£0,    Dtoellmg:    m    »)£pulcljce!3 

^an0^,  at  x\z  ssiffti  of  tl)e  Ke^ucrection, 

a  little   abote  ^olbocii  ConOuite* 

CUM    GRATIA     ET     P  RI  V  I  L  E  G  I  0     AD 
IMPRIMENDUM     SOLUM. 


170 


Edward      Underhill,      Esq. 

of  die  Band  of  Gendemen  Pensioners, 

surnamed,  "  The  hot  Gospeller." 

Examination  and  Imprisonment  in  August 
1553  ;    with  anecdotes  of  the  Time, 

[Harl.  MS.  425.] 
[Narratives  of  the  Days  of  the  Reformation.    Camden  Society.     1859.] 

A  Note  of  the  Examination  and  Imprisonment  of  Edward 
Underhill  (son  and  heir  of  Thomas  Underhill  of 
Honingham,  in  the  county  of  Warwick,  Esquire)  being 
of  the  Band  of  the  Pensioners  \see  pp.  191,  192,  for  a 
ballet  that  he  made  against  the  Papists,  immediately 
after  the  Proclamation  of  Queen  MARY  at  London  ;  she 
being  in  Norfolk. 

He  next  day  [4th]  after  the  Queen  was  come  to 
the  Tower  \on  the.  ^rd  of  August,  1553]  ;  the  fore- 
said ballet  [ballad]  came  into  the  hands  of  Secretary 
[Sir  John]  Bourne;  who  straightways  made 
inquiry  for  me,  the  said  Edward,  who  dwelt  at 
Limehurst  [Limehouse] ;  which  he  having  intelligence  of,  sent 
the  Sheriff  of  Middlesex,  with  a  company  of  bills  and  glaives 
[lances,  with  a  cutting  blade  at  the  end  of  each] ;  who  came  unto 
my  house,  I  being  in  my  bed,  and  my  wife  being  newly  laid 
in  child-bed. 

The  High  Constable,  whose  name  was  Thomas  Ive,  dwelt 
at  the  next  house  unto  me,  the  said  Edward  ;  whom  the 
Sheriff  brought  also  with  him.  He,  being  my  very  friend, 
desired  the  Sheriff  and  his  company  to  stay  without,  for  [fear 
of  af]frighting  of  my  wife,  being  newly  laid  ;  and  he  would  go 
and  fetch  me  unto  him.  Who  knocked  at  the  door,  saying, 
"  He  must  speak  with  me." 

I,  lying  so  near  that  I  might  hear  him,  called  unto  him, 
willing  him  '*  to  come  unto  me  !  "  for  that  he  was  always  my 
very  friend,  and  earnest  in  the  Gospel.     Who  declared  unto 


^' ^t"'^^"]   Underhill  at  the  Council  Door.    171 

me  that  the  Sheriff,  with  a  great  company  with  him,  was 
sent  for  me. 

Whereupon  I  rose,  made  me  ready,  and  came  unto  him, 
demanding,  "  What  he  would  with  me  ?  " 

"  Sir,"  said  he,  "  I  have  commandment  from  the  Council 
to  apprehend  you,  and  forthwith  to  bring  you  unto  them." 

"Why,"  said  I,  "it  is  now  ten  o'clock  in  the  night;  ye 
cannot,  now,  carry  me  unto  them  !  " 

"  No,  Sir,"  said  he,  "  you  shall  go  with  me  to  my  house  to 
London,  where  you  shall  have  a  bed  :  and  to-morrow,  I  will 
bring  you  unto  them  at  the  Tower." 

"  In  the  name  of  GOD  !  [=most  certainly]  "  said  I  :  and  so 
\vent  with  him,  requiring  [inquiring  of]  him,  "  If  I  might 
understand  the  cause." 

He  said,  "  He  knew  none." 

**  This  needed  not,  then,"  said  I ;  "  any  one  messenger 
might  have  fetched  me  unto  them  "  :  suspecting  the  cause 
to  be,  as  it  was  indeed,  the  ballet. 

On  the  morrow  [5^^  of  August,  1553],  the  Sheriff,  seeing  me 
nothing  dismayed,  thinking  it  to  be  some  light  matter,  went 
not  with  me  himself :  but  sent  me  unto  the  Tower  with  two  of 
his  men,  waiting  upon  me  with  two  bills  [men  with  halberts], 
prisoner-like,  who  brought  me  unto  the  Council  Chamber ; 
being  commanded  to  deliver  me  unto  Secretary  Bourne. 

Thus  standing  waiting  at  the  Council  Chamber  door,  two 
or  three  of  my  fellows,  the  Pensioners,  and  my  cousin-german 
Gilbert  Wynter,  Gentleman  Usher  unto  the  Lady  Eliza- 
beth [see  p.  342],  stood  talking  with  me. 

In  the  meantime,  cometh  Sir  Edward  Hastings  [see 
page  149],  newly  made  Master  of  the  Horse  to  the  Queen, 
and  seeing  me  standing  there  prisoner,  frowning  earnestly 
upon  me,  said,  "Are  you  come?  We  will  talk  with  you  or 
your  party,  I  warrant  you  ! "  and  so  went  into  the  Council. 

With  that,  my  fellows  and  kinsman  shrank  away  from  me, 
as  men  greatly  afraid. 

I  did  then  perceive  the  said  Sir  Edward  bare  in  re- 
membrance the  controversy  that  was  betwixt  him  and 
me  in  talk  and  questions  of  religion  at  Calais,  when  the 
Right  Honourable  the  Earl  of  Huntingdon,  his  brother, 
went  over.  General  of  6,000  men  :  with  whom  I  went  the 
same  time,  and  was  Controller  of  the  Ordnance. 


172  Old  disputations  at  Calais.    [^- ^""^^^S: 

The  Earl  being  visited  with  sickness  when  he  came 
thither,  for  that  I  went  over  in  his  company,  and  could 
play  and  sing  to  the  lute,  therewith  to  pass  away 
the  time,  on  the  nights  being  long,  for  we  went  over 
in  Christmas  [1552],  would  have  me  with  him  in  his 
chamber ;  and  had  also  a  great  delight  to  hear  his  brother 
reason  with  me  in  matters  of  religion.  Who  would  be 
very  hot,  when  I  did  overlay  him  with  the  texts  of  the 
Scripture  concerning  the  natural  presence  of  Christ  in 
the  sacrament  of  the  altar  ;  and  would  swear  great  oaths, 
specially,  "  by  the  Lord's  foot  !  "  that  after  the  words 
spoken  by  the  priest  there  remained  no  bread,  but  the 
natural  body  that  Mary  bare. 

"  Nay,  then,  it  must  needs  be  so,"  would  I  say,  "  and 
[if]  you  prove  it  with  such  oaths  !" 

Whereat  the  Earl  would  laugh  heartily,  saying, 
"  Brother,  give  him  over  !  Underhill  is  too  good  for 
you  !  "    Wherewith  he  would  be  very  angry. 

The  greatest  hold  that  he  took  of,  was  of  the  3rd  of 
John,  upon  those  words,  "And  no  man  ascendeth  up  to 
heaven,  but  He  that  came  down  from  heaven,  that  is  to 
say,  the  Son  of  Man  which  is  in  heaven."  I  drove  him 
from  the  6th  of  John  and  all  other  places  that  he  could 
allege  ;  but  from  this,  he  would  not  be  removed,  but 
that  those  words  proved  his  natural  body  to  be  in  heaven 
and  in  the  sacrament  also.  I  told  him  he  as  grossly 
understood  Christ,  as  Nicodemus  did  in  the  same  place, 
of  "  being  born  anew." 

In  my  opinion,  any  man  that  is  not  given  up  of  GOD, 

may  be  satisfied  concerning  the  natural  presence  in  the 

Supper  of  the  Lord,  by  the  Gospel  of  Saint  John,  reading 

from  the  first  chapter  to  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  ;  with 

the  witness  of  the  first  of  the   Acts   of  the  Apostles   of 

Christ's  ascension  and  coming  again  ;  if  ever  he  will  be 

satisfied,  without  the  help  of  any  Doctors. 

Undoubtedly,  the  apprehending  of  me  was  for  this  matter : 

but  the  great  mercy  of  GOD  so  provided  for  me,  that  Master 

Hastings  was  not  at  my  examination.     For  tarrying  thus  at 

the  Chamber  door,  Doctor  Cox  [afterwards  Bishop  of  Ely] 

was  within  ;  who  came  forth,  and  was  sent  to  the  Marshalsea. 

Then  came  forth  the  Lord  Ferrers,  [Viscount  Hereford], 


^' ^"'^^te"']  Before  the  Privy  Council.   173 

and  was  committed  to  the  Tower.  Then  it  was  dinner  time, 
and  all  were  commanded  to  depart  until  after  dinner. 

My  two  waiting  men  and  I  went  to  an  alehouse  to  dinner ; 
and,  longing  to  know  my  pain  [punishment],  I  made  haste  to 
get  to  the  Council  Chamber  door,  that  I  might  be  the  first. 

Immediately,  as  they  had  dined,  Secretary  Bourne  came 
to  the  door,  looking  as  a  wolf  doth  for  a  lamb ;  unto  whom 
my  two  keepers  delivered  me,  standing  next  unto  the  door  : 
for  there  were  more  behind  me. 

He  took  me  in  greedily,  and  shut  to  the  door;  leaving 
me  at  the  nether  [lower]  end  of  the  Chamber,  he  went  unto 
the  Council  showing  them  of  me  :  and  then  beckoned  me  to 
come  near. 

Then  they  began  the  table,  and  sat  them  down.  The  Earl 
of  Bedford  sat  as  chief,  uppermost  upon  the  bench.  Next 
unto  him,  the  Earl  of  Sussex  ;  next  him,  Sir  Richard 
Southwell. 

On  the  side  next  me,  sat  the  Earl  of  Arundel;  next  him, 
the  Lord  Paget.  By  them,  stood  Sir  John  Gage,  then 
Constable  of  the  Tower;  the  Earl  of  Bath,  and  Master 
{afterwards  Sir  John]  Mason. 

At  the  board's  end,  stood  Serjeant  Morgan  [who,  later  on, 
condemned  Lady  Jane  Grey]  that  afterwards  died  mad ;  and 
Secretary  [Sir  John]  Bourne. 

The  Lord  Wentworth  [the  Lord  Deputy  of  Calais,  when 
lost;  see  p.  292J  stood  in  the  bay  window,  talking  with  one, 
all  the  while  of  my  examination,  whom  I  knew  not. 

My  Lord  of  Bedford  being  my  very  friend,  (for  that  my 
chance  was  to  be  at  the  recovering  of  his  son,  my  Lord 
Russell,  when  he  was  cast  into  the  Thames  against  the 
Limehurst,  whom  I  carried  to  my  house  and  got  him  to 
bed  ;  who  was  in  great  peril  of  his  life,  the  weather  being 
very  cold)  would  not  seem  to  be  familiar  with  me,  nor 
called  me  not  by  my  name,  but  said,  "  Come  hither, 
sirrah  !  did  not  you  set  forth  a  ballet  of  late,  in  print  ?  " 
I  kneeled  down,  saying,  "  Yes,  truly,  my  Lord  !  Is  that 
the  cause  I  am  called  before  your  Honours  ?  " 

*'Ay,  marry,"  said  Secretary  Bourne,  "you  have  one  of 
them  about  you,  I  am  sure." 

"  Nay,  truly,  have  I  not,"  said  I. 


174    Sharply  questioned  for  his  Ballad.    [^■^"'^'I'Jei 

Then  he  took  one  out  of  his  bosom,  and  read  it  over  dis- 
tinctly ;  the  Council  giving  diligent  ear. 

When  he  had  ended,  "  I  trust,  my  Lords,"  said  I,  **  I  have 
not  offended  the  Queen's  Majesty  in  this  ballet ;  nor  spoken 
against  her  title,  but  maintained  it." 

**  You  have,  sir,"  said  Morgan,  **  yes,  I  can  divide  your 
ballet,  and  make  a  distinction  in  it ;  and  so  prove  at  the  least 
sedition  in  it." 

"  Ay,  sir,"  said  I,  "  you  men  of  law  will  make  of  a  matter 
what  ye  list !  " 

"Lo,"  said  Sir  Richard  Southv^ell,  "how  he  can  give 
a  taunt !  You  maintain  the  Queen's  title,  with  the  help  of 
an  arrant  heretic,  Tyndale." 

"  You  speak  of  Papists  there,  sir,"  said  Master  Mason,  "I 
pray  you,  how  define  you  a  Papist  ?  " 

I  look  upon  him,  turning  towards  him  ;  for  he  stood  on  the 
side  of  me,  "  Why,  sir,"  said  I,  "  it  is  not  long  since  you 
could  define  a  Papist  better  than  I  "  [meaning  that  he  had 
turned  with  the  new  change  of  religion].  With  that  some 
of  them  secretly  smiled  ;  as  the  Lords  of  Bedford,  Arundel, 
Sussex,  and  Paget. 

In  great  haste,  Sir  John  Gage  took  the  matter  in  hand, 
"  Thou  callest  men  Papists  there,"  said  he,  "  who  be  they 
that  thou  judgest  to  be  Papists  ?  " 

I  said,  '*  Sir,  I  do  name  no  man,  and  I  came  not  hither  to 
accuse  any,  nor  none  will  I  accuse ;  but  your  Honours  do 
know  that  in  this  Controversy  that  hath  been,  some  be  called 
Papists,  and  some  Protestants." 

*'  But  we  must  know  whom  thou  judgest  to  be  Papists,  and 
that  we  command  thee,  upon  thine  allegiance  to  declare  1  " 

"  Sir,"  said  I,  "  I  think  if  you  look  among  the  priests  in 
Paul's,  ye  shall  find  some  old  Mumpsimiises  there." 

"  Mumpsimuses,  knave !  "  said  he,  "  Mumpsimiises  !  Thou 
art  an  heretic  knave,  by  God's  blood !  " 

'*  Ay,  by  the  mass  !  "  says  the  Earl  of  Bath,  "  I  warrant 
him  an  heretic  knave  indeed." 

"  I  beseech  your  Honours  !  "  said  I,  speaking  to  the  Lords 
that  sat  at  table  ;  for  those  other  stood  by,  and  were  not 
then  of  the  Council,  "be  my  good  Lords  !  I  have  offended  no 
laws,  and  I  have  served  the  Queen's  Majesty's  father  and 
brother  a  long  time ;  and  in  their  service  have  spent  and  con- 


E.Underhni.-|  QrDERED  TO  BE  SENT  TO  NeWGATE.  I75 

sumed  part  of  my  living,  never  having,  as  yet,  any  preferment 
or  recompense  ;  and  the  rest  of  my  fellows  likewise,  to  our 
utter  undoings,  unless  the  Queen's  Highness  be  good  unto 
us.  And  for  my  part,  I  went  not  forth  against  Her  Majesty; 
notwithstanding  that  I  was  commanded,  nor  liked  those 
doings." 

*'  No,  but  with  your  writings,  you  would  set  us  together  by 
the  ears  !  "  said  the  Earl  of  Arundel. 

**  He  hath  spent  his  living  wantonly,"  saith  Bourne,  "  and 
now  saith  he  has  spent  it  in  the  King's  service ;  which  I  am 
sorry  for.  He  is  come  of  a  worshipful  house  in  Worcester- 
shire." 

"  It  is  untruly  said  of  you,"  said  I,  "  that  I  have  spent  my 
living  wantonly :  for  I  never  consumed  any  part  thereof  until 
I  came  into  the  King's  service  ;  which  I  do  not  repent,  nor 
doubted  of  recompense,  if  either  of  my  two  masters  had  lived. 
I  perceive  you  [to  be]  Bourne's  son  of  Worcester ;  who  was 
beholden  unto  my  uncle  Wynter,  and  therefore  you  have  no 
cause  to  be  my  enemy  :  nor  you  never  knew  me,  nor  I  you 
before  now,  which  is  too  soon." 

"  I  have  heard  enough  of  you,"  said  he. 

"  So  have  I  of  you,"  said  I,  "  how  that  Master  Sheldon 
drave  you  out  of  Worcestershire,  for  your  behaviour." 

With  that,  came  Sir  Edward  Hastings  from  the  Queen, 
in  great  haste,  saying,  "  My  Lords !  you  must  set  all  things 
apart,  and  come  forthwith  to  the  Queen." 

Then  said  the  Earl  of  Sussex,  "  Have  this  gentleman  unto 
the  Fleet  until  we  may  talk  further  with  him  !  "  though  I 
was  "  knave,"  before,  of  Master  Gage. 

"  To  the  Fleet !  "  said  Master  Southwell,  "  have  him  to 
the  Marshalsea  !  " 

**  Have  the  gentleman  to  Newgate  !  "  saith  Master  GaGE 
again,  "  Call  a  couple  of  the  Guard  here." 

"  Ay,"  saith  Bourne,  "  and  there  shall  be  a  letter  sent  to 
the  keeper  how  he  shall  use  him  ;  for  we  have  other  manner 
of  matters  to  him  than  these." 

*'  So  had  ye  need,"  said  I,  "  or  else  I  care  not  for  you  !  " 

"  Deliver  him  to  Master  [after  Sir  William]  Garrard, 
the  Sheriff  [of  London],"  said  he,  "  and  bid  him  send  him  to 
Newgate." 

**  My  Lord,"  said  I,  unto  my  Lord  of  Arundel,  (for  that  he 


176 Appeals  in  vain  to  Lord  Hastings.   [^-^i^^^I^qI; 

was  next  to  me)  as  they  were  rising,  "  I  trust  you  will  not 
see  me  thus  used,  to  be  sent  to  Newgate.  I  am  neither  thief 
nor  traitor." 

"  You  are  a  naughty  fellow  !  "  said  he,  "  you  were  always 
tutting  in  the  Duke  of  Northumberland's  ear,  that  you 
were  !  " 

"  I  would  he  had  given  better  ear  unto  me,"  said  I  ;  "it 
had  not  been  with  him  then,  as  it  is  now"  [waiting  his  trial  in 
the  Tower]. 

Master  Hastings  passing  by  me,  I  thought  good  to  prove 
him  ;  although  he  threatened  me,  before  noon. 

"  Sir,"  said  I,  "  I  pray  you  speak  for  me,  that  I  be  not 
sent  to  Newgate  ;  but  rather  unto  the  Fleet,  which  was  first 
named.  I  have  not  offended.  I  am  a  Gentleman,  as  you  know; 
and  one  of  your  fellows,  when  you  were  of  that  Band  of  the 
Pensioners." 

Very  quietly,  he  said  unto  me,  "  I  was  not  at  the  talk, 
Master  Underhill;  and  therefore  I  can  say  nothing  to  it." 
But  I  think  he  was  well  content  with  the  place  I  was  ap- 
pointed to. 

So  went  I  forth  with  my  two  fellows  of  the  Guard,  who 
were  glad  they  had  the  leading  of  me,  for  they  were  great 
Papists. 

"Where  is  that  knave,  the  printer  [of  the  ballad]}"  said 
Master  Gage, 

"  I  know  not,"  said  I. 

When  we  came  to  the  Tower  gate,  where  Sir  John 
Brydges  [afterwards  Lord  CHANDOSof  Sudeley,  see  p.  345]  had 
the  charge,  [who  was  there]  with  his  brother  Master  Thomas  ; 
with  whom  I  was  well  acquainted,  (but  not  with  Sir  John) 
who,  seeing  the  two  of  the  Guard  leading  me,  without  their 
halberts,  rebuked  them  ;  and  stayed  me  while  they  went  for 
their  halberts. 

His  brother  said  unto  me,  "  I  am  sorry  j^ou  should  be  an 
offender.  Master  Underhill." 

"  I  am  none.  Sir !  "  said  I,  "  nor  went  I  against  the  Queen." 

"  I  am  glad  of  that,"  said  he. 

And  so  forth  we  went  at  the  gate,  where  was  a  great  throng 
of  people  to  hear  and  see  what  prisoners  were  committed  :  and 


E.underhm.j  Befriended  BY  Sheriff,  &  LoRD  Russell  177 

amongst  whom  stood,  my  friend  Master  IvE,  the  High  Con- 
stable, my  next  neighbour. 

One  of  the  Guard  went  forth  at  the  wicket  before  me,  to 
take  me  by  the  arm,  the  other  held  me  by  the  other  arm  ; 
fearing,  behke,  I  would  have  shifted  [escaped]  from  them 
amongst  the  people. 

When  my  friend,  who  had  watched  at  the  gate  all  the  fore- 
noon saw  me  thus  led ;  he  followed  afar  off,  as  Peter  did 
Christ,  to  see  what  should  become  of  me.  Many  also  fol- 
lowed, some  that  knew  me :  some  to  learn  who  I  was ;  for 
that  I  was  in  a  gown  of  satin. 

Thus  passed  we  through  the  streets,  well  accompanied, 
unto  Master  Garrard,  the  Sheriff's  house,  in  the  Stocks 
Market.     My  friend  Master  Ive  tarried  at  the  gate. 

These  two  of  the  Guard  declared  unto  Master  Sheriff,  that 
they  were  commanded  by  the  Council  to  deliver  me  unto  him, 
and  he  to  send  me  unto  Newgate :  saying,  "  Sir,  if  it  please 
you,  we  will  carry  him  thither," 

With  that,  I  stepped  unto  Master  Sheriff,  and,  taking  him 
a  little  aside,  requested  him  that,  forasmuch  as  their  commis- 
sion was  but  to  deliver  me  unto  him,  and  he  to  send  me  into 
Newgate,  that  he  would  send  me  by  his  officers :  for  the 
request  was  of  mere  malice. 

"  With  a  good-will !  "    said  Master  Sheriff. 

"  Masters !  "  said  he,  "  you  may  depart !  I  will  send  my 
officers  with  this  gentleman  anon  ;  when  they  be  come  in." 

"  We  will  see  him  carried,  Sir  !  "  said  they,  "  for  our  dis- 
charge." 

Then  the  Sheriff  said  sharply  unto  them,  **  What !  do  you 
think  that  I  will  not  do  the  Council's  commandment  ?  You 
are  discharged  by  delivering  him  unto  me  !  " 

With  that,  they  departed. 

My  friend,  Master  Ive,  seeing  them  depart  and  leave  me 
behind,  was  very  glad  thereof:  and  tarried  still  at  the  gate 
to  see  farther. 

All  this  talk  in  the  Sheriff's  hall,  did  my  Lord  Russell, 
son  and  heir  to  the  Earl  of  Bedford,  hear  and  see ;  who  was 
at  commandment  [under  arrest]  in  the  Sheriff's  house,  and  bis 
chamber  joining  into  the  hall,  wherein  he  might  look :  v/ho 
was  very  sorry  for  me,  for  that  I  had  been  familiar  with  him 
in  matters  of  religion,  as  well  on  the  other  side  the  seas  as 

M 


178     I  S    L  O  C  K  E  D     UP     IN     N   E  VV  G  A  T  E.  ["'  ^j' 


E.  Undernin. 
1562. 


at  home.  He  sent  me  on  the  morrow,  20s.  [=about  ;£"io  now] ; 
and  every  week  as  much,  while  I  was  in  Newgate. 

When  these  two  companions  of  the  Guard  were  gone,  the 
Sheriff  sent  two  of  his  officers  with  me,  who  took  no  bills 
with  them,  nor  lead  me ;  but  followed  a  pretty  way  behind 
me  :  for  as  I  said  unto  Master  Sheriff,  "But  for  order's  sake 
and  to  save  him  blameless,  I  would  have  gone  unto  Newgate 
myself,  at  the  Council's  commandment,  or  his  either." 

When  I  came  into  the  street,  my  friend  Master  Ive,  seeing 
me  have  such  liberty,  and  such  distance  betwixt  me  and  the 
officers,  he  stepped  before  them,  and  so  went  talking  with  me 
through  Cheapside :  so  that  it  was  not  well  perceived  that  I 
was  apprehended,  but  by  the  great  company  that  followed. 

The  officers  delivered  me  unto  the  Keeper  of  Newgate,  as 
they  were  commanded :  who  unlocked  a  door,  and  willed  me 
to  go  up  the  stairs  into  the  Hall.  My  friend  Ive  went  up 
with  me;  where  we  found  three  or  four  prisoners  that  had  the 
liberty  of  the  house. 

After  a  little  talk  with  my  friend,  I  required  him  not  to  let 
my  wife  know  that  I  was  sent  to  Newgate,  but  [to  say]  to 
the  Counter,  until  such  time  that  she  were  near  her  churching  : 
and  that  she  should  send  me  my  night-gown,  my  Bible,  and 
my  Lute.     And  so  he  departed. 

In  a  while  after,  it  was  supper  time  [i.e.,  about  5  p.m.]. 
The  board  was  covered  in  the  same  hall.  The  Keeper,  whose 
name  was  Alexander,  and  his  wife  came  to  supper ;  and 
half  a  dozen  prisoners  that  were  there  for  felonies  :  for  I  was 
the  first,  for  religion,  that  was  sent  unto  that  prison;  but  the 
cause  why,  the  Keeper  knew  not. 

One  of  those  prisoners  took  acquaintance  of  [recognised] 
me,  and  said,  "  He  was  a  soldier  under  Sir  Richard  Crom- 
well in  the  journey  [in  July,  1543]  to  Landreci  [in  Hain- 
ault],  where  he  did  know  me  and  whose  servant  I  was, 
at  the  same  time ;  and  who,  the  next  year  following 
[1544],  when  the  famous  King  Henry  VIII.  went  unto 
Boulogne,  did  put  me  unto  his  Majesty  into  the  room  of 
a  man-at-arms.  Of  the  which  Band,  there  were  200  of 
us,  upon  barded  horses,  all  in  one  suit  of  red  and  yellow 
damask,  the  bards  of  our  horses  and  plumes  of  feathers 
of  the  same  colours,  to  attend  upon  his  Majesty  for  the 
defence  of  his  person." 


^■^'"'^te"']  Becomes  the  White  Son  of  the  Keeper  179 

After  supper,  this  good  fellow  whose  name  was  Brystow 
procured  me  to  have  a  bed  in  his  chamber.  He  could  play  well 
upon  the  rebeck  [violin].  He  was  a  tall  man,  and  aftei wards 
of  the  Queen  Mary's  Guard,  and  yet  a  Protestant,  which  he 
kept  secret  :  "  For  else,"  he  said,  *'he  should  not  have  found 
such  favour  as  he  did  at  the  Keeper's  hands,  and  his  wife's  ; 
for  to  such  as  love  the  Gospel,  they  were  very  cruel." 

"  Well,"  said  I,  "  I  have  sent  for  my  Bible  ;  and  by  GOD's 
grace,  therein  shall  be  my  daily  exercise.  I  will  no  hide  it 
from  them." 

"  Sir  !  "  said  he,  *'  I  am  poor ;  but  they  will  bear  with  you, 
for  that  they  see  your  estate  is  to  pay  well ;  and  I  will  shew 
you  the  nature  and  manner  of  them  :  for  I  have  be  n  here  a 
a  good  while.  They  both  do  love  music  very  well ;  where- 
fore you  with  your  lute,  and  I  to  play  with  you  on  my  rebeck, 
will  please  them  greatly.  He  loveth  to  be  merry,  and  to 
drink  wine ;  and  she  also.  If  you  will  bestow  upon  them 
every  dinner  and  supper  a  quart  of  wine,  and  some  music : 
you  shall  be  their  white  son,  and  have  all  the  favour  that 
they  can  shew  you  !  "     And  so  it  came  to  pass. 

And  now  I  think  it  good  a  little  to  digress  from  my 
matter  concerning  my  imprisonment  and  my  deliverance; 
and  to  note  the  great  mercy  of  GOD  shewed  unto  his 
servants  in  that  great  Persecution  in  Queen  Mary's 
time :  how  mightily  and  how  many  ways  he  preserved 
such  as  did  fear  Him,  even  as  He  preserved  Daniel, 
Jeremy,  Paul,  and  many  in  the  old  time. 

Some  were  moved  by  His  Spirit  to  flee  over  the  seas. 
Some  were  preserved  still  in  London,  that,  in  all  the 
time  of  persecution,  never  bowed  their  knees  unto  Baal: 
for  there  was  no  such  place  to  shift  [hide]  in,  in  this 
realm,  as  London,  notwithstanding  their  great  spiall  and 
search  ;  nor  no  better  place  to  shift  the  Easter  time 
[to  avoid  being  houselled,  i.e.,  taking  the  sacrament]  than  in 
Queen  Mary's  Court,  serving  in  the  room  I  did,  as  shall 
be  shewed  hereafter 

A  great  number,  God  did  strengthen    constantly  to 

stand   to    His  Word,  to  glorify    His  name,  which   be 

praised  for  ever  and  ever,  world  without  end  1    And  some 

be  preserved  for  these  days. 

And  now  again  to  prosecute  the  matter  of  my  trouble  and 


i8o  Falls  dangerously  ill,  of  the  Ague.  [ 


E.  Underhill. 
1562. 


wonderful  deliverance  out  of  that  loathsome  gaol  of  New- 
gate. 

When  that  I  had  been  there  about  two  weeks  [^th-iSth 
August,  1553],  through  the  evil  savours,  and  great  unquietness 
of  the  lodgings,  as  also  by  occasion  of  drinking  of  a  draught 
of  strong  Hollock  [a  sweet]  wine,  as  I  was  going  to  bed, 
which  my  chamber  fellow  would  needs  have  me  to  pledge 
him  in,  I  was  cast  into  an  extreme  burning  ague,  that  I  could 
take  no  rest,  and  desiring  to  change  my  lodging.  And  so  did, 
from  one  to  another,  but  none  could  I  abide ;  there  was  so 
many  evil  savours,  and  so  much  noise  of  prisoners. 

The  Keeper  and  his  wife  offered  me  his  own  parlour,  where 
he  himself  lay  :  which  was  furthest  from  noise ;  but  it  was 
near  the  kitchen,  the  savour  of  which  I  could  not  abide. 
Then  did  she  lay  me  in  a  chamber,  where  she  said  never  a 
prisoner  lay,  which  was  her  store  chamber,  where  all  her 
plate  and  money  lay ;  which  was  much. 

So  much  friendship  I  found  at  their  hands,  notwithstand- 
ing that  they  were  spoken  unto,  by  several  Papists.  And 
the  Woodmongers  of  London,  with  whom  I  had  had  a  great 
conflict  for  presenting  them  for  false  marking  of  billets  ; 
they  required  the  Keeper  to  show  me  no  favour,  and  to  lay 
irons  upon  me,  declaring  that  "  I  was  the  greatest  heretic  in 
London." 

My  very  friend  Master  Recorde,  Doctor  of  Physic, 
singularly  seen  in  all  the  seven  sciences,  and  a  great  Divine, 
visited  me  in  the  prison  (to  his  great  peril  if  it  had  been 
known,  who  long  time  was  at  charges  and  pains  with  me, 
gratis),  and  also  after  I  was  delivered.  By  means  whereof, 
and  the  Providence  of  GOD,  I  received  my  health. 

My  wife  then  was  churched  before  her  time,  to  be  a  suitor 
for  my  deliverance  ;  who  put  up  a  Supplication  unto  the 
Council  declaring  my  extreme  sickness  and  small  cause  to  be 
committed  unto  so  loathsome  a  gaol ;  requiring  that  I  might 
be  delivered,  putting  in  sureties  to  be  forthcoming  to  answer 
farther  when  I  should  be  called.  Which  she  obtained  by  the 
help  of  Master  [afterwards  Sir]  John  Throgmorton,  being 
the  Master  of  the  Requests,  and  my  countryman  [i.e.,  oj 
Worcestershire]  and  my  kinsman.  He,  understanding  who 
were  my  enemies,  took  a  time  in  their  absence,  and  obtained 


^' ^?"'''is62.]  How  HIS  SON  Guildford  was  christened  i8i 

[on  2ist  August,  1553]  a  letter  to  the  Keeper,  subscribed  by  the 
Earl  of  Bedford,  the  Earl  of  Sussex,  [Stephen  Gardiner 
the  Bishop  of]  Winchester,  [Sir  Robert]  Rochester 
[Comptroller  of  the  Household],  and  [Sir  Edward]  Walde- 
GRAVE,  to  be  delivered  ;  putting  in  surety,  according  to  the 
request  of  my  wife's  Supplication. 

With  whom  Winchester  talked,  concerning  the 
christening  of  her  child  at  the  church  at  the  Tower  Hill; 
and  the  gossips  [sponsors],  which  were  the  Duke  of 
Suffolk,  the  Earl  of  Pembroke,  and  the  Lady  Jane, 
then  being  Queen  :  with  the  which,  he  [Gardiner]  was 
much  offended. 

My  Lady  Throgmorton,  wife  unto  Sir  Nicholas 
Throgmorton,  was  the  Queen's  deputy  ;  who  named 
my  son  Guildford  after  her  [the  Queen's]  husband. 

Immediately  after  the  christening  was  done  [on  the 
igth  of  July,  1553],  Queen  Mary  was  proclaimed  in 
Cheapside ;  and  when  my  Lady  Throgmorton  came 
into  the  Tower,  the  Cloth  of  Estate  was  taken  down, 
and  all  things  defaced.  A  sudden  change  !  She  would 
have  gone  forth  again ;  but  could  not  be  suffered. 
But  now  again  to  my  matter. 

When  my  wife  had  obtained  the  letter,  joyful  she  was  ;  and 
brought  her  brother,  John  Speryne  of  London,  merchant, 
with  her ;  a  very  friendly  man,  and  zealous  in  the  LORD  : 
who  was  bound  with  me,  according  to  the  Council's  letters 
before  Master  Chedely,  Justice  of  the  Peace  :  who  came 
into  the  prison  unto  me ;  for  I  was  so  sick  and  weak  that  I 
was  constrained  to  tarry  a  while  longer,  and  my  wife  with  me 
day  and  night. 

During  all  the  time  of  my  sickness,  I  was  constrained  to 
pay  8^.  [  =  about  6s.  8d.  now]  every  meal;  and  as  much  for 
my  wife,  and  for  every  friend  that  came  to  see  me,  if  they 
were  alone  with  me  at  dinner  or  supper  time,  whether  they 
came  to  the  table  or  not ;  and  paid  also  405.  for  a  fine  for 
irons  [i.e.,  for  not  being  chained]  which  they  said,  "They 
shewed  me  great  favour  in ;  I  should  have  else  paid  £4.  or  £^." 
Thus,  when  they  perceived  I  did  not  amend,  but  rather 
[grew]  worse  and  worse  ;  they  thought  it  best  to  venture  the 
the  matter  and  provided  a  horse  litter  to  carry  me  home  to 
Limehurst.     I  was  so  weak  that  I  was  not  able  to  get  down 


1 82  Is    DELIVERED   OUT   OF    NeWGATE.[^-  ^"'^^'Jej. 

the  stairs  ;  wherefore  one  that  was  servant  to  the  gaoler,  who, 
beforetime,  had  been  my  man,  who  was  also  very  diligently 
and  friendly  unto  me,  took  me  in  his  arms,  and  carried 
me  down  the  stairs  to  the  horse-litter,  which  stood  ready 
at  the  prison  door;  and  went  with  me  to  my  house. 

Many  people  were  gathered  to  see  my  coming  forth,  who 
praised  GOD  for  my  deliverance,  being  very  sorry  to  see  my 
state,  and  the  lamentation  of  my  wife  and  her  friends,  who 
judged  I  would  not  live  until  I  came  home. 

I  was  not  able  to  endure  the  going  of  the  horse-litter, 
wherefore  they  were  fain  to  go  very  softly,  and  oftentimes 
to  stay ;  at  which  times,  many  of  my  acquaintances  and 
friends  and  others  resorted  to  see  me :  so  that  it  was  two 
hours  ere  we  could  pass  from  Newgate  to  Aldgate ;  and  so 
within  night,  before  I  could  get  to  my  house.  Where  many 
of  my  neighbours  resorted  to  see  me  taken  out  of  the  horse- 
litter;  who  lamented  and  prayed  for  me,  thinking  it  not  pos- 
sible for  me  to  escape  death,  but  by  the  great  mercy  of  GOD. 

Thus  I  continued  for  the  space  of  eight  or  ten  days,  with- 
out any  likelihood  or  hope  of  amendment. 

I  was  sent  to  Newgate,  the  5th  day  of  August ;  and  was 
delivered  the  5th  day  of  September. 

The  ist  day  of  October,  was  Queen  Mary  crowned  ;  by 
which  time  I  was  able  to  walk  up  and  down  my  chamber. 
Being  very  desirous  to  see  the  Queen  pass  through  the  City,  I 
got  up  on  horseback,  being  scant  able  to  sit,  girded  in  a 
long  night-gown ;  with  double  kerchiefs  about  my  head,  a 
great  hat  upon  them  ;  my  beard  dubbed  [clotted]  hard  too.  M5' 
face  so  lean  and  pale  that  I  was  the  very  Image  of  Death  ; 
wondered  at  of  all  that  did  behold  me ;  and  unknown  to  any. 
My  wife  and  neighbours  were  too  too  sorry  that  I  would  needs 
go  forth ;  thinking  I  would  not  return  alive. 

Thus  went  I  forth,  having  on  either  side  of  me  a  man  to 
stay  [uphold]  me  ;  and  so  went  to  the  West  end  of  Paul's  ;  and 
there  placed  myself  amongst  others  that  sat  on  horseback  to 
see  the  Queen  pass  by. 

Before  her  coming,  I  beheld  Paul's  steeple  bearing  top  and 
top-gallant  [yards]  like  a  royal  ship,  with  many  flags  and 
banners :  and  a  man  [Peter,  a  Dutchman]  triumphing  and 
dancing  in  the  top. 


fi.  Underhm.-|   QugE^    MaRY's    CORONATION    PROCESSION.  183 

I  said  unto  one  that  sat  on  horseback  by  me,  who 
had  not  seen  any  coronation,  "  At  the  coronation  of  King 
Edward,  I  saw  Paul's  steeple  lie  at  anchor,  and  now  she 
weareth  top  and  top-gallant.  Surely,  the  next  will  be 
shipwreck,  ere  it  be  long !  "  which  chanceth  sometimes 
by  tempestuous  winds,  sometimes  by  lightnings  and  fire 
from  heaven. 

But  I  thought  that  it  should  rather  perish  with  some 

horrible    wind,    than    with     lightning    or    thunderbolt 

[evidently  alluding  to  the  destruction  by  lightning  of  the 

Steeple,  on  the  4th  June,  1561] ;  but  such  are  the  wonderful 

works  of  GOD,  whose  gunners  will  not  miss  the  mark 

that  He  doth  appoint,  be  it  never  so  little. 

When  the  Queen  passed  by,  many  beheld  me,  for  they 

might  almost  touch  me,  the  room   [space]  was  so  narrow ; 

marvelHng,  belike,  that  one  in  such  a  state  would  venture 

forth.     Many  of  my  fellows  the  Pensioners,  and  others,  and 

divers  of  the  Council  beheld  me :  and  none  of  them  all  knew 

me. 

I  might  hear  them  say  one  to  another,  "  There  is  one  that 
loveth  the  Queen  well,  belike ;  for  he  ventureth  greatly  to 
see  her.  He  is  very  like  never  to  see  her  more."  Thus  my 
men  whose  hearing  was  quicker  than  mine,  that  stood  by  me, 
heard  many  of  them  say. 

The  Queen  herself,  when  she  passed  by,  beheld  me.  Thus 
much  I  thought  good  to  write,  to  shew  how  GOD  doth  pre- 
serve that  which  seemeth  to  man  impossible;  as  many  that 
day  did  judge  of  me.     Thus  returned  I  home. 

And  about  two  months  after  [i.e.,  in  December],  I  was  able 
to  walk  to  London  at  an  easy  pace  ;  but  still  with  my  kerchiefs 
and  pale  lean  face.  I  muffled  me  with  a  sarsenet,  which  the 
rude  people  in  the  streets  would  murmur  at,  saying,  "  What 
is  he  ?     Dare  he  not  show  his  face  ?  " 

I  did  repair  to  my  old  familiar  acquaintance,  as  drapers, 
mercers,  and  others :  and  stood  talking  with  them,  and 
cheapened  their  wares  ;  and  there  was  not  one  of  them  that 
knew  me. 

Then  would  I  say  unto  them,  "Do  you  not  know  me? 
Look  better  upon  me  !  Do  you  not  know  my  voice  ?  "  For 
that  also  was  altered, 


184   Physical  force  Christianity,  [^•'""'^"^el: 

"  Truly,"  would  they  say,  "  you  must  pardon  me  !  I  can- 
not call  you  to  remembrance." 

Then  would  I  declare  my  name  unto  them  ;  whereat  they 
so  marvelled,  that  they  could  scarcely  credit  me,  but  for  the 
familiar  acquaintance  that  I  put  them  in  remembrance  of. 

Thus  passed  I  forth  the  time  at  Limehurst  until  Christmas 
[1553]  was  passed,  then  I  waxed  something  strong.  I  then 
thought  it  best  to  shift  from  thence ;  for  that  I  had  there 
fierce  enemies ;  especially  [Henry  More]  the  Vicar  of 
Stepney,  Abbot  quondam  of  [St.  Mary  de  Grace  on]  Tower 
Hill.     [He  died  in  November,  1554.] 

Whom  I  apprehended  in  King  Edward's  time,  and 
carried  him  to  Croydon  to  Cranmer,  Bishop  of  Canter- 
bury, for  that  he  disturbed  the  Preachers  in  his  Church  [at 
Stepney]  causing  the  bells  to  be  rung  when  they  were  at 
the  Sermon  ;  and  sometimes  begin  to  sing  in  the  Choir 
before  the  sermon  were  half  done,  and  sometimes  chal- 
lenge the  Preacher  in  the  Pulpit.  For  he  was  a  strong 
stout  Popish  prelate  :  whom  the  godly  men  of  the  parish 
were  weary  of;  specially  my  neighbours  of  the  Lime- 
hurst, as  Master  Driver,  Master  Ive,  Master  Pointer, 
Master  Marche,  and  others. 

Yet  durst  they  not  meddle  with  him,  until  it  was  my  hap 
to  come  and  dwell  amongst  them  :  and  for  that  I  was  the 
King's  Servant,  I  took  it  upon  me  ;  and  they  went  with 
me  to  the  Bishop  to  witness  those  things  against  him. 
Who  was  too  full  of  lenity.  A  little  he  rebuked  him, 
and  bad  him  do  no  more  so. 

"  My  Lord,"  said  I,  "  methinks,  you  are  too  gentle 
unto  so  stout  a  Papist  !  " 

**  Well,"  said  he,  *'  we  have  no  law  to  punish  them  by." 

"  We  have,  my  Lord !  "  said  L  "  If  I  had  your 
authority,  I  would  be  so  bold  to  un-Vicar  him ;  or  minister 
some  sharp  punishment  unto  him,  and  such  other.  If 
ever  it  come  to  their  turn ;  they  will  show  you  no  such 
favour." 

"Well,"  said  he,  "if  GOD  so  provide,we  must  abide  it." 

"  Surely,"  said  I,  "  GOD  will  never  cone  you  thank 
for  this ;  but  rather  take  the  sword  from  such  as  will  not 
use  it  upon  His  enemies."     And  thus  we  departed. 


"^■^""^'iS-JThe  principal  Dicers  of  the  time  185 

The  like  favour  is  shewed  now  [i.e.,  in  Elizabeth's 
reign]  ;  and  therefore  the  like  plague  will  follow. 

There  was  also  another  spiteful  enemy  at  Stepney, 
called  Banbery,  a  shifter,  a  dicer,  &c.,  like  unto  Dapers 
the  dicer,  Morgan  of  Salisbury  Court,  busking  [Sir 
Thomas,  also  called  Long]  Palmer,  lusty  Young,  [Sir] 
Ralph  Bagnall  [see  page  149],  [Sir]  Miles  Part- 
ridge [idem],  and  such  others.  With  which  companions, 
I  was  conversant  a  while ;  until  I  fell  to  reading  the 
Scriptures,  and  following  the  Preachers. 

Then,  against  the  wickedness  of  those  men,  which 
I  had  seen  among  them  ;  I  put  forth  a  ballet,  uttering  the 
falsehood  and  knavery  that  I  was  made  privy  unto. 
For  the  which,  they  so  hated  me  that  they  raised  false 
slanders  and  bruits  of  me,  saying  that  **  I  was  a  spy  for 
the  Duke  of  Northumberland  " :  and  calling  me 
[Bishop]  "  Hooper's  companion,"  for  a  bill  that  I  set 
up  upon  Paul's  gate, in  defence  of  Hooper;  and  another 
at  St.  Magnus's  Church,  where  he  was  too  much  abused, 
with  railing  bills  cast  into  the  pulpit  and  other  ways. 

Thus  became  I  odious  unto  most  men,  and  many  times 
in  danger  of  my  life,  even  in  King  Edward's  days.  As 
also  for  apprehending  one  Allen,  a  false  prophesier 
[of  whom  Underhill  says  elsewhere,  This  Robert 
Allen  was  called  the  God  of  Norfolk,  before  they  re- 
ceived the  light  of  the  Gospel]  ;  who  bruited  [in  January, 
1551]  that  King  Edward  was  dead,  two  years  before  it 
came  to  pass  ;  who  was  a  great  calculator  for  the  same. 
But  these  jugglers  and  wicked  dicers  were  still  in  favour 
among  the  magistrates,  and  were  advanced ;  who  were  the 
sowers  of  sedition,  and  the  destroyers  of  the  two  Dukes. 

I  pray  God  the  like  be  not  practised  by  such  flatterers 
in  these  days  [i.e.,  in  Elizabeth's  reign],  according  to 
the  old  proverb,  *'  He  that  will  in  Court  dwell,  must  curry 
Fauvell."     And 

He  that  will  in  Court  abide, 
Must  curry  Fauvell  hack  and  side, 

\i.e.,  he  must  curry  or  groom  a  horse,  of  Fauvell  (a  bright  yellow  or 
tawny)  colour  (opposed  to  Sorell,  a  dark  colour),  back  and  side.] 

for  such  get  most  gain. 


i86"He   is   all   of   the   Spirit!"    [^•H"^^^]: 

I  was  also  called  "the  hot  Gospeller!"  jesting  and 
mocking  me,  saying,  "  He  is  all  of  the  Spirit !  " 

This  was  their  common  custom,  at  their  tables,  to 
jest  and  mock  the  Preachers  and  earnest  followers  of  the 
Gospel ;  even  among  the  magistrates  :  or  else  [speak]  in 
wanton  and  ribald  talk ;  which  when  they  fell  into,  one 
or  other  would  look  through  [along]  the  board,  saying, 
"Take  heed  that  Underhill  be  not  here  !  " 

At  Stratford  on  the  Bow  [now  Stratford  at  Bow],  I 
took  the  pix  of  the  altar;  being  of  copper,  stored  with 
copper  gods :  the  Curate  being  present,  and  a  Popish 
Justice  dwelling  in  the  town,  called  Justice  Tawe. 

There  was  commandment  it  should  not  hang  in  a 
string  over  the  altar ;  and  then,  they  set  it  upon  the 
altar. 

For  this  act,  the  Justice's  wife  with  the  women  of  the 

town,  conspired  to    have  murdered  me;    which  one  of 

them  gave  me  warning  of,  whose  good  will  to  the  Gospel 

was  not  unknown  unto  the  rest.  Thus  the  Lord  preserved 

me   from   them,   and   many   other  dangers  more ;    but 

specially  from  hell  lire,  but  that,  of  His  mercy,  He  called 

me  from  the  company  of  the  wicked. 

This  Banbery,  aforesaid,  was  the  spy  for  Stepney  parish  ; 

as  John  Avales,  Beard,  and  such  others  were  for  London  : 

who  [i.e.,  Banbery]  caused  my  friend  and  neighbour  Master 

IvE  to  be  sent  unto  the  Marshalsea,  but  the  LORD  shortly 

delivered  him.     Wherefore  I  thought  it  best  to  avoid  [leave]; 

because  my  not  coming  to  the  church  there,  should  by  him  be 

marked  and  presented. 

Then  took  I  a  little  house  in  a  secret  corner,  at  the  nether 
[lower]  end  of  Wood  Street ;  where  I  might  better  shift  the 
matter. 

Sir  Humphrey  Ratcliffe  was  the  Lieutenant  of  the 
Pensioners,  and  always  favoured  the  Gospel ;  by  whose 
means  I  had  my  wages  still  paid  me  [70  marks  a  year  =  £^6 
13s.  /\.d.=about  ^500  now  ;  besides  a  free  diet]. 

When  [Sir  Thomas]  Wyatt  was  come  to  Southwark  [6th 
February,  1554]  the  Pensioners  were  commanded  to  watch  in 
armour  that  night,  at  the  Court  :  which  I  hearing  of,  thought 
it  best,  in  like  sort,  to  be  there ;  lest  by  my  absence  I  might 


E.  Underhm.-j  ^^^  PENSIONERS  WATCH  AT  WHITEHALL.      1 87 

have  some  quarrel  piked  unto  [picked  with]  me ;  or,  at  the 
least,  be  stricken  out  off  the  book  for  receiving  any  more 
wages. 

After  supper,  I  put  on  my  armour  as  the  rest  did  ;  for  we 
were  appointed  to  watch  all  the  night. 

So,  being  all  armed,  we  came  up  into  the  Chamber  of 
Presence,  with  our  poleaxes  in  our  hands.  Wherewith  the 
Ladies  were  very  fearful.  Some  lamenting,  crying,  and 
wringing  their  hands,  said,  "  Alas,  there  is  some  great  mis- 
chief toward  !  We  shall  all  be  destroyed  this  night !  What 
a  sight  is  this  !  to  see  the  Queen's  Chamber  full  of  armed 
men.     The  like  was  never  seen,  nor  heard  of!  " 

The  Master  [John]  Norris,  who  was  a  Gentleman  Usher 
of  the  Utter  [Outer]  Chamber  in  King  Henry  VIII. 's  time, 
and  all  King  Edward's  time  ;  always  a  rank  Papist,  and 
therefore  was  now  Chief  Usher  of  Queen  Mary's  Privy 
Chamber  :  he  was  appointed  to  call  the  Watch,  and  see  if  any 
were  lacking.  Unto  whom,  Moore,  the  Clerk  of  our  Cheque, 
delivered  the  book  of  our  names ;  which  he  perused  before  he 
would  call  them  at  the  cupboard.  And  when  he  came  to  my 
name,  "  What !  "  said  he,  "  what  doth  he  here  ?  " 

"Sir,"  said  the  Clerk,  '*  he  is  here  ready  to  serve  as  the 
rest  be." 

"Nay,  by  God's  body!  "  said  he,  **  that  heretic  shall  not 
be  called  to  watch  here  !  Give  me  a  pen  !  "  So  he  struck  out 
my  name  out  of  the  book. 

The  Clerk  of  the  Cheque  sought  me  out,  and  said  unto  me, 
"  Master  Underhill,  you  need  not  to  watch  !  you  may  depart 
to  your  lodging  !  " 

"  May  I  ?  "  said  I,  "  I  would  be  glad  of  that,"  thinking  I 
had  been  favoured,  because  I  was  not  recovered  from  my 
sickness  :  but  I  did  not  well  trust  him,  because  he  was  also 
a  Papist.  "  May  I  depart  indeed  ? "  said  I,  "will  you  be  my 
discharge  ?" 

"  I  tell  you  true,"  said  he,  "  Master  Norris  hath  stricken 
you  out  of  the  book,  saying  these  words,  '  That  heretic 
shall  not  watch  here ! '     I  tell  you  true  what  he  said." 

"  Marry,  I  thank  him  !  "  said  I,  "  and  you  also  !  You 
could  not  do  me  a  greater  pleasure  !  " 

"  Nay,  burden  not  me  withal!  "  said  he,  "it  is  not  my 
doing." 


1 88  Denied  entranceatLudgate,  [^-  ^i^^^'^^l 

So  departed  I  into  the  Hall,  where  our  men  were  appointed 
to  watch.  I  took  my  men  with  me,  and  a  link ;  and  went 
my  ways. 

When  I  came  to  the  Court  gate,  there  I  met  with  Master 
Clement  Throgmorton  [  father  of  Job  Throgmorton,  the 
Martinist  of  1589],  and  George  Ferrers  [the  Poet  and  His- 
torian; see  p.  289],  tending  their  links,  to  go  to  London. 
Master  Throgmorton  was  come  post  from  Coventry  ;  and 
had  been  with  the  Queen  to  declare  unto  her  the  taking  of 
the  Duke  of  Suffolk.  Master  Ferrers  was  sent  from  the 
Council  unto  the  Lord  William  Howard,  who  had  the 
charge  of  the  watch  at  London  Bridge. 

As  we  went,  for  that  they  were  both  my  friends  and 
Protestants,  I  told  them  of  my  good  hap,  and  manner  of  dis- 
charge of  the  Watch  at  the  Court. 

When  we  came  to  Ludgate,  it  was  past  eleven  o'clock. 
The  gate  was  fast  locked  ;  and  a  great  watch  within  the  gate 
of  Londoners,  but  none  without :  whereof  Henry  Peckham 
had  the  charge,  under  his  father;  who,  belike,  was  gone  to 
his  father,  or  to  look  to  the  water  side. 

Master  Throgmorton  knocked  hard,  and  called  to  them, 
saying,  "  Here  are  three  or  four  gentlemen  come  from  the 
Court  that  must  come  in  ;  and  therefore  open  the  gate  ! " 

"  Who  ?  "  quoth  one,  "  What  ?  "  quoth  another ;  and  much 
laughing  they  made. 

"  Can  ye  tell  what  you  do,  sirs  ?  "  said  Master  Throg- 
morton, declaring  his  name,  and  that  he  had  been  with  the 
Queen  to  shew  her  Grace  of  the  taking  of  the  Duke  of 
Suffolk,  "  and  my  lodging  is  within,  as  I  am  sure,  some  of 
you  do  know !  " 

"  And,"  said  Ferrers,  "  I  am  Ferrers,  that  was  Lord  of 
Misrule  with  King  Edward  ;  and  am  sent  from  the  Council 
unto  my  Lord  William,  who  hath  charge  of  the  Bridge  as 
you  know,  upon  weighty  affairs :  and  therefore  let  us  in,  or 
else  ye  be  not  the  Queen's  friends  !  " 

Still  there  was  much  laughing  amongst  them. 

Then  said  two  or  three  of  them,  "  We  have  not  the  keys. 
We  are  not  trusted  with  them.  The  keys  be  carried  away 
for  this  night." 

*'  What  shall  I  do  ?  "  said  Master  Throgmorton,  "  I  am 


^' "?"*^*i562-]     ^U'^  ^^^  ADMITTANCE  THROUGH   NeWGATE.  1 89 

weary  and  faint,  and  I  now  wax  cold.  I  am  not  acquainted 
hereabout ;  nor  no  man  dare  open  his  doors  at  this  dangerous 
time ;  nor  am  I  able  to  go  back  again  to  the  Court.  I  shall 
perish  this  night  !  " 

"  Well,"  said  I,  "  Let  us  go  to  Newgate  !  I  think  I  shall 
get  in  there." 

"  Tush  !  "  said  he,  "  it  is  but  in  vain.  We  shall  be  answered 
there  as  we  are  here." 

"  Well,"  said  I,  "  and  [if]  the  worst  fall,  I  can  lodge  ye  in 
Newgate.  Ye  know  what  acquaintance  I  have  there  1  and  the 
Keeper's  door  is  without  the  gate." 

**  That  were  a  bad  shift !  "  said  he,  "  I  had  almost  as  leave 
die  in  the  streets  ;  yet  I  will,  rather  than  wander  again  to  the 
Court." 

**  Well,"  said  I,  "  let  us  go  and  prove !  I  believe  the 
Keeper  will  help  us  in  at  the  gate,  or  else  let  us  in  through 
his  wards,  for  he  hath  a  door  on  the  inside  also.  If  all  this 
fail,  I  have  a  friend  at  the  gate,  Newman  the  ironmonger ;  in 
whose  house  I  have  been  lodged  :  where,  I  dare  warrant  you, 
we  shall  have  lodging,  or  at  the  least,  house-room  and  fire." 

"  Marry,  this  is  well  said  !  "  saith  Ferrers. 

So  to  Newgate,  we  went:  where  was  a  great  Watch  without 
the  gate,  which  my  friend  Newman  had  the  charge  of;  for 
that  he  was  the  Constable.  They  marvelled  to  see  there, 
torches  coming  at  that  time  of  the  night. 

When  we  came  to  them,  **  Master  Underhill,"  said 
Newman,  "  what  news,  that  you  walk  so  late  ?  " 

"  None  but  good!  "  said  I,  "  We  come  from  the  Court,  and 
would  have  gone  in  at  Ludgate,  and  cannot  be  let  in  :  where- 
fore, I  pray  you,  if  you  cannot  help  us  in  here,  let  us  have 
lodging  with  you  !  " 

"  Marry,  that  ye  shall!  "  said  he,  "  or  go  in  at  the  gate 
whether  ye  will  I  " 

"  Godamercy,  gentle  friend  !  "  said  Master  Throgmorton  ; 
"  I  pray  you  let  us  go  in,  if  it  may  be !  " 

He  called  to  the  Constable  within  the  gate,  who  opened 
the  gate  forthwith.  "  How  happy  was  I  !  "  said  Master 
Throgmorton,  "  that  I  met  with  you.  I  had  been  lost 
else." 

When  Wyatt  was  come  about  [i.e.,  from  Southwark,  through 


iQo  Sir  J.  Gage  all  in  the  dirt.  [^- ^"'''*i"; 

Kingston,  to  Wesiminsier  on  yfh  February  1554I,  notwith- 
standing my  discharge  of  the  watch  by  Master  Norris,  I  put 
on  my  armour,  and  went  to  the  Court  [at  Whitehall  Palace]  : 
where  I  found  all  my  fellows  in  the  Hall,  which  they  were 
appointed  to  keep  that  day. 

Old  Sir  John  Gage  was  appointed  without  the  utter  [outer] 
gate,  with  some  of  his  Guard,  and  his  servants  and  others  with 
him.  The  rest  of  the  Guard  were  in  the  Great  Court,  the  gates 
standing  open.  Sir  Richard  Southwell  had  charge  of  the 
back  sides,  as  the  Wood  Yard  and  that  way,  with  500  men. 

The  Queen  was  in  the  Gallery  by  the  Gatehouse. 

Then  came  Knevett  and  Thomas  Cobham  with  a  com- 
pany of  the  rebels  with  them,  through  the  Gatehouse  from 
Westminster :  wherewith  Sir  John  Gage  and  three  of  the 
Judges  [of  the  Common  Pleas]  that  were  meanly  armed  in 
old  brigantines  [jackets  of  quilted  leather,  covered  with  iron 
plates]  were  so  frighted,  that  they  fled  in  at  the  gates  in  such 
haste,  that  old  Gage  fell  down  in  the  dirt  and  was  foul 
arrayed  :  and  so  shut  the  gates,  whereat  the  rebels  shot  many 
arrows. 

By  means  of  this  great  hurly  burly  in  shutting  of  the  gates, 
the  Guard  that  were  in  the  Court  made  as  great  haste  in 
at  the  Hall  door  ;  and  would  have  come  into  the  Hall  amongst 
us,  which  we  would  not  suffer.  Then  they  went  thronging 
towards  the  Water  Gate,  the  kitchens,  and  those  ways. 

Master  Gage  came  in  amongst  us,  all  dirt ;  and  so 
frighted  that  he  could  not  speak  to  us.  Then  came  the  three 
Judges ;  so  frighted  that  we  could  not  keep  them  out,  except 
we  should  beat  them  down. 

With  that  we  issued  out  of  the  Hall  into  the  Court,  to  see 
what  the  matter  was ;  where  there  were  none  left  but  the 
porters,  the  gates  being  fast  shut.  As  we  went  towards  the 
gate,  meaning  to  go  forth.  Sir  Richard  Southwell  came 
forth  of  the  back  yards  into  the  Court. 

"  Sir  !  "  said  we,  "  command  the  gates  to  be  opened  that 
we  may  go  to  the  Queen's  enemies  !  We  will  else  break  them 
open  !  It  is  too  much  shame  that  the  gates  should  thus  be 
shut  for  a  few  rebels  !  The  Queen  shall  see  us  fell  down  her 
enemies  this  day,  before  her  face  !  " 

"  Masters  !  "  said  he,  and  put  his  morion  off  his  head,  **  I 
shall  desire  you  all,  as  you  be  Gentlemen,  to  stay  yourselves 


E.  underhni.-j  'j-jjg  Pensioners,the  Queen's  last  refuge  191 

here  ;  that  I  may  go  up  to  the  Queen  to  know  her  pleasure  ; 
and  you  shall  have  the  gates  opened.  And,  as  I  am  a  Gentle- 
man !  I  will  make  speed  !  " 

Upon  this,  we  stayed ;  and  he  made  a  speedy  return  :  and 
brought  us  word,  the  Queen  was  content  that  we  should  have 
the  gates  opened  :  "  But  her  request  is,"  said  he,  "  that  you 
will  not  go  forth  of  her  sight ;  for  her  only  trust  is  in  you,  for 
the  defence  of  her  person  this  day." 

So  the  gate  was  opened,  and  we  marched  before  the  Gallery 
window:  where  she  spake  unto  us;  requiring  us,  *'As  we 
were  Gentlemen,  in  whom  she  only  trusted,  that  we  would 
not  go  from  that  place." 

There  we  marched  up  and  down  the  space  of  an  hour  ;  and 
then  came  a  herald  posting,  to  bring  the  news  that  Wyatt 
was  taken. 

Immediately  came  Sir  Maurice  Berkeley  and  Wyatt 
behind  him  ;  unto  whom  he  did  yield  at  the  Temple  Gate : 
and  Thomas  Cobham  behind  another  gentleman. 

Anon  after,  we  [the  Gentlemen  Pensioners]  were  all  brought 
unto  the  Queen's  presence,  and  every  one  kissed  her  hand ; 
of  whom  we  had  great  thanks  and  large  promises  how  good 
she  would  be  unto  us  :  but  few  or  none  of  us  got  anything, 
although  she  was  very  liberal  to  many  others,  that  were 
enemies  unto  GOD's  Word,  as  few  of  us  were. 

Thus  went  I  home  to  my  house,  where[in]  I  kept,  and  came 
little  abroad,  until  the  marriage  was  concluded  with  King 
Philip. 

Then  was  there  [the]  preparing  [in  July,  1555]  to  go  with 
the  Queen,  unto  Winchester;  and  all  the  Books  of  the 
Ordinaries  were  perused  by  [Stephen  Gardiner]  the  Bishop 
of  Winchester  and  the  Earl  of  Arundel,  to  consider  of 
every  man. 

Sir  Humphrey  Ratcliffe,  our  Lieutenant,  brought  unto 
him  the  Book  of  the  Pensioners ;  which  when  they  overlooked, 
they  came  unto  my  name. 

*'  What  doth  he  here  ?  "  said  the  Earl  of  Arundel. 

"  I  know  no  cause  why  he  should  not  be  here,"  said  Master 
Ratcliffe,  "  he  is  an  honest  man.  He  hath  served  from 
the  beginning  of  the  Band  [founded  in  December,  1539,  as  the 


192  The  Queen's  Marriage  at  Winchester.  [ 


E.  Underhill, 

1562. 


Band  of  Spears.  It  consisted  of  a  Captain,  Lieutenant,  Standard 
bearer.  Clerk  of  the  Cheque,  and  Gentleman  Harbinger,  and  fifty 
Gentlemen  ;  chosen  out  of  the  best  and  most  ancient  families  of 
England.  Some  of  them  sons  to  Earls,  Barons,  Knights,  and 
Esquires  :  men  thereunto  specially  recommended  for  their  worthi- 
ness and  sufficiency  ;  without  any  stain  or  taint  of  dishonour,  or 
disparagement  in  blood] ,  and  was  as  forward  as  any  to  serve  the 
Queen,  in  the  time  of  Wyatt's  rebellion." 

*'  Let  him  pass  then  !  "  said  the  Bishop. 

"  Well,"  said  the  Earl,  "  you  may  do  so  ;  but  I  assure  you, 
my  Lord  !  he  is  an  arch-heretic  1  " 

Thus  I  passed  once  again. 

When  we  came  to  Winchester,  being  in  the  Chamber  of 
Presence,  with  my  fellows,  Master  Norris  came  forth  of  the 
Queen's  Privy  Chamber ;  unto  whom  we  did  reverence,  as 
his  place  required. 

**  What  1  "  saith  he  unto  me ;  *'  what  do  you  here  ?  " 
"  Marry,  sir  !  "  said  I,  "  what  do  you  here  ?  " 
**  Eh  !  "  said  he,  "  are  you  so  short  with  me  ?  " 
*'  Sir !  "  said  I,  "  I  must  and  will  forbear,  for  the  place  you 
be  in ;  but  if  you  were  in  the  place  you  were  in,  of  the  Outer 
Chamber,  I  would  be  shorter  with  you  !     You  were  then  the 
doorkeeper ;  when  we  waited  at  the  table.     Your  office  is  not 
to  find  fault  at  my  being  here.     I  am  at  this  time  appointed 
to  serve  here,  by  those  that  be  in  authority  ;  who  know  me, 
as  well  as  you  do  !  " 

"  They  shall  know  you  better !  "  said  he,  "  and  the  Queen 
also." 

With  that,  said  Master  John  Calveley,  one  of  my  fellows 
(brother  unto  Sir  Hugh  Calveley,  of  Cheshire),  who  served 
at  the  journey  to  Laundercei  in  the  same  Band  that  I  did, 
"  In  good  faith  !  Master  Norris,  methinks  you  do  not  well ! 
This  gentleman,  our  fellow,  hath  served  of  long  time,  and 
was  ready  to  venture  his  life  in  defence  of  the  Queen's  Majesty 
at  the  last  service,  and  as  forward  as  any  was  there;  and 
also  being  appointed  and  ready  to  serve  here  again  now, 
to  his  great  charges,  as  it  is  unto  us  all,  methinks  you  do 
noc  the  part  of  a  Gentleman  thus  to  seek  him  1  " 

*'  What !  "  said  he,  "  I  perceive  you  will  hold  together !  " 
**  Else  we  were  worse  than  beasts,"  said  my  fellow ;  '*  if  we 


E.  Underhill 


J562JDAUNCE,  THE  PREACHING  BRICKLAYER   I93 


would  not,  in  all  lawful  cases,  so  hold  together ;   he   that 
toucheth  one  of  us,  shall  touch  all." 

So  went  he  from  us,  into  the  Privy  Chamber ;  and  from 
that  time  never  meddled  more  with  me. 

On  the  marriage  day  [z^thjuly,  1555,  a^  WincJiester],the  King 
and  the  Queen  dined  in  the  hall  in  the  Bishop's  Palace ; 
sitting  under  the  Cloth  of  Estate,  and  none  else  at  that  table. 
The  Nobility  sat  at  the  side  tables.  We  were  the  chief 
servitors,  to  carry  the  meat ;  and  the  Earl  of  Sussex,  our 
Captain,  was  the  Sewer. 

The  second  course  at  the  marriage  of  a  King  is  given  unto 
the  bearers ;  I  mean  the  meat,  but  not  the  dishes,  for  they 
were  of  gold. 

It  was  my  chance  to  carry  a  great  pasty  of  a  red  deer  in  a 
great  charger,  very  delicately  baked  ;  which,  for  the  weight 
thereof,  divers  refused  [i.e.,  to  carry].  The  which  pasty  I  sent 
unto  London,  to  my  wife  and  her  brother;  who  cheered  there- 
with many  of  their  friends. 

I  will  not  take  upon  me,  to  write  the  manner  of  the  mar- 
riage, of  the  feast,  nor  of  the  dancing  of  the  Spaniards,  that 
day ;  who  were  greatly  out  of  countenance,  specially  King 
Philip  dancing  with  the  Queen,  when  they  did  see  my  Lord 
Bray,  Master  Carew,  and  others  so  far  exceed  them  ;  but 
will  leave  it  unto  the  learned;  as  it  behoveth  him  to  be,  that 
shall  write  a  Story  of  so  great  a  Triumph. 

Which  being  ended,  their  repair  was  to  London.  Where, 
shortly  after,  began  the  cruel  persecution  of  the  Preachers 
and  earnest  professors  and  followers  of  the  Gospel ;  and 
searching  of  men's  houses  for  their  books.  Wherefore  I  got 
old  Henry  Daunce,  the  bricklayer  of  Whitechapel ;  who 
used  to  preach  the  Gospel  in  his  garden,  every  holiday,  where 
I  have  seen  a  thousand  people :  he  did  inclose  my  books  in  a 
brick  wall  by  the  chimney's  side  in  my  chamber  ;  where  they 
were  preserved  from  moulding  or  mice,  until  the  first  year 
of  our  most  gracious  Queen  Elizabeth,  &c. 

Notwithstanding  that,  I  removed  from  thence,  and  went 
unto  Coventry  ;  and  got  me  a  house  a  mile  out  of  that  city  in 
a  wood  side.  But  before  I  removed  from  the  said  house  [in 
Wood  Street]  in  London  ;   I  had  two  children  born  there,  a 

N  I 


194     7  OHN  B  ON  A  ND   MAST  P  ERSON,     ^■^■^^^"^^^l 

wench  \i.e.,  a  girl,  his  fifth  daughter,  Anne,  born  ^th  January, 
1554],  and  a  boy  [his  second,  son,  Edward,  born  10th  February 

1555]- 

It  was  a  great  grief  to  me,  to  see  so  much  innocent  blood 
shed  for  the  Verity.  I  was  also  threatened  by  John  Avales 
and  Beard  :  which  I  understood  by  Master  Luke  [Shepherd]  , 
my  very  friend,  of  Coleman  Street,  physician ;  who  was  great 
with  some  that  kept  them  company,  and  yet  were  honest 
men.  Whom  I  caused  to  let  them  understand,  that  "If  they 
did  attempt  to  take  me,  except  they  had  a  warrant  signed 
with  four  or  five  of  the  Council's  hands,  I  would  go  further 
with  them  than  Peter  did,  who  strake  off  but  the  ear  of 
Malchus;  but  I  would  surely  strike  off  head  and  all." 
Which  was  declared  unto  them  ;  so  that  I  oftentimes  met 
them,  but  they  would  not  meddle  with  me.  So  mightily  the 
merciful  LORD  defended  me  ;  as  also  from  being  present  at 
that  blasphemous  Mass,  in  all  the  time  of  Queen  Mary. 

This  Luke  [Shepherd]  wrote  many  proper  books 
against  the  Papists,  for  the  which  he  was  imprisoned 
in  the  Fleet ;  especially  a  book  called  John  Bon  and 
mast.  Person,  who  reasoned  together  of  the  natural  pre- 
sence in  the  Sacrament  [see  pp.  16 1-9].  Which  book  he 
wrote  in  the  time  of  King  Edward  ;  wherewith  the 
Papists  were  sore  grieved,  specially  SiR  JOHN  Gresham, 
then  being  Mayor  \i.e.,  October  Y'^a^'j -October  1548  ;  but  on 
/.  185  Underhill  dates  in  155 1  Allen^s prophecy,  which 
he  here  represents  as  made  at  the  time  of  the  publication  of 
foHN  Bon,  i.e.  1548]. 

John  Day  did  print  the  same  book  [z«  1548];  whom  the 
Mayor  sent  for,  to  know  the  maker  \author\  thereof  saying 
"He  should  also  go  to  prison,  for  printing  the  same." 

It  was  my  chance  to  come  in  the  same  time  ;  for  that 
I  had  found  out  where  [Robert]  Allen  the  Prophesier, 
had  a  chamber  ;  through  whom  there  was  a  bruit  in  the 
city,  that  the  King  was  dead  :  which  I  declared  to  the 
Mayor,  requiring  him  to  have  an  Officer  to  apprehend 
him. 

"  Marry,"  said  the  Mayor,  *'  I  have  received  letters  to 
make  search  for  such  this  night  at  midnight." 

He  was  going  unto  dinner  ;  who  willed  me  to  take  part 
of  the  same. 


E.  Uaderhlli; 


{"^"eSl  RoBERTAlLEN,  the  PROPHESIERI95 

As  we  were  at  dinner,  he  said  "  There  was  a  book  put 
forth,  called  John  Bon  ;  the  maker  whereof,  he  would 
gladly  search  for." 

"  Why  so  ?  "  said  I,  "  that  book  is  a  good  book.  1 
have  one  of  them  here,  and  there  are  many  of  them  in 
the  Court." 

"  Have  you  so  ?  "  said  he,  "  I  pray  you,  let  me  see  it ; 
for  I  have  not  seen  any  of  them." 

So  he  took  it,  and  read  a  little  of  it,  and  laughed 
thereat,  as  it  was  both  pithy  and  merry.  By  means 
whereof,  John  Day,  sitting  at  a  sideboard  after  dinner, 
was  bidden  [to]  go  home ;  who  had,  else,  gone  to  prison. 
When  we  had  dined,  the  Mayor  sent  two  of  his 
Officers  with  me  to  seek  Allen  ;  whom  we  met  withal 
in  Paul's  [Church],  and  took  him  with  us  unto  his 
chamber;  where  we  found  figures  set  to  calculate  the 
nativity  of  the  King,  and  a  judgement  given  of  his  death ; 
whereof  this  foolish  wretch  thought  himself  so  sure, 
that  he,  and  his  counsellors  the  Papists,  bruited  it  all 
over. 

The  King  lay  at  Hampton  Court,  the  same  time  ;  and 
my  Lord  Protector  [the  Duke  of  Somerset]  at  the  Sion 
[Sio}t  House,  near  Isleworth] ;  unto  whom  I  carried  this 
Allen,  with  his  books  of  conjurations,  calculations, 
and  many  things  belonging  to  that  devilish  art :  which 
he  affirmed  before  my  Lord,  "  was  a  lawful  science,  for 
the  statute  [33  Hen.  VIII.  c.  8.]  against  such  was 
repealed  [by  i  Edw.  VI.  c.  12]." 

"  Thou  foolish  knave  !  "  said  my  Lord,  "if  thou,  and 
all  that  be  of  thy  science  tell  me  what  I  shall  do  to- 
morrow, I  will  give  thee  all  that  I  have  !  "  Com- 
manding me  to  carry  him  unto  the  Tower  :  and  wrote  a 
letter  to  Sir  John  Markham,  then  being  Lieutenant,  to 
cause  him  to  be  examined  by  such  as  were  learned. 

Master  Markham,  as  he  was  both  wise  and  zealous 
in  the  LORD,  talked  with  him.  Unto  whom  he  did 
affirm  that  "  He  knew  more  of  the  science  of  Astronomy 
than  all  the  Universities  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge." 
Whereupon  he  sent  for  my  friend,  before  spoken  of, 
Doctor  Recorde  ;  who  examined  him :  and  he  knew 
not  the  rules  of  Astronomy  ;  but  **  Was  a  very  unlearned 


196  Allen's  FRIENDS — Morgan  and  Gaston,  [^•'^t''^"™: 

ass ;  and  a  sorcerer,  for  the  which  he  was  worthy  hang- 
ing," said  Master  Recorde. 

To  have  further  matters  unto  [in  reference  to]  him,  we 
sent  for  Thomas  Robyns  alias  Morgan,  commonjy  called 
Little  Morgan  or  Tom  Morgan  (brother  unto  great  [big] 
Morgan,  of  Salisbury  Court,  the  great  dicer) ;  who,  when 
I  was  a  companion  with  him,  told  me  many  stories  of 
this  Allen  :  what  a  cunning  man  he  was  !  and  what 
things  he  could  do  !  as,  to  make  a  woman  love  a  man,  to 
teach  men  how  to  win  at  the  dice,  what  should  become 
of  this  realm  ;  [there  was]  nothing,  but  he  knew  it  !  So 
he  had  his  chambers  in  divers  places  of  the  city,  whither 
resorted  many  women,  for  things  stolen  or  lost,  to  know 
their  fortunes,  and  their  children's  fortunes  ;  where  the 
ruffling  roister[er]s  and  dicers  made  their  ma[t]ches. 

When  this  Morgan  and  Allen  were  brought  together; 
Morgan  utterly  denied  that  ever  he  had  seen  him,  or 
known  him. 

**  Yes,"  said  Allen,  "you  know  me!  and  I  know  you  !*' 
For  he  had  confessed  that,  before  his  coming. 

Upon  this.  Master  Lieutenant  stayed  Little  Morgan 
also  a  prisoner  in  the  Tower. 

1  caused  also  Master  Gaston  the  lawyer  [not  to  be  con- 
founded with  Gascoigne  the  Poet,  of  Gray's  Inn  ;  who  did 
not  marry  Widow  Breton  till  after  i^th  June,  1559],  who 
was  also  a  great  dicer,  to  be  apprehended.  In  whose 
house,  Allen  was  much ;  and  had  a  chamber  there, 
where  many  things  were  practised. 

Gaston  had  an  old  wife,  who  was  laid  under  the  board 
all  night,  for  dead ;  and  when  the  women,  in  the  morning, 
came  to  wind  her,  they  found  that  there  was  life  in  her  ; 
and  so  recovered  her:  and  she  lived  about  two  years 
after. 

By  the  resort  of  such  as  came  to  seek  for  things 
stolen  and  lost,  which  they  would  hide  for  the  nonce,  to 
blear  their  husband's  eyes  withal,  [afterwards]  saying, 
"the  wise  man  told  them";  of  such,  Gaston  had  choice 
for  himself  and  his  friends,  young  lawyers  of  the  Temple. 


E. underhm.-j  Underhill's  DAILY  Prayer.  197 

Thus  became  I  so  despised  and  odious  unto  the 
lawyers,  Lords  and  ladies,  gentlemen,  merchants,  knaves, 
and  thieves ;  that  I  walked  as  dangerously  as  Daniel 
amongst  the  lions.  Yet  from  them  all,  the  LORD  de- 
livered me  :  notwithstanding  their  often  devices  and 
conspiracies  by  violence  to  have  shed  my  blood,  or  with 
sorcery  [to  have]  destroyed  me. 

These  aforesaid  were  in  the  Tower  about  the  space  of 

a  year;  and  then  by  friendship  delivered.     So 'scapeth 

alwaysthe  wicked,  and  such  as  GOD  commandeth  should 

not  live  among  the  people. 

Yea,  even  now  in  these  days  also  ;  so  that,  methinks,  I  see 

the  ruin  of  London  and  this  whole  realm  to  be  even  at  hand  ; 

for  GOD  will  not  suffer  any  longer.     Love  is  clean  banished. 

No  man  is  sorry  for  Joseph's  hurt. 

A  Prayer,  taken  out  of  the  Psalms  of  Da  vid^ 

daily  and  nightly,  to  be  said  of 

Edward  Underhill. 

Ord  !  teach  me  the  understanding  of  Thy  com- 
mandments !  that  I  may  apply  myself  for  the  keep- 
ing of  the  same,  as  long  as  I  live !  Give  me  such 
wisdom  that  I  may  understand,  and  so  to  fulfil  the 
thing  that  Thy  law  deviseth !  to  keep  it  also  with  my  whole 
heart,  that  I  do  nothing  against  it!  Guide  me  after  the  true 
understanding  of  Thy  commandments  !  for  that  hath  been 
always  my  special  desire.  Incline  mine  heart  unto  the  love 
of  Thy  statutes,  and  cause  me  utterly  to  abhor  covetousness  ! 
Turn  mine  eyes  aside  !  lest  they  be  'tangled  with  the  love  of 
most  vain  things  ;  but  lead  me,  rather,  unto  life  through  Thy 
warnings  !  Set  such  a  Word  before  Thy  servant,  as  may 
most  chiefly  further  him  to  worship  Thee  !  Take  away  the 
shame  that  I  am  afraid  of !  for  Thy  judgements  are  greatly 
mixed  with  mercy.  As  for  me,  verily,  I  have  loved  Thy 
commandments ;  wherefore  keep  me  alive  according  to  Thy 
righteousness ! 


198  Specimen  of  his  Religious  Verse.  [^' ^^"'^^'^e": 

Love  GOD,  above  all  things !  and  thy  neighbour  as  thyself! 

That  this  is  Christ's  doctrine,  no  man  can  it  deny, 
Which  little  is  regarded  in  England's  commonwealth, 

Wherefore   great   plagues  at  hand   be,  the  realm  for  to 
destroy. 

Do  as  thou  wouldst  he  done  unto  !     No  place  here  he  can  have. 

Of  all  he  is  refused.     No  man  will  him  receive. 
But    Private   Wealth,  that    cursed   wretch,  and  most    vile 
slave  ! 

Over  all,  he  is  embraced ;  and  fast  to  him,  they  cleave. 

He  that  hath  this  world's  goods,  and  seeth  his  neighbour  lack  ; 

And  of  him  hath  no  compassion,  nor  sheweth  him  no  love. 
Nor  relieveth  his  necessity,  but  suffers  him  to  go  to  wrack  ; 

GOD  dwelleth  not  in  that  man,  the  Scriptures  plainly  prove. 

Example  we  have  by  Dives,  that  daintily  did  fare, 
In  worldly  wealth  and  riches  therein  he  did  excel ; 

Of  poor  Lazarus's  misery  he  had  thereof  no  care  : 
Therefore  was  suddenly  taken,  and  tormented  in  hell. 

Edward    Underbill. 


•^ 


'    9 


5#5The  History  of  Wyat'sjW| 


t 


6^ 


Rebellion  ; 

With  the  order  and  manner 
of  resisting  the  same. 

Whereunto,  in  the  end,  is  added 

An  earnest  Conference  with 

the  degenerate  and  seditious 

rebels  for  the  search  of 

the  Cause  of  their 

daily  disorder. 

Made  and  compiled  by 
John    Proctor. 

[Second  Edition.] 
Mense  yanuarii,  amto  1555. 


imt 


olSrO 


^?«& 


m 


20I 


''ht 


To  the  most  excellent  and  most  virtuous  Lady,  our  most 

gracious   Sovereign,   Mary,  by   the  grace   of  GOD, 

Queen  of  England,  France,  Naples,  Hierusalem,  and 

Ireland:  Defender  of  the  Faith  ;  Princess  of  Spain, 

and  Sicily ;    Archduchess   of  Austria;    Duchess   of 

Milan,  Burgundy,  and  Brabant;  Countess  of  Haps- 

burg,  Flanders,  and  Tyrol ; 

your   Majesty  s   most  faithful,    loving^    and 

obedient  subject,  John  Proctor,  wisheth 

all  grace,  long  peace,  quiet  reign^ 

from    GOD     the    Father, 

the      Son,      and     the 

HOLY  GHOST, 


j]T  hath  been  allowed,  most  gracious  Sovereign, 
for  a  necessary  policy  in  all  Ages,  as  stories 
do  witness,  that  the  flagitious  enterprises  of 
the  wicked,  which  have  at  any  time  attempted 
with  traitorous  force  to  subvert  or  alter  the  Public 
State  of  their  countries,  as  also  the  wise  and  virtuous 
policies  of  the  good  practised  to  preserve  the  Common 
Weal    and  to   repel  the  enemies  of  the   same,  should   by 


202 Dedicatory  Epistle  to  Queen  Mary.  [,Jj 


Proctor. 
an.  1555. 


writing  be  committed  to  eternal  memory.  Partly  that  they 
of  that  Age  in  whose  time  such  things  happened  might  by 
the  oft  reading  conceive  a  certain  gladness  in  considering 
with  themselves,  and  beholding  as  it  were  in  a  glass,  from 
what  calamity  and  extreme  ruin,  by  what  policy  and 
wisdom,  their  native  countries  were  delivered  ;  besides  the 
great  misery  and  peril  they  themselves  have  escaped  :  partly 
for  a  doctrine  and  a  monition  serving  both  for  the  present 
and  future  time.  But  chiefly  and  principally  that  the 
traitors  themselves  (who,  through  hatred  to  their  Prince  or 
country,  shall,  either  of  their  own  malicious  disposition  be 
stirred  ;  or  else  by  other  perverse  counsel  thereunto  induced) 
may  always  have  before  their  eyes  the  miserable  end  that 
happeneth  as  just  reward  to  all  such  caytives  \caitiffs\  as, 
either  of  ambition  not  satisfied  with  their  own  state  will 
seek  preposterously  to  aspire  to  honour  ;  or  of  malice  to 
their  Prince,  will  enter  into  that  horrible  crime  of  Privy 
Conspiracy  or  Open  Rebellion. 

The  industry  of  Writers  doth  sufficiently  declare  in  a 
number  of  stories  that  conspiracy  and  treason  hath  always 
turned  to  the  authors  a  wretched  and  miserable  end  :  and  if 
their  persons  happen  at  any  time  to  escape  temporal 
punishment,  as  rarely  they  have  done  ;  yet  their  names, 
specially  of  the  notorious  and  principal  offenders,  have 
been  always  had  in  such  vile  and  odible  detestation  in  all 
Ages  and  among  all  nations  as,  for  the  same,  they  have 
been  ever  after  abhorred  of  all  good  men. 

These  general  considerations,  moving  others  to  indict 
\endite\  and  pen  stories,  moved  me  also  to  gather  together 
and  to  register  for  memory  the  marvellous  practice  of 
Wyat  his  detestable  Rebellion  ;  little  inferior  to  the  most 
dangerous    reported    in   any   history,   either   for    desperate 


lo'Jan'Tsss']  '^"^  LC)ST  HiSTORY  OF  WyAT's  REBELLION  203 

courage  in  the  author,  or  for  the  monstrous  end  purposed  by 
his  Rebellion. 

Yet  I  thought  nothing  less  at  the  beginning  than  to 
publish  the  same  at  this  time,  or  at  this  Age  :  minding 
only  to  gather  notes  thereof,  where  the  truth  might 
be  best  known,  for  the  which  I  made  earnest  and 
diligent  investigation  ;  and  to  leave  them  to  be  published 
by  others  hereafter,  to  the  behoof  of  our  posterity. 

But  hearing  the  sundry  tales  thereof,  far  dissonant  in 
the  utterance,  and  many  of  them  as  far  wide  from  truth, 
fashioned  from  the  speakers  to  advance,  or  deprave,  as 
they  fantased  \^favo^^red^^  the  parties  ;  and  understanding 
besides  what  notable  infamy  sprang  of  this  Rebellion  to 
the  whole  country  of  Kent,  and  to  every  member  of  the 
same,  where  sundry  and  many  of  them,  to  mine  own 
knowledge,  shewed  themselves  most  faithful  and  worthy 
subjects,  as  by  the  story  [it]self  shall  evidently  appear, 
which  either  of  haste  or  of  purpose  were  omitted  in  a 
printed  book  late[ly]  set  forth  at  Canterbury.  I  thought 
these  to  be  special  considerations  whereby  I  ought,  of 
duty  to  my  country  \County\  to  compile  and  digest  such 
notes  as  I  had  gathered  concerning  that  Rebellion,  in  some 
form  or  fashion  of  History ;  and  to  publish  the  same  in 
this  Age,  and  at  this  present,  contrary  to  my  first  intent : 
as  well  that  the  very  truth  of  that  rebellious  enterprise 
might  be  thoroughly  known,  as  that  also  the  Shire  where 
that  vile  Rebellion  was  practised  might,  by  opening  the  full 
truth  in  some  part,  be  delivered  from  the  infamy  which,  as 
by  report  I  hear,  is  made  so  general  in  other  Shires  as 
though  very  few  of  Kent  were  free  from  Wyat's  conspiracy. 


204     Obedience  and  unspotted  loyalty,     [^^-j 


Proctor, 
an.  1555. 


Most  humbly  beseeching  your  Highness  to  take  this 
my  travail  in  so  good  and  gracious  part ;  as  of  your  Grace's 
benign  and  gentle  nature  it  hath  pleased  you  to  accept 
my  former  books  dedicated  unto  your  Highness.  Whereby 
I  mind  nothing  less  than  to  excuse,  or  accuse,  any  affec- 
tionately \_partially'\  ;  but  to  set  forth  each  man's  doings 
truly  according  to  their  demerits  :  that  by  the  con- 
templation hereof  both  the  good  may  be  encouraged  in 
the  execution  of  perfect  obedience  and  unspotted  loyalty  ; 
and  the  wicked  restrained  from  the  hateful  practice  of  such 
detestable  purposes. 


The  Blessed  Trinity  preserve  your  Highness  I 


« 


205 

To  the  Loving  Reader. 

He  safe  and  sure  recordation  of  pains  and  perils 
past  hath  present  delectation,  saith  TULLY. 
For  things,  were  they  never  so  bitter  and  un- 
pleasant in  the  execution,  being  after  in  peace 
and  security  renewed  by  report  or  chronicle,  are  both 
plausible  \_  praiseworthy']  and  profitable,  whether  they 
touched  ourselves  or  others. 

Being  thus  in  this  point  persuaded,  loving  Reader,  I 
thought  it  a  travail  neither  unpleasant  for  thee,  nor  un- 
thankful for  me,  to  contrive  the  late  Rebellion  practised 
by  Wyat  in  form  of  a  Chronicle,  as  thou  seest.  Whereby 
as  I  mean  not  to  please  the  evil,  nor  displease  the  good  ; 
so  I  much  desire  to  amend  the  one  by  setting  before  his 
eye  the  lamentable  Image  of  hateful  Rebellion,  for  the 
increase  of  obedience  ;  and  to  help  the  other  by  setting 
forth  the  unspotted  loyalty  of  such  as  adventurously  and 
faithfully  served  in  this  dangerous  time,  for  the  increase  of 
knowledge  and  policy  the  better  to  repress  the  like  dangers, 
if  any  hereafter  happen. 

And  further,  although  hereby  I  covet  not  to  renew  a  fear 
of  a  danger  past,  yet  would  I  gladly  increase  a  care  and 
study  in  every  good  man's  heart  to  avoid  a  like  danger  that 
may  happen,  and  most  times  happeneth  ;  when  a  danger 
with  much  difficulty  avoided  is  not  sufficient  warning  to 
beware  of  the  next. 

I  have  forborne  to  touch  any  man  by  name,  Wyat  only 
except ;  and  a  few  others  which  the  story  would  not  permit 
to  be  left  out.  Yet  take  me  not  that  I  mean  to  excuse  any 
man's  fault  thereby.  For  what,  should  I  shew  myself  so 
ungrate   or   unnatural    unto    my   natural   countrymen ;    as 


2o6The  Image  of  hateful  Rebellion.  \^Jj 


Proctor, 
an.  isss. 


namely  to  blaze  them  to  the  World  whom,  either  their  own 
good  hap  or  the  Queen's  surpassing  mercy,  would  to  be 
covered  at  this  time  ? 

And  although  I  touch  some  by  name,  terming  them  in 
certain  places  "  traitors  and  rebels,"  just  titles  of  their 
deserts  :  yet,  GOD  is  my  witness ! ,  I  do  it  not  of  malice 
or  envy  to  any  of  their  persons.  I  never  hated  any  of 
them  ;  no,  not  Wyat  himself !  whom,  although  he  was 
utterly  unknown  unto  me,  yet  for  the  sundry  and  singular 
gifts  wherewith  he  was  largely  endued,  I  had  him  in  great 
admiration.  And  now  I  rather  pity  his  unhappy  case  than 
malice  his  person  :  and  do  much  lament  that  so  many  good 
and  commendable  qualities  were  abused  in  the  service  of 
cursed  Heresy  ;  whose  reward  was  never  other  than  shame- 
ful confusion,  by  one  way  or  other,  to  all  that  followed  her 
ways. 

Finally,  if  thou  suppose  I  have  not  fully  set  forth  the 
whole  case,  all  as  it  was,  I  shall  not  againsay  it ;  neither 
thought  I  it  necessary  so  to  do  ;  but  rather  so  much  as 
for  this  time  might  be  both  plausible  [pratsewort/iy]  and 
profitable,  and  should  satisfy  such  points  as  in  the  Dedicatory 
Epistle  to  the  Queen's  Majesty  are  expressed. 

Hereafter  it  may  be  that  further  be  said  touching  this 
matter.  In  mean  time  thou  hast  no  just  cause,  I  trust, 
to  be  offended  with  this  my  present  enterprise,  either  for 
the  manner  of  handling  or  for  the  matter  herein  handled  : 
the  one  having  sufficient  perspicuity  and  plainness,  the  other 
full  truth ;  for  which  I  have  made  such  diligent  investi- 
gation, as  I  have  found  it  and  have  herein  expressed  the 
same,  especially  so  much  as  concerneth  Kent 

Vale ! 


207 


Wyats  Rebellion: 

with  the  order  and  manner  of 

resisting  the  sarne^ 


Hat  a  restless  evil  Heresy  is !  ever  travail- 
in?     to     brincr     forth     mischief!    The  dangerous 
^  .  ,  .         ,  ,,    nature  of 

never  ceasing  to  protrude  all  Heresy, 
those  in  whose  hearts  she  is  received  to 
confusion !  By  what  plausible  allure- 
ments at  her  entry,  she  catcheth  favour- 
able entertainment  !  With  what  ways 
of  craft  and  subtilty  she  dilateth  her 
dominion !  and  finally  how,  of  course,  she  toileth  to  be 
supported  by  Faction,  Sedition,  and  Rebellion  !  to  the  great 
peril  of  subversion  of  that  State  where,  as  a  plague,  she 
happeneth  to  find  habitation  :  as  well  the  lamentable  history 
of  the  Bohemians  and  Germans,  with  all  others  treating  of 
like  enterprises  by  heretics,  as  also  Wyat's  late  conspiracy 
practised  with  open  force,  doth  plenteously  declare.  Who, 
as  it  should  evidently  seem  by  the  trade  of  his  life  Heresy  the 
and  the  late  disclosing  of  himself,  was  so  fervently  o'?\vyat'°"'"^ 
affected  to  heresy,  although  he  laboured  by  false  Rebellion. 
persuasion  otherwise  to  have  coloured  it ;  that,  burning 
inwardly  with  a  prepensed  treason  in  his  breast  for  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  same  within  the  realm,  he  persuaded  to 
himself  such  an  impossibility  therein  (the  Queen's  Highness 


2o8  Wyat's  Rebellion  begins  at  Maidstone.  [Jj 


Proctor, 
an.  1555. 


prospering  and  bearing  the  sceptre  of  high  governance)  as 
could  by  no  means  be  brought  about  without  rebellion  :  the 
T,  .  „.      .    only  refuge,  as  I  said,  that  indurate  heretics  have 

Rebellion,  the       ,•'  i.r  •,  r     -i      ■       1 

only  refuge  of   always  sought,  for  maintenance  of  their  heresy; 

heretics.  Hying  Under  a  Catholic  Prince. 

He  therefore,  being  thus  inflamed,  could  no  longer  contain, 

wyat  per-       but  immediately  upon  the  beginning  of  the  Queen's 

the  Queen^and  "^o^t  happy  rcigu,  forsaking  his  habitation  in  the 

Heresy  could    country,   Went    to   London    of    purpose    to    stir 

['o°ge'thfr"        [Henry  Grey,]  the  Duke  of  Suffolk  and  his 

brethren,  with  others  of  power  in  further  countries  [Cotmties'], 

Wyat's  repair  whom  he  kncw  to  bc  like  affected  to  heresies  and 

to  London  to  consequently  to  burn  in  sembable  desire  for  con- 
stir  others  to  .  ^  .^  . 

his  Rebellion,  tinuancc  of  the  same :  leaving  nevertheless  such 
behind  him  in  Kent,  to  solicit  his  and  their  unhappy  case ; 
whom  he  knew  so  much  addicted  thereunto  as,  in  his  absence, 
for  their  diligence  in  such  a  ministry  needed  no  overseer. 

He  remained  in  London  till  he  thought  himself  thoroughly 
furnished  every  way,  and  everywhere  within  the  realm,  to 
attempt  his  determined  enterprise ;  when  apt  time  should 
Wyat's  return  scrve.  Which  done,  he  returned  into  Kent :  not 
into  Kent.  of  purpose  then  to  proceed  ;  but,  understanding 
his  strength,  practised  there  by  his  agents  to  set  things  in 
order,  and  so  to  return  to  London ;  abiding  the  time 
appointed  therefore  by  him  and  his  complices. 

But,  so  it  befell,  in  the  mean  time,  that,  at  his  being  in  the 
country,  the  [Privy]  Council  committed  a  Gentleman  of  that 
Shire  to  ward,  one  to  Wyat  above  all  others  most  dear : 
whereby  the  common  bruit  grew  that  he,  (suspecting  his 
secrets  to  be  revealed,  and  upon  that  occasion  to  be  sent  for 
by  the  Council)  felt  himself,  as  it  were  for  his  own  surety, 
Wyat  pre-  compcUed  to  anticipate  his  time.  But  whether 
time^'  '  '      that  were  the  cause  or  no,  doubtful  it  is. 

But  certain  it  was  that  Wyat,  then  proceeding  in  his 
detestable  purpose,  armed  himself  and  as  many  as  he  could  : 
and,  giving  intelligence  of  his  determination  to  his  com- 
The  first  day  pHces,  as  Well  Et  Loudon  as  elsewhere,  the 
at  Mlfdltone!'  Thursday  after,  at  Maidstone,  in  the  market  time, 
being  the  25th  day  of  January  [1554],  in  the  first  year  of  the 
Queen's  reign,  by  Proclamation  in  writing,  published  his 
devilish  pretence. 


ioyi!°S]  Wyat  raises  Kent  against  Strangers.  209 

And  considering  with  himself  that  to  make  the  pretence 
of  his  Rebellion  to  be  the  restoring  or  continuance  The  cause  why 
of  the  new  and  newly-forged  Religion  was  neither  ^J^Reil^ton 
agreeable  to  the  nature  of  Heresy  (which  always  ^^^  outward 

^  ^      ^  ^        pretence  01 

defendeth  itself  by  the  name  and  countenance  of  his  Rebellion. 
other  matter  more  plausible) ;  neither  so  apt  to  further  his 
wicked  purpose,  being  not  a  case  so  general  to  allure  all 
sorts  to   take   part  with  him  :  he  determined  to  speak  no 
word  of  Religion,  but   to  make   the  only   colour  The  colour  of 
[presence]  of  his  commotion,   only  to  withstand  Rebellion. 
Strangers  [i.e.  the  Spaniards],  and  to  advance  Liberty. 

For  as  he  made  his  full  reckoning  that  such  as  accorded 
with  him  in  religion  would  wholly  join  with  him  in  that 
rebellion  ;  so  he  trusted  that  the  Catholics  for  the  most  part 
would  gladly  embrace  that  quarrel  against  the  Strangers ; 
whose  name  he  took  to  become  odible  to  all  sorts  by  the 
seditious  and  malicious  report  which  he  and  his  had 
maliciously  imagined  and  blown  abroad  against  ^y^^^.^ 
that  nation,  as  a  preparative  to  their  abominable  parative  to  his 

,  '  r-      I-  Rebellion. 

treason. 

His  Proclamation  therefore  published  at  Maidstone,  and 
so  in  other  places,  persuaded  that  quarrel  to  be  taken  in 
hand  in  the  defence  of  the  realm  from  overrunning  by 
Strangers  and  for  the  advancement  of  Liberty :  where,  in 
very  deed,  his  only  and  very  matter  was  the  continuance  of 
heresy :  as  by  his  own  words  at  sundry  times  shall  hereafter 
appear. 

And  to  the  end  the  people  should  not  think  that  he  alone, 
with  a  few  other  mean  Gentlemen,  had  taken  that  traitorous 
enterprise  in  hand  without  comfort  or  aid  of  higher  ^trlitper. 
powers,  he  untruly  and  maliciously  added  further  suasions  to 
to  his  Proclamation,  by  persuasion  to  the  people :     Rebeiuon! 

That  all  the  Nobility  of  the  realm  and  the  whole  [Privy] 
Council  (one  or  two  only  except)  were  agreeable  to  his 
pretensed  treason,  and  would  with  all  their  power  and 
strength  further  the  same  ;  (which  he  found  most  untrue,  to 
his  subversion):  and  That  the  Lord  ABERGAVENNY,  [Sir 
Thomas  Cheyney,]  the  Lord  Warden  [of  the  Cinque 
Ports],  Sir  Robert  Southwell,  High  Sheriff,  with  all 
other  Gentlemen  would  join  with  him  in  this  enterprise,  and 
set  their  foot  by  his,  to  repel  the  Strangers. 

O  I 


2IO  Wyat  would  restore  Protestantism.    [lo^l'^X'ss 

This  Proclamation  and  such  annexed  persuasions  made  at 
howWyat's  Maidstone  on  the  market  day,  and  in  other  parts 
untrne  per-  of  the  Shirc,  had  so  wrought  in  the  hearts  of  the 
abuse°dthe  pcople  that  divers  (which  before  hated  him,  and 
people.  jjg  them)  were  now,  as  it  seemed,  upon  this  occa- 

sion, mutually  reconciled ;  and  said  unto  him,  "  Sir,  is  your 
quarrel  only  to  defend  us  from  overrunning  by  Strangers 
and  to  advance  Liberty ;  and  not  against  the  Queen  ?  " 
Jher^edc  k  t°o  "  ^°»"  ^"^^  Wyat,  "  we  miud  nothing  less 
say  one  thing  than  any  wise  to  touch  her  Grace ;  but  to  serve 
another"  her  and  honour  her,  according  to  our  duties." 

"  Well,"  quod  they,  "  give  us  then  your  hand.  We  will 
stick  to  you  to  death  in  this  quarrel !  " 

That  done,  there  came  to  him  one  other,  of  good  wealth, 
saying,  "  Sir,"  quod  he,  "  they  say  I  love  potage  well,  I  will 
sell  all  my  spoons,  and  all  the  plate  in  my  house  rather  than 
your  purpose  shall  quail ;  and  sup  my  potage  with  my 
mouth  [see  p.  234].  I  trust,"  quod  he,  "  you  will  restore  the 
right  religion  again." 

"  Whist !  "  quod  Wyat,  "  you  may  not  so  much  as  name 
wyat's  own  religion,  for  that  will  withdraw  from  us  the  hearts 
words  to  prove  of  many.  You  must  only  make  your  quarrel  for 
thel^Iund  of  overrunning  by  Strangers.  And  yet  to  thee,  be  it 
his  Rebeihon.  g^j^  jj^  counscl,  as  unto  my  friend,  we  mind  only 
the  restitution  of  GOD's  Word.     But  no  words  !  " 

By  these  his  words  it  appeared  that  his  principal  intent 
was  not  to  keep  out  Strangers,  which  commonly  do  not 
invade  to  our  hindrance  but  by  rebellion  amongst  ourselves  ; 
nor  to  advance  Liberty,  which  ever  decayeth  through 
treason  :  but  to  advance  Heresy,  the  Lady  Regent  of  his 
life  and  doings. 

This  same  Thursday  [25th  January  1554]  as  Wyat, 
Thomas  Isley,  and  others  were  occupied  at  Maidstone 
with  Proclamations  to  stir  the  people  and  such  like ;  so  were 
others  his  confederates  occupied  in  like  manner  by  Pro- 
clamations at  Milton,  Ashford,  and  other  towns  in  the  east 
parts  of  the  Shire.  Through  whose  allurements,  the  multi- 
tude were  grown  so  earnestly  affected  to  Wyat's  purpose 
that  they  suffered  Master  CHRISTOPHER  RoPER,  a  man  of 
good  worship  and   so   esteemed   of  them,  to   be  taken   of 


io'^jm':°i15sG  Wyat  arrests  Roper,  Tucke,  &  Dorrel2ii 

Wyat's  ministers,  and  carried  out  of  the  market  place, 
without  any  manner  of  rescue :  for  that  he,  The  apprehen- 
having  his  heart  and  eye  full  fixed  upon  the  Christopher 
Queen,  not  only  withstood  the  reading  of  Wyat's  S?  ^^  ""^ 
traitorous  Proclamation  at  Milton  ;  but  also  in  the  same  place 
proclaimed  him  and  all  his,  traitors.  And  being  roughly 
charged  therewith  by  WVAT  and  others  his  gallants,  Master 
when  he  was  brought  to  Rochester,  he  answered,  RopER^°words 
"  This  tongue  spake  it,  and  doth  now  avow  it."         to  wyat. 

They  suffered  Master  TuCKE  also,  and  Master  DORREL 
of  Calehill,  being  Gentlemen  of  good  worship  and  „, 

T  '  r  r%  1  1  ri«i  T.  he  apprehen- 

J  ustices  of  Peace,  to  be  taken  out  of  their  houses  sion  of  Master 
by  the  rebels  ;  and  conveyed,  without  any  manner  M^fer  ^ 
of  rescue,  in  the  day  time,  to   Rochester,  being  i^oR^^^ 
twenty  miles  distant :  where  they,  with  Master  ROPER,  were 
kept  as  prisoners  in  great  danger  of  life. 

In  like  manner,  Sir  HENRY  ISLEY,  ANTHONY  Knevet, 
William  Knevet,  with  others,  were  at  Tonbridge,  Seven- 
oaks,  and  other  towns  in  the  west  parts  of  the  Shire,  stirring 
the  people  by  alarms,  drums,  and  Proclamations. 

Now  ye  shall   understand  that  the  evening  afore  [24th 
January    1554]    the   publishing    his   pretence   at  HowWvat 
Maidstone,  Wyat  sent  a  letter,  by  one  Thomas  Sff  o/hL 
Monde,  a  man  of  much  honesty,  to  Sir  Robert  '"'^"'  t°  ='"■• 
Southwell,  being  Sheriff  of  the  Shire :  unto  whom  long 
before,  as    I    can   understand,  he  had   neither  spoken  nor 
written  other  than  in  defiance ;  they  being  in  contention  for 
matters  of  religion  as  it  was  said.     Nevertheless  to  serve  his 
purpose,  dissembling  his  great  malice  and  haughty  courage, 
he  wrote  a  letter  to  him  of  such  effect  as  followeth  : 

Tke  effect  of  Wyat's  letter  to  Sir  Robert 
Southwell,  Sheriff  of  Kent. 

Fter  hearty  commendations.  There  hath  been 
between  you  and  me  many  quarrels  and  grudges, 
and  I  ever  the  sufferer;  and  yet  have  you 
sought  the  end  which  is  now  friendly  offered  unto 
you,  if  you  be  willing  to  receive  it. 


2 1 2  Wyat's  Proclamation  at  Maidstone.  {^Jj^n^iSl'. 

But  whatsoever  private  quarrel  you  have  to  me,  I  doubt 
not  but  your  wisdom  is  too  much,  seeing  so  many  perils  at 
hand  to  us  both  (this  pretensed  Marriage  [of  King  Philip  to 
Queen  Mary\  taking  effect),  to  dissent  from  us  in  so  neces- 
sary a  purpose  as  wherein  we  now  determine  to  enter  for  the 
common  wealth  of  the  whole  realm.  And  that  you  may 
the  better  understand  our  pretence,  I  send  you  the  copy  of 
our  Proclamation  comprehending  the  sum  and  effect  of  our 
meaning  :  whereunto  if  the  common  wealth  shall  find  you 
an  enemy,  say  not  hereafter  but  that  you  were  friendly 
warned. 

We  forbear  to  write  to  the  Lord  ABERGAVENNY  ;  for 
what  you  may  do  with  him,  if  you  list,  we  know. 

The  style  of  Wyat's  Proclamation. 

A  Proclamation  agreed  unto  by  Thomas 
Wyat,  George  Harper,  Henry Isley^ 
J^esumpdon'of  Kulghts ,'  and  by  divers  of  the  best 

the  best  o/tlu  ^J  ^^^  ^^^y^   .    ^^^^  ^^^^  ^^^ 

commons  of  the  same. 

|Orasmuch  as  it  is  now  spread  abroad,  and  certainly 
pronounced  by  [STEPHEN  GARDINER,  Bishop 
of  Winchester]  the  Lord  Chancellor  and  others 
of  the  [Privy]  Council,  of  the  Queen's  determinate 
pleasure  to  marry  with  a  Stranger,  &c.  We  there- 
Because.  fore  Write  unto  you,  because  you  be  our  friends, 

and  because  you  be  Englishmen,  that  you  will  join  with  us, 
as  we  will  with  you  unto  death,  in  this  behalf;  protesting 
unto  you  before  GOD,  that  no  earthly  cause  could  move  us 
unto  this  enterprise  but  this  alone :  wherein  we  seek  no 
Such  Council-  harm  to  the  Queen,  but  better  counsel  and  Coun- 
lors,  he  mean-   clUors  \  which  also  we  would  have  foreborne  in  all 

eth,  as  would  '  .  ,.,._•,. 

favour  heresy,  Other  matters,  savmg  only  m  this.     For  herem 

lieth  the  health  and  wealth  of  us  all. 

For  trial  hereof  and  manifest  proof  of  this  intended  pur- 

Lo,  loud  lie  1     pose,  lo  now,  even  at  hand,  Spaniards   be  now 

already  arrived  at  Dover,  at  one  passage,  to  the  number  of  a 


/jan'^Ss'.]  T"^  Sheriff's  speech  to  Thomas  Monde  2  i  3 

hundred,  passing  upward  to  London  in  companies  of  ten, 
four,  and  six,  with  harness  [armour]  harquebusses  and 
morians  [Aflmeis]  with  match  Hght[ed] ;  the  foremost  com- 
pany whereof  be  already  at  Rochester. 

We  shall  require  you  therefore  to  repair  to  such  places  as 
the  bearers  hereof  shall  pronounce  unto  you,  there  to 
assemble  and  determine  what  may  be  best  for  the  advance- 
ment of  Liberty  and  common  wealth  in  this  behalf,  and  to 
bring  with  you  such  aid  as  you  may. 

T/ie  end  of  Wya  ts  Froclamation. 


The  messenger  that  brought  the  letter,  with  the  Proclama- 
tion, from  Wyat  to  the  Sheriff,  being  not  privy  to  the  con- 
tents thereof  and  having  charge,  upon  his  life,  to  return  an 
answer  with  all  speed,  importuned  the  Sheriff  so  much  there- 
fore (although  he  saw  him  greatly  busied  in  giving  advertise- 
ment throughout  the  Shire  of  Wyat's  traitorous  determina- 
tion) as  he  nevertheless  (to  satisfy  the  messenger,  whom  he 
knew  to  be  a  right  honest  man  ;  notwithstanding  his  diligence 
was  abused  in  so  lewd  a  message),  made  him  answer  out  of 
hand  as  followeth : 


The  Sheriff's  answer  to  the  Messenger 
that  brought  Wyats  letter. 

ElGHBOUR  Monde,  rather  to  satisfy  your  im- 
portunity  than  to  answer  Wyat's  letter,  whom 
in  this  case  I  disdain  to  answer,  or  to  speak  with 
you  apart  coming  from  a  traitor,  you  may  say 
unto  him,  That  as  indeed  I  have  been  desirous  of 
his  friendship  for  neighbourhood's  sake,  so  have  I  much  more 
desired  his  reformation  in  divers  points  of  great  disorder : 
whereby  he  certainly  knew,  as  well  by  my  speech  to  himself 
as  other  means  coming  to  his  knowledge,  that  I  have  sithens 
the  beginning  of  the  Queen's  reign  holden  him  and  some  of 
his  colleges  \colleagues\  in  this  conspiracy  vehemently  suspect- 
ed for  like  matters  as  now  they  have  attempted. 


214  Wyat  marches  to  Rochester.   [Jj 


Proctor, 
an.  1555. 


"  Wherein  seeing  he  hath  not  deceived  me,  but  by  opening 
himself  hath  manifestly  verified  mine  opinion  conceived  of 
him  ;  I  purpose  not  to  purchase  his  friendship  so  dear[Iy]  as 
for  the  game  of  him  to  lose  myself  and  my  posterity  in 
perpetual  infamy.  And  if  such  things  which  his  fond  [foo/z'sk'] 
head  hath  weighed  for  perils,  to  the  condemnation  of  the 
whole  wisdom  of  the  realm  (they  allowing  the  same  for  good), 
had  been  indeed  as  perilous  as  he  with  others,  for  want  of 
due  consideration,  deemeth  them  :  his  duty  had  been  to  have 
opened  his  opinion  therein  as  a  humble  and  reverent 
petitioner  to  the  Queen's  Highness,  or  to  some  of  her  Grace's 
Council.  But  to  press  his  Sovereign,  in  any  suit  or  upon 
any  occasion,  with  weapon  and  armour,  by  stirring  her 
subjects  to  rebellion  ;  that  is,  and  always  hath  been,  account- 
ed the  part  of  the  most  arrogant  and  presumptuous  traitors  : 
and  so  do  I  note  him  and  his  mates,  as  you  may  tell  them ; 
and  shall,  GOD  willing,  provide  for  them  accordingly. 

"  Now  good  man  MONDE,  it  shall  be  in  your  choice 
whether  you  will  carry  this  message  or  no.  But,  as  your 
friend,  I  shall  advise  you  to  seek  out  better  company." 

The  messenger  excusing  himself  by  ignorance,  departed  to 
Wyat  with  answer:  and,  soon  after,  returned  to  the  Sheriff; 
under  whom  he  served  the  Queen  very  faithfully. 

The  Sheriff  being  made  privy,  as  ye  have  heard,  by  Wyat 
to  his  traitorous  pretence  the  night  before  he  stirred ;  and 
wanting  no  good  will,  as  it  should  seem,  with  the  help  of  the 
Lord  Abergavenny  who  was  as  forward  as  he,  to  have 
resisted  the  reading  of  Wyat's  Proclamation  at  Maidstone 
the  day  following  and  to  disperse  his  force,  sent  for  Gentle- 
men and  yeomen  in  all  haste  to  that  end. 

But  before  he  could  gather  Power  meet  to  attempt  the 
repressing  of  such  a  force  (sundry  of  his  neighbours  of 
greatest  possessions,  and  towns  most  populous,  which  should 
have  been  his  chief  aid,  being  contrary  bent),  Wyat  accom- 
panied with  a  force  well  armed  and  weaponed  marched  to 
Rochester  the  same  Thursday  [25th  January  1554];  HARPER 
and  others  meeting  him  in  the  way.  Where  fortifying  the 
east  parts  of  the  town,  and  breaking  up  the  bridge  towards 
the  west ;  he  abode  the  coming  of  his  appointed  strength : 
suffering  all  passengers  to  pass  quietly  through  the  town,  to 


io^ian!^°il55']      IsLEY's  PROCLAMATION  AT  TONBRIDGE.      215 

London,  or  to  the  sea ;  taking  nothing  from  them  but  only 
their  weapons. 

And  being  the  Friday  [26th  January]  all  day  at  Rochester, 
and  not  hearing  from  ISLEY,  the  town  of  Tonbridge,  and 
other  his  conj  urates  of  the  west  part  of  the  ShirS ;  he 
addressed  an  earnest  letter  the  Saturday  morning  [27th 
January]  to  ISLEY,  the  Knevets,  and  others,  with  the  town  of 
Tonbridge,  requiring  them  to  accelerate  their  coming  unto  him. 

According  whereunto  ISLEY,  the  Knevets,  with  others, 
being  newly  returned  from  Penshurst  (where  they  rifled  Sir 
Henry    Sidney    [of]  his    armour;     he    being  The  rifling  of 
attendant  upon  the  Queen's  Highness  as  a  faithful  iJ^J^iv^hU 
subject),  perceiving  Wyat  to  long  for  their  com-  armour. 
ing,  resolved  to  observe  their  promise  and  march  forwards 
that  night  towards  Wyat. 

But  understanding  that  the  Lord  Abergavenny,  the 
Sheriff,  and  GEORGE  Clarke  had  now  gathered  a  force,  and 
were  prest  to  encounter  them  :  first  ere  they  departed  out  of 
the  town,  they  thought  it  good  by  some  kind  of  Proclamation, 
to  alienate  the  people's  hearts  from  them ;  as  they  did  in  the 
manner  following : 


The  copy  of  the  Proclamation  made  at  Tonbridge^ 

by  Sir  Henry  Is  ley,  Antony  Knevet 

and  his  brother,  with  others. 

Ou  shall  understand  that  Henry  [Neville] 
Lord  Abergavenny,  Robert  Southwell 
Knight,  George  Clarke  Gentleman,  have  most 
traitorously,  to  the  disturbance  of  tlie  common 
wealth,  stirred  and  raised  up  the  Queen's  most 
loving  subjects  of  this  realm  to  defend  the  most  wicked  and 
devilish  enterprise  of  certain  of  the  wicked  and  perverse 
Councillors,  to  the  utter  confusion  of  this  her  Grace's  realm, 
and  the  perpetual  servitude  of  all  the  Queen's  most  loving 
subjects.  In  consideration  whereof,  we  Sir  THOMAS  Wyat 
Knight,  Sir  GEORGE  Harper  Knight,  Sir  Henry  Isley 
Knight,  Antony  Knevet  Esquire,  with  all  the  faithful 
Gentlemen  of  Kent  and  trusty  commons  of  the  same,  do 


2i6   The  Queen's  Herald  at  Rochester.    [_Jj, 


Proctor, 
an.  1555. 


pronounce  the  said  Henry  Lord  ABERGAVENNY,  Robert 
Southwell  and  George  Clarke  Gentleman,  to  be  traitors 
to  GOD,  the  Crown,  and  the  common  wealth. 

This  done,  with  all  speed  calling  their  company  together 
by  noise  of  drums,  and  leaving  their  direct  way  to  Rochester, 
for  that  they  would  not  come  under  the  wing  of  the  Lord 
Abergavenny  and  the  Sheriff,  they  marched  that  night 
[27th  January]  to  Sevenoaks.  Taking  order  with  such  as 
were  left  behind  in  the  town  [of  Tonbridge],  that  they  should 
be  in  a  readiness  to  come  whensoever  they  should  be  sent 
for  by  Wyat  ;  and  that  by  no  ways  they  should  believe  any 
tales.  "  For,"  quod  they,  "  the  Council  will  now  send  abroad 
flying  lies  and  tales  to  discredit  us  and  discomfort  you :  for 
it  is  their  policy," 

Antony  Knevet,  after  he  was  lept  to  his  horse,  took  one 
by  the  hand,  and  said,  "  Fare  you  well.  And  if  you  hap  to 
hear  that  I  am  taken,  never  believe  it:  for  undoubtedly  I 
will  either  die  in  the  field  or  achieve  my  purpose."  But 
within  four  and  twenty  hours  he  brake  his  promise,  and  ran 
away  no  faster  than  his  legs  could  carry  him. 

Well,  I  shall  now  leave  them  marching  to  Sevenoaks  ;  and 
The  Herald's  retum  to  Wyat  at  Rochester.  This  present 
R^h"e^te°r.  Saturday  [27th  January]  came  unto  him  from  the 
Queen's  Highness  a  Herald  and  a  trumpeter. 

Wyat,  at  the  sound  of  the  trumpet,  came  to  the  bridge, 
where  the  Herald  was  with  his  coat  armour  carrying 
the  Arms  of  England  on  his  back.  But  Wyat,  with- 
out using  any  reverence  to  him  either  for  his  coat  or  office, 
would  not  suffer  him  to  come  into  the  town  to  declare  his 
message  ;  and  [the  Herald]  pressing  to  come  in,  he  offered  to 
strike  him  :  whereupon  the  Herald  stayed  and  did  his  message 
there,  so  that  only  Wyat  with  a  few  with  him  heard  it. 
Which,  as  men  could  gather  by  the  report  of  them  that  heard 
it,  was  promise  of  pardon  to  as  many  as  would  retire  to  their 
houses  within  four  and  twenty  hours  after  the  Proclamation, 
and  become  good  subjects.  But  Wyat  would  not  suffer  his 
soldiers  in  anywise  to  hear  it,  nor  any  other  Proclamation 
coming  from  the  Queen. 

In   the   mean   time  also.   Sir  Thomas   Cheyney,  Lord 


ioy'°i"55G    '^^^  Queen's  forces  at  Malling.  217 

Warden,  being  a  most  faithful  and  noble  subject,  had  sent 
him  such  salutations  as  of  honour  ought  to  be  used  The  Lord 
to  a  traitor.     And  being  very  desirous  to  be  doing  Jelfing^to 
with   him,  and    to   prove  on   his   body    what   in  wyat. 
words  of  greeting  he  had  affirmed,  felt  yet  by  his  discretion 
and   long    experience   great   causes   of  stay.      For   Wyat 
desired  nothing  more  than  his   coming  forth ;    persuading 
[himself]  that  he   wanted  no   friends  about   him,  nor   any 
others  that  would  take  in  hand  to  repress  him  with  force 
gathered  in  that  Shire.      And,  undoubtedly,  doubtful  were 
the  hearts  of  the  people,  and  marvellously  bent  to  favour 
Wyat  and  his  purpose ;  as  by  daily  events  appeared. 

The  Lord  Abergavenny  and  the  Sheriff  who,  the 
Saturday  [27th  January]  next  after  Wyat's  stir,  were  at 
Malling  in  the  way  towards  Rochester  (where  Wyat  lay) ; 
having  with  them  a  company  of  well  appointed  subjects. 
In  whom  notwithstanding  for  the  more  part  they  had  good 
opinion  of  trustiness  and  honesty :  yet  having  the  general 
case  of  the  people's  disposition  in  their  eye  ;  and  not  without 
cause  suspecting  in  their  Band,  amongst  so  many  faithful 
and  good,  some  such  to  be,  upon  trust  of  whose  trustless 
and  brittle  aid  it  were  no  good  policy  to  adventure  far — 
pondering  therewith  that  this  illusion  of  the  people,  whereby 
they  were  so  far  drawn  from  their  right  course  and  duty, 
grew  chiefly  by  such  crafty  and  false  persuasions  as  Wyat 
and  his  mates  had  set  forth  in  sundry  parts  of  the  Shire, 
by  way  of  Proclamation  in  writing :  wherein,  amongst  other 
gross  lies  they  had  set  forth  also  matters  of  untruth  to 
discredit  the  Lord  Abergavenny  and  the  Sheriff;  as 
Wyat,  in  his  persuasions,  that  they  would  join  with  him  ; 
and  Isley,  in  his  Proclamation  that  they  had  traitorously 
assembled  the  Queen's  loving  subjects  against  her  Grace 
and  the  realm. 

It  seemed  unto  them  very  good  and  necessary  to  spend 
some  time  at  Mailing  in  advising  and  lessening  [^lessofiing] 
the  multitude ;  and  by  way  of  exhortation  to  impugn  those 
traitorous  Proclamations,  and  refell  such  gross  and  false 
lies  therein  contained  ;  and  finally  to  dissuade  the  people, 
which,  that  day  being  market  day,  were  assembled  to  a  great 
number  of  all  sorts,  from  the  traitors  and  their  attempts. 


2 18  The  Sheriff's  Exhortation  at  Malling.  [Jj 


.  Proctor, 
an.  1555. 


And  accordingly  the  Sheriff  had  penned  an  Exhortation 
to  that  purpose,  which  was  pronounced  out  of  writing  in 
Malling;  and  sent  after  by  him  into  other  parts.  The 
hearing  whereof  did  undoubtedly  much  move  the  people, 
as  after  shall  appear. 

I  shall  report  the  same  in  substance  truly ;  howbeit  not 
fully  in  the  same  form  and  manner  as  I  found  it,  and  as 
it  was  penned  and  pronounced  by  the  Sheriff:  who,  in 
the  utterance  and  setting  forth  thereof,  spared  not  to  speak 
plainly  and  touch  sharply,  as  then  the  present  time  and 
case  employed  vehement  occasion. 


An  Exhortation  made  by  Sir  Robert  Southwell 
Knight,  Sheriff  of  Kent,  at  Mailing,  the  Satur- 
day being  the  2']th  day  of  January,  and 
market  day  there,  to  a  great  assembly 
of  people  ;  refelling  and  confuting 
Wyat   and  his    complices 
traitorous    Proclama- 
tions.   Wyat  being 
at  Rochester^ 
four  miles 
distant. 

OviNG  neighbours  and  friends.  Where  of  late 
there  hath  been  most  pestilent  and  traitorous 
Proclamations,  as  ye  have  heard,  set  forth  by 
Thomas  Wyat,  George  Harper,  Henry 
ISLEY,  and  others,  as  most  arrant  traitors  to  the 
Queen  and  the  realm ;  some  of  them  the  Queen's  ancient 
enemies  aforetime,  and  double  traitors :  yet  notwithstanding 
accounting  themselves  to  be  the  best  of  the  Shire  in  their 
Proclamations ;  and  in  the  same  reputing  and  pronouncing 
others  as  traitors  whom  ye  can  witness  to  have  been,  from 
time  to  time,  true  and  faithful  subjects  to  the  Queen  and 
this  our  common  weal,  as  the  Lord  Abergavenny  here 


io-jan'°Ss"]  Spaniards  have  not  arrived  at  Dover.  219 

present,  myself,  and  other  Gentlemen  now  prest  and 
ready  with  you,  according  to  our  duty,  to  serve  our  noble 
Queen.  I  shall  need  to  spend  the  less  time  to  declare 
unto  you  how  evil  they  be,  or  how  evil  their  enterprise 
is  that  they  have  taken  in  hand :  forasmuch  as  this  their 
arrogant  presumption  and  presumptuous  pride  in  advancing 
themselves  so  far  from  all  truth,  and  in  depraving  of  others 
so  maliciously  for  executing  their  bounden  duty,  ought 
abundantly  to  persuade  what  they  be,  to  all  of  consideration, 
without  further  circumstance. 

"But  forasmuch  as  in  their  Proclamations  they  fill  the 
ears  of  the  Queen's  liege  people  with  gross  and  manifest 
lies  to  stir  them  against  her  Grace,  in  the  utterance  whereof 
they  use  this  demonstration,  "  Lo ! "  signifying  some  notable 
thing  near  at  hand,  for  credit  worthy  impression  in  their 
memory,  as : — 

*  Lo,  a  great  number  of  Strangers  be  now  arrived 

at  Dover  in  harness  \armour\  with  harquebusses 

morians  and  matchlight.' 

"  I  say  unto  you,  neighbours  and  friends,  upon  pain  to 

be  torn  in  pieces  with  your  hands,  that  it  is  untrue ;    and 

a  manifest  lie  invented  by  them   to   provoke  and   irritate 

the  Queen's  simple  people  to  join  with  them  in  their  traitorous 

enterprise.      And  therefore  I  have  perfect  hope  that  you, 

being   afore  time   abused   with   their  crafty   and   deceitful 

treason,  will   not  now  once  again   (having  experience  of 

their  former  evil)  be  trapped,   for  any   persuasion,  in   so 

heinous   a   snare   as  this  most  vile  and  horrible  crime  of 

treason. 

"  Do  you  not  see  and  note  that,  as  in  the  beginning 
of  the  Queen's  most  gracious  reign,  some  of  them  sought 
to  deprive  her  Grace  of  her  princely  estate  and  rightful 
dignity,  minding  to  advance  thereunto  the  Lady  jANE, 
daughter  to  the  Duke  of  Suffolk  ;  so  are  they  and  others 
newly  confedered  \confederated'\  with  the  Duke  and  his 
brethren,  being  in  arms  at  this  present  for  the  same  purpose, 
and  daily  looking  for  aid  of  these  traitors  and  others  of 
their  conspiracy :  as  by  the  Queen's  most  gracious  letters, 
signed  with  her  own  hand,  and  ready  to  be  read  here,  may 
plainly  appear  unto  you  ?  And  will  you  now  nevertheless 
aid  them  any  ways,  or  sit  still  whilst  they  go  about  thus 


2  20       They  blear  you  as  to  Strangers,     [xo-jan!^^: 

wrongfully  and  traitorously  to  depose  their,  and  our,  most 
gracious  Sovereign  Lady  and  Queen  !  the  comfort  of  us 
all !  the  stay  of  us  all !  the  only  safeguard  of  us  all !  to 
whom  can  no  displeasure  or  danger  chance,  but  the  same 
must  double  [doubly']  redound  to  all  and  every  of  us ! 

"  No,  friends  and  neighbours,  I  trust  never  to  live  to 
see  you  so  far  abused.  They  go  about  to  blear  you  with 
matters  of  Strangers,  as  though  they  should  come  to  overrun 
you  and  us  also.  He  seemeth  very  blind,  and  willingly 
blinded,  that  will  have  his  sight  dimmed  with  such  a  fond 
[foolish']  mist !  For  if  they  meant  to  resist  Strangers,  as 
they  mind  nothing  less :  they  would  then  prepare  to  go  to 
the  sea  coasts ;  and  not  to  the  Queen's  most  royal  person, 
with  such  a  company  in  arms  and  weapon[s]. 

"  Ye  can  consider,  I  trust,  this  noble  Gentleman,  the  Lord 
Abergavenny  here  present,  being  of  an  ancient  and  great 
parentage,  born  among  you ;  and  such  other  Gentlemen 
as  you  see  here,  which  be  no  strangers  unto  you  ;  myself 
also,  although  a  poor  Gentleman  (who  I  trust  at  no  time 
hath  abused  you),  hath  somewhat  to  lose  as  well  as  they ; 
and  would  be  as  loth  to  be  overrun  with  Strangers  as 
they ;  if  any  such  thing  were  meant.  But  for  that  we 
know  most  certainly  that  there  is  meant  no  manner  of  evil 
to  us  by  those  Strangers ;  but  rather  aid  profit  and  comfort 
against  other  strangers,  our  ancient  enemies  \the  French] ; 
with  whom  they,  as  most  arrant  and  degenerate  traitors, 
do  indeed  unkindly  and  unnaturally  join  :  we,  in  her  Grace's 
defence,  will  spend  both  life  and  what  we  have  beside,  to 
the  uttermost  penny,  against  them. 

"  Well,  I  can  no  more  now  say  unto  you,  but  (under- 
standing the  Queen's  Highness,  as  a  most  merciful  Princess, 
to  be  once  again  determined  to  pardon  as  many  as,  by 
their  traitorous  and  deceitful  Proclamations  and  other 
illusions,  were  allured  to  this  last  treason  ;  so  they  repair 
to  their  habitations  within  four  and  twenty  hours  after 
her  Grace's  Proclamation  read,  and  become  true  subjects 
to  her  Grace)  to  advise  such  as  hath  taken  part  with  those 
traitors,  or  have  withdrawn  themselves  (contrary  to  their 
allegiance)  from  aiding  and  serving  of  their  Sovereign, 
according  to  their  duties,  against  her  enemies,  thankfully 
to  accept  and  embrace  her  most  gracious  pardon ;  and  use 


lo'jan'"'^]    ^  CHARGE  YOU  TO  AVOID  WyAT  S  PlACES  !  2  2  1 

means  of  themselves  to  apprehend  those  arrant  and  principal 
traitors,  and  make  a  present  of  them  to  the  Queen's 
Highness ;  or  leave  them  to  themselves,  as  most  detestable 
traitors :  who  being  once  so  graciously  and  mercifully 
forgiven  could  not  but  carry  the  clemency  of  the  same  in 
their  hearts  to  the  furtherance  of  all  obedience  whiles  they 
lived,  if  there  had  been  any  spark  of  grace  in  them. 

"  And  further  I  have  to  say  unto  you  that  as  these 
traitors,  by  their  Proclamations  without  authority,  have 
moved  you  to  stir  against  the  Queen  your  Sovereign  ;  and 
appointed  you  places  where  to  meet  and  consult  for  the 
furtherance  of  their  traitorous  purpose  and  to  bring  with 
you  such  aid  as  you  can :  so  shall  I  require  you,  and  in 
her  Grace's  name  charge  you  that  be  here  present,  not 
to  come  there ;  but  that  you,  and  such  as  be  absent,  taking 
knowledge  hereby,  repair  to  such  places  as  I,  the  Queen's 
Sheriff  and  Officer,  shall  appoint  you,  with  such  aid  as 
you  can  bring  for  the  better  service  of  the  Queen  and  the 
Shire :  where  you  shall  be  assured  to  receive  comfort, 
thanks,  and  honesty  to  the  end  of  your  lives  and  your 
posterity.  And  the  other  way  but  endless  shame  and 
utter  undoing  to  you  and  yours ;  which  shall  be  worst  to 
yourselves,  and  yet  a  great  grief  to  us  your  neighbours : 
whose  advice  in  all  other  your  private  causes  you  have 
been  content  to  follow ;  and  now  in  this  weightiest  that 
hath,  or  may,  happen  to  you  will  refuse  us,  and  follow 
them  that  hath  ever  abused  you  to  your  and  their  utter 
confusion. 

At  Mailing,  the  27th  of  January  [1554],  anno  Maries  prima. 
GOD  save  Queen  Mary  and  all  her  well  willers ! " 

The  Sheriff  reading  this  Exhortation,  caused  one  Barram, 
a  Gentleman  and  servant  to  the  Lord  Abergavenny,  to 
pronounce  it,  as  he  read  it,  so  loud  and  so  distinctly  as 
the  people  assembled  round  about  him,  to  a  very  great 
number,  in  manner  of  a  ring,  might  easily  hear  and  under- 
stand every  word  proceeding  from  Barram  :  who  of  his 
own  head  cried  out  unto  them,  "  You  may  not  so  much 
as  lift  up  your  finger  against  your  King  or  Queen !  " 

And  after  the  people  had  heard  the  Sheriff's  Exhortation  ; 


22  2  The  people  at  Malling  defy  Wyat.  \_Jj 


Proctor, 
an.  I5SS. 


and  cried  "GOD  save  Queen  Mary!"  which  they  did 
most  heartily,  spending  therein  a  convenient  time ;  the 
Sheriff  used  these  words  unto  them  : 

"  Masters,"  quod  he,  "  although  I  alone  did  speak  unto 
The  Sheriff's  ^^^ '  Y^^  what  words  were  spoken  to  you  by  me 
speech  to  the  werc  also  spoken  to  you  by  the  Lord  ABER- 
GAVENNY and  all  the  Gentlemen  here  present:  in 
whose  persons  I  then  spake ;  and  now  require  at  your  hands 
a  plain  and  resolute  answer.  Will  you  now  therefore  join 
with  such  as  you  see  evidently  to  be  arrant  traitors ;  or 
else  with  the  Lord  Abergavenny  and  such  Gentlemen 
as  you  see  here  present,  that  will  live  and  die  with  you 
in  defence  of  our  rightful  Queen  against  these  traitors  ?  " 

The  people  with  one  voice  defied  Wyat  and  his  complices 
_.        , .      as  arrant  traitors,  and  said  that  they  now  well 

The  people  s  .11  111  1  11  ■«  t  ti  r 

answer  to  the  espicd  they  had  but  abused  them.  Wherefore  m 
^  '"  ■  defence  of  Queen  Mary,  they  would  die   upon 

them  :  expressing  their  minds  with  such  earnest  shouts  and 
cries  as  shewed  to  proceed  unfeignedly  from  their  hearts ; 
which  after  was  confirmed  by  a  better  experience  the  day 
following,  as  ye  shall  anon  hear. 

But  by  the  way  ye  shall  understand  that  WYAT  hearing 
wyat's  of  this  Proclamation,  said,  "  I  know  that  Barram 

BARRiM°f  well ;  but  yet  I  never  took  him  to  have  so  wide  a 
reward.  throat.     If  I  Hve,  I  may  happen   to  make  him 

crow  a  higher  note  in  another  place."  What  trow  you 
should  then  have  become  of  the  author  ? 

In  the  Sunday  following  [28th  January  1554],  the  Lord 
Abergavenny,  the  Sheriff,  and  the  rest  of  the  Gentlemen 
were  determined  to  have  marched  in  the  morning  early 
towards  Rochester,  to  have  aided  the  Duke  of  NORFOLK 
The  Duke  of  and  Sir  Henry  Jerningham  Captain  of  the 
sb  henry""^  Guard,  then  being  at  Gravesend,  towards  Wyat  ; 
jERNiNG- ,      ^yith  a  ccrtaltt  Band  \ReHjnent\  of  White  Coats, 

HAM  s  coming  .       *:        "  J  - 

to  Gravesend.    to    the   number   of    600,   sent    unto   them    from 

London  ;  whereof  Bret  and  others  were  their  Captains. 

Roger  Roger    Appulton    Gentleman    was    also   at 

thoS^wan  Gravesend   with   the  Duke,  attendant   to   serve: 

trusty  Gentle-  whcrcin  Hkcwise  was  THOMAS  Swan  Gentle- 
men. 

man. 


lo-Jan'^i'sssG       ThE     NIGHT    ALARM    AT     MaLLING.    223 

This  Saturday  [27th  January]  at  night,  the  Lord  Aber- 
gavenny suspecting  Wyat  and  his  complices  (living  within 
four  miles  of  them ;  and  being  so  much  provoked  in  that 
they  were,  in  the  day,  so  rightly  set  forth  in  their  colours 
[illusions]  at  Mailing)  would,  for  revenge,  work  some 
annoyance  to  them  or  his  Band  that  night,  either  by  a 
camasado  [night  attack]  or  by  some  other  means ;  did 
therefore,  to  prevent  the  same,  set  a  strong  watch  in  the 
market  place  at  Mailing  and  other  parts  of  entry  The  Lord 
into  the  town :  and  gave  the  watchword  himself  ^ts^^he'^wt^ch' 
before  he  would  take  any  rest.  >°  person. 

But  between  one  and  two  of  the  clock  in  the  night,  when 
everybody  was  taken  to  rest  save  the  watch,  there  a  larom  at 
happened  a  larom  [an  alarm],  sundry  crying,  Mailing. 
"  Treason  !  Treason  !  We  are  all  betrayed  ! "  in  such  sort 
that  such  as  were  in  their  beds  or  newly  risen  thought 
verily  that,  either  Wyat  with  his  Band  had  been  in  the 
town,  or  very  near. 

The  thing  was  so  sudden  and  happened  in  such  a  time  as 
men  not  acquainted  with  like  matters  were  so  amazed 
that  some  of  them  knew  not  well  what  to  do :  and  yet 
in  the  end  it  proved  to  [be]  nothing. 

For  it  grew  by  a  messenger  that  came,  very  late  in  the 
night,  desiring  to  speak  with  the  Lord  Abergavenny  or 
Master  Sheriff,  to  give  them  certain  advertisement,  That 
Sir  Henry  Isley,  the  two  Knevets,  and  certain  others, 
with  500  Wealdish  men  [i.e.,  from  the  Weald  of  Kent]  were 
at  Sevenoaks ;  and  would  march  in  the  morning  early  from 
thence  towards  Rochester,  for  the  aid  of  Wyat  a  meaning  of 
against  the  Duke  of  NORFOLK  :  and  in  their  way,  bu'n  M^ister 
burn  and  destroy  the  house  of  George  Clarke  george 

r  •  1  Clarkes 

aforesaid.  house. 

Whereupon  the  Lord  Abergavenny  and  the  Sheriff, 
by  the  advice  of  the  Gentlemen  before  named,  for  that 
the  said  CLARKE  had  been  a  painful  [painstaking]  and 
serviceable  Gentleman,  changed  their  purposed  journey  from 
Rochester,  to  encounter  with  ISLEY  and  his  Band,  to  cut 
them  [off]  from  Wyat  and  save  Clarke  from  spoil. 

And  so,  in  the  morning  early,  being  Sunday  [28th  Jan- 
uary 1554],  the  Lord  Abergavenny;  the  Sheriff;  War- 


2  24  6oo  Queen's  men  go  to  fight  Isley,  &c.    [_Jj^ 


Proctor 
an.  1555. 


RAM  Sentleger,  Richard  Covert,  Thomas  Roydon, 
The  marching  Antony  Weldon,  Henry  Barney,  George 
abe^rgave'Lny  Clarke,  John  Dodge,  Thomas  Watton, 
totncoi"^  Hugh  Catlyn,  Thomas  Henley,  Christopher 

Isley.  DORREL,      HUGH      CARTWRIGHT,     JOHN     SYBIL, 

Esquires;  JOHN  Clarke,  Darsie  of  Wrotham,  Thomas 
Chapman,  James  Barram,  Jasper  Iden,  John  Lambe, 
Walter  Heronden,  Walter  Taylor,  John  Ray- 
NOLDES,  Thomas  Tuttesham,  John  Allen,  and  Thomas 
Holdiche,  Gentlemen ;  with  yeomen  to  the  number  of 
600  or  thereabouts ;  marched  out  of  MalHng  in  order  till 
Wrotham  they  Came  to  Wrotham  Heath  :  where  they  might 
Heath.  easily  hear  the  sound  of  the  traitor's  drums  ;  and 

so,  making  haste,  pursued  them  till  they  came  to  a  place 
BarrowGreen.  called  Barrow  Green  \Boroiigh  GreeJi]  through 
which  lay  their  right  and  ready  way  that  the  traitors 
should  take,  marching  from  Sevenoaks  towards  Master 
Clarke. 

The  Lord  Abergavenny,  being  very  glad  that  he  had 
prevented  [anticipated']  them  in  winning  the  Green,  sent 
out  spials  [spies]  to  understand  their  nearness,  and  to  dis- 
crive [ascertain]  their  number :  reposing  themselves  there 
till  the  return  of  his  spials  :  who  at  their  coming  said.  That 
he  needed  not  to  take  further  pains  to  pursue  them,  for 
they  were  at  hand,  coming  towards  him  as  fast  as  they  could 
march.  Which  was  glad  tidings  to  the  Lord  Abergavenny 
and  his  Band.  And  taking  order  forthwith  to  set  his  men 
in  array ;  he  determined  to  abide  their  coming,  and  there 
to  take  or  give  the  overthrow. 

Which  the  traitors  understanding,  Whether  it  was  for 
that  they  misliked  the  match,  or  the  place  to  fight ;  whiles 
The  shrinking  the  Lord  Abergavenny  and  his  Band  were  busy 
of  the  rebels,  jj^  placing  themselves  ;  they  shrank  as  secretly  as 
they  could  by  a  bye-way.  And  were  so  far  gone  before 
the  Lord  Abergavenny  understood  thereof  by  his  spials  ; 
as  for  doubt  [fear]  of  overtaking  them  afore  their  coming 
to  Rochester,  he  was  driven  to  make  such  haste  for  the 
overtaking  of  them  as  divers  of  his  footmen  were  far  behind 
at  the  onset  giving. 

The  first  sight  that  the  Lord  ABERGAVENNY  could  have 
of  them,  after  they  forsook  their  purposed  way,  was  as  they 


lo^jan^ilssG     '^^^  Skirmish  at  Blacksoll  Field.  225 

ascended  Wrotham  Hill,  directly  over  [against]  Yaldam, 
Master  Peckham's  house.  Where  they,  thinking  to  have 
great  advantage  by  the  winning  of  the  Hill,  dis-  The  displaying 

.  of  the  rebel's 

played  their  Ensigns  bravely :  seeming  to  be  in  Ensigns. 
great  ruff.      But  it  was  not   long   after  ere  their   courage 
was  abated.      For  the   Lord    Abergavenny,  the   Sheriff, 
and   the   rest   of  the   Gentlemen,  with   such   other  of  the 
Queen's   true   and    faithful    subjects,   as   with   great    pains 
taking  to  climb  the   Hill  and  to  hold  way  with  The  rebel's 
the    Horsemen,   overtook    the    rebels   at   a   field 
called  Blacksoll  Field  in  the  parish  of  Wrotham,  S.'°" 
a  mile  distant  from  the  very  top  of  the  Hill  ;  where  the 
Lord    Abergavenny,   the   Sheriff,   the   Gentlemen   afore- 
named, and  others  the  Queen's  true  and  faithful  subjects, 
handled  them  so  hot  and  so  fiercely  that,  after  a  The  skirmish. 
small  shot  with   long  bows   by  the  traitors,  and   a   fierce 
brag  shewed  by  some  of  the   Horsemen,  they  took   their 
flight  away  as  fast  as  they  could.     Yet  of  them  were  taken 
prisoners  above  three  score. 

In  this  conflict  Warram  Sentleger,  who  brought  with 
him  a  good  company  of  soldiers  and  [was]  always  a  ser- 
viceable Gentleman,  also  GEORGE  Clarke,  Antony 
Weldon,  and  RICHARD  Clarke  did  very  honestly 
behave  themselves.  William  Sentleger,  hearing  of 
a  fray  towards  between  the  Queen's  true  subjects  and  the 
traitors,  came  to  the  Lord  Abergavenny  into  the  field, 
with  all  haste,  not  an  hour  before  the  Skirmish  ;  who  with 
the  rest  of  the  Gentlemen,  with  certain  of  the  Lord 
Abergavenny's  and  [the]  Sheriff's  servants,  being  all 
well  horsed,  served  faithfully :  and  from  thence  chased 
the  Horsemen  till  they  came  to  a  wood  called  The  chase  of 
Hartley  Wood,  four  miles  distant  from  the  place  the  Horsemen, 
where  the  onset  began. 

The  Queen's  true  subjects  did  so  much  abhor  their 
treason,  and  had  the  traitors  in  such  detestation,  as  with 
great  difficulty  any  escaped  with  life  that  were  taken 
prisoners ;  and  yet  were  they  all  very  well  armed  and 
weaponed,  and  had  also  great  advantage  by  the  place  of 
fight.  Sir  Henry  Isley  lay  all  that  night  in  the  Wood, 
and  fled  after  into  Hampshire.  The  two  Knevets,  being 
well  horsed,  were  so  hastily  pursued  as  they  were  driven 

P  I 


226 Flight  of  Isley  and  the  two  Knevets.  \_Jj 


Proctor 
an.  1554. 


to  leave  their  horses,  and  creep  into  the  Wood  ; 
and  for  haste  to  rip  their  boots  from  their  legs  and 
run  away  in  the  vampage  of  their  hose.  The  chase 
continued  so  long  as  night  came  on  before  it  was  full 
finished. 

Thus  were  ISLEY,  the  Knevets,  and  their  Band  over- 
thrown by  the  faithful  service  of  divers  Gentlemen  and 
yeomen  serving  under  the  Lord  ABERGAVENNY  and  the 
Sheriff;  whose  forwardness  courage  and  wisdom  in  this 
traitorous  broil  no  doubt  was  very  much  praiseworthy ;  as 
well  for  their  speedy  acceleration  of  their  strength  which 
(considering  how  they  were  every  way  [enjcompassed  with 
the  traitors)  was  no  small  matter  in  so  little  space  ;  and  for 
their  wise  and  politic  handling  also  in  keeping  them 
together  from  Wyat,  who  marvellously  and  by  sundry 
ways  sought  to  allure  them  away.  For  had  not  they,  in 
their  own  persons,  to  the  encouraging  of  their  company 
adventured  far  ;  and  by  their  wisdom,  discretion  and  great 
charge,  politically  handled  the  matter :  some  think  that 
Wyat  had  been  at  London  before  he  was  looked  for  by 
any  good  man,  with  no  small  train  ;  whose  journey  was 
greatly  hindered,  and  his  company  very  much  discomfited 
by  this  repulse  given  to  ISLEY  and  his  Band.  Where, 
amongst  other  things,  GOD's  secret  hand  was  greatly  felt, 
to  the  great  comfort  and  present  aid  of  true  subjects  against 
the  traitors  :  who  having  such  advantage  of  the  place,  as 
indeed  they  had,  were  like  rather  to  give,  than  receive, 
so  foul  an  overthrow.  But  this  it  is,  you  see,  to  serve  in  a 
true  cause ;  and  her  whom  GOD  so  favoureth  that  he 
will  not  suffer  the  malice  and  rage  of  her  enemies  at  any 
time  to  prevail  against  her  :  to  whom  he  hath  given  so 
many  notable  victories  and  so  miraculous  that  her  enemies 
might  seem  rather  to  have  been  overthrown  Spiritii  DEI 
than  vanquished  hummio  robore. 

The  Lord  Abergavenny,  the  Sheriff,  and  the  Gentle- 
Thanksgiving  men  with  them,  after  they  had  given  humble 
Iktory.  "^  thanks  to  GOD  for  the  victory,  which  they  did 
very  reverently  in  the  Field,  and  taken  order  for  the  prisoners, 
were  driven  to  divide  themselves  for  want  of  harborough 
\lodging\  and  vittaile  \yictuals\  for  the  soldiers,  that  had 
well  deserved  both.     The  Lord  ABERGAVENNY  and  certain 


io^ian'!*'i"s5G       HaRPER    RUNS    AWAY    FROM    WyAT.    227 

with  him  went  to  Wrotham.  The  Sheriff  and  certain  with 
him  to  Otford,  where  they  had  much  to  do  to  get  vittaile 
for  their  soldiers. 

The  Lord  ABERGAVENNY  and  the  Sheriff  (suspecting 
that  some  of  those  Gentlemen  lately  discomfited  in  this 
Skirmish  would  not  long  tarry  in  the  realm,  but  make 
shift  to  pass  the  seas  ;  yea,  by  spial  [spies],  understanding 
that  Wyat  himself  with  some  of  his  company  thereunto 
bent)  devised  to  lay  [warn]  the  country  [round]  about,  that 
they  might  not  escape.  And  considering  that  they  would 
not  do  it  at  Dover,  nor  in  that  coast  [district] ;  they 
knowing  [Sir  THOMAS  Cheyney]  the  Lord  Warden  to  have 
such  watch  unto  them :  but  rather,  for  sundry  respects, 
at  Rye,  or  more  southward.  And  having  great  thomas 
proof  of  Thomas  Dorrell  the  younger  his  s!:otney''thf 
fidelity  ;  he  returned  the  same  DORRELL,  being  younger, 
newly  come  unto  him  with  80  men  well  appointed,  into 
Sussex :  giving  him  strait  charge  that,  consulting  with  Sir 
John  GuH-DFORD,  they  should,  both  day  and  night,  set 
a  sure  watch  for  the  passing  of  any  that  way  to  the  sea- 
coast  ;  and  further  to  take  such  order  as  no  munition,  fish, 
wine,  or  other  vittaile  coming  out  of  these  parts,  should  pass 
to  the  relief  of  the  traitors. 

Antony  Knevet,  notwithstanding  great  and  strait  watch 
laid  round  about  the  country  by  the  Sheriff  for  the  appre- 
hension of  him  and  others  that  fled,  arrived  that  Sunday 
[28th  January  1554]  at  night  late  at  Rochester:  where 
his  news  was  so  joyful  that  HARPER  forthwith  harper's 
found  the  mean[s]  to  rid  himself  out  of  their  fromWvAT. 
company,  without  any  leave  taking  ;  and  ran  to  the  Duke 
of  Norfolk.  To  whom  he  seemed  so  greatly  to  lament 
his  treason,  that  the  Duke,  pitying  his  case,  the  rather  for 
the  long  acquaintance  between  them  in  times  past,  received 
him  to  grace.  But,  within  a  day  after,  he  ran  from  the 
Duke  and  returned  to  his  old  mate ;  as  hereafter  shall 
appear. 

Wyat  hearing  of  ISLEY  his  overthrow,  and  under- 
standing by  the  proceeding  at  Mailing  the  day  before,  that 
those  things  set  forth  in  his  Proclamations  whereby  he 
thought  his  strength  at  home  to  be  most  surely  knit  unto 
him,  were  now  become  rather  a  weakening  than  otherwise ; 


2  28  Wyat,  weeping,  thinks  to  fly  over  sea.  [io-jan!°i 


octor 
555- 


the  people  there  being  ready  to  fall  from  him  for  his  so 
abusing  of  them  :  he  fell  into  so  great  extreme  anguish  and 
sorrow,  as  writing  a  letter  of  expostulation  to  some  of  his 
familiars  abroad,  in  reprehension  of  their  infidelity  in  that 
Wyat  bewail-  they  sticked  not  to  him  so  fast  as  they  promised, 
wuh tlars^  he  bedewed  the  paper  whereupon  he  wrote  with 
tears  issuing  so  abundantly  from  his  eyes  as  it  would  bear 
wvAT'scoatof  no  ink.  And  so  leaving  to  write,  calling  for  a 
wrtrangeis.  privy  coat  [of  armour]  that  he  had  quilted  with 
angels  [a  gold  coin  of  the  value  of  io.f.]  not  long  afore  ; 
which  might  serve  both  for  his  defence,  and  [also  be]  a 
refuge  for  his  necessity  being  in  another  country :  he 
wyat's  prac  practised  with  such  as  were  near  unto  him,  where 
uc^to  y  y  ^^y  niight  have  ready  passage,  and  most  for 
their  surety  to  take  the  sea.  "  For  England,"  said  he,  "  is 
no  place  for  us  to  rest  in." 

His  company  also  shrank  from  him  as  fast  as  they  could 
devise  means  to  escape  :  whereunto  THOMAS  ISLEY  and 
others  had  a  greater  respect  than  himself;  he  seeming  to 
take  care  for  nothing  but  how  he  might  safely  convey 
himself  [away]  ;  being  well  friended,  it  was  thought,  with 
some  of  the  ship-masters. 

Thus  was  Wyat  so  mated  by  the  Lord  Abergavenny, 
Wyat  mated,  the  Sheriff,  and  their  Band  as  he  was  at  his 
wits'  end,  as  ye  have  heard  :  and  chiefly  by  keeping  him 
from  that,  which  by  spial  about  him  they  afterwards  under- 
stood him  specially  to  desire  ;  which  was  offer  of  battle. 
He  and  his  being  fully  persuaded  that  there  could  be  no 
great  force  raised  against  him  in  the  Shire  ;  whereof  the 
most  part  should  not  be  his  when  it  should  come  to  the 
shew.  Wherein  although  he  might  be  deceived,  as  indeed 
he  was  ;  yet  his  quarrel,  with  the  disposition  of  the 
people  thereunto  well  considered,  with  the  end  of  his 
travail  which  could  be  but  spoil  and  ravin  (ready  means 
and  lures  to  draw  the  careless  multitude  unto  him) :  it 
seemed  to  the  Lord  Abergavenny  and  such  as  served 
with  him,  better  policy  for  to  weary  Wyat,  and  weaken 
him  by  the  cutting  away  of  his  strength  from  him  ;  than  to 
offer  him  battle  till  the  Duke  of  Norfolk's  coming  :  whom 
the  Lord  ABERGAVENNY  and  the  Sheriff  knew  to  be  at 
hand  towards  Wyat  ;  unto  whom  they  and  all  the  Gen- 


lo^jan^TS]   '^^^  Duke  of  Norfolk  at  Rochester.  229 

tlemen  of  their  Band,  after  their  Skirmish  with  ISLEY,  made 
the  haste  possible  they  might. 

But  before  their  coming,  the  case  was  wonderfully 
changed,  to  the  great  discomfort  of  all  the  Queen's  true 
subjects  :  and  that  came  to  pass  that  [whic/i]  of  all  men 
was  least  feared.  For  who  was  it  that  suspected  such 
cruel  and  malicious  disposition  to  remain  in  any  English 
heart  towards  his  country,  in  any  subject's  thought  towards 
his  Sovereign,  that,  receiving  her  Grace's  armour  weapons 
and  money,  would  have  played  so  traitorous  a  part  as 
these  Captains  did  with  their  Band  ?  It  is  so  strange  a 
case  as  the  world  never  saw.  It  is  so  malicious  a  part  as 
the  Jew  would  not  have  done  the  like,  having  received  his 
hire  to  serve. 

So  it  was  that  the  noble  Duke,  being  an  ancient  and 
worthy  Captain  (and  yet,  by  long   imprisonment,  so   dis- 
wonted  from  the  knowlege  of  our  malicious  World  and  the 
iniquity  of  our  Time,  as  he  suspecting  nothing  less  than 
that   which   followed  ;    but  judging   every  man    to   accord 
with    him   in   desire    to    serve    truly)  marched    forth    the 
Monday   [29th  January  1554],   about  ten  of  the  xheDuke-s 
clock  in  the  morning,  from  Gravesend  to  Stroud  "troud"!  ^"^""^ 
towards  Rochester  ;  and  about  four  of  the  clock  Rochester. 
in  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day,  he  arrived  at  Stroud,  near 
unto  Rochester  :  having  with  him  the  Captain  of  The  names  of 
the  Guard  ;  MAURICE  Griffith,  now  Bishop  of  serv?ng"und'e? 
Rochester;  Sir  Edward  Braye,  Sir  John  FOGGE,  theDuke. 
Knights  ;  John  Coverte,  Roger  Appulton,  Esquires  ; 
and  Thomas  Swan,  Gentleman  :  with  certain  of  the  Guard, 
and  others,  to  the  number  of  200  or  thereabout. 

Besides  Bret  and  other  five  Captains :  who,  with  their 
Band,  being  600,  all  in  white  coats,  tarried  behind  g^^^  ^^j^j^^ 
at  a  hill  called  Spittle  [^Hospital]  Hill,  near  unto  captain  of  the 
Stroud  ;  whiles  the  Duke  went  to  Stroud  to  see 
the  planting  of  the  ordnance.  Which  being  ready  charged 
and  bent  upon  the  town  of  Rochester ;  and  perceiving 
Wyat  and  the  other  traitors,  by  hanging  out  their  flags 
upon  the  bridge  wall,  to  be  in  great  bravery ;  which 
considering  the  miserable  state  they  were  in  the  night 
before,  could  not  be,  had  they  not  received  some  new  comfort 


230  The  Revolt  of  the  600  White  Coats.  \_Jj, 


Proctor. 


by  some  traitorous  mean[s] :  the  Duke  commanded  one  of 
the  pieces  to  be  fired  for  shot  into  Rochester. 

And,  as  the  gunner  was  firing  the  piece,  Sir  Edward 
Bray's  eldest  son  came  in  all  haste  to  the  Duke  saying, 
"  Sir,  did  I  not  tell  your  Grace,  this  morning,  that  yonder 
false  wretches  would  deceive  you  ?  " 

"  How  know  you  that  ?  "  quod  the  Duke. 

"Why,  Sir,"  quod  Braye,  "you  may  see  them,  as  false 
traitors  [ready]  bent  against  you," 

And  immediately  Bret  and  other  Captains  of  the  White 
Coats  with  their  Band,  being  upon  the  Hill  and  at  the 
back  of  the  Duke,  made  great  and  loud  shouts  sundry 
The  revolt  of  times.  Crying  "  We  are  all  Englishmen  !  We  are 
'he^aptains  all  Englishmen!":  fashioning  themselves  in  array, 
Coats  and  ready  bent  with  their  weapons  to  set  upon  the 
their  Band.       j^^^^^  jf  ^^  ^^^  ^^^^  ^^^  rcsistance. 

Whereupon  the  Duke  and  the  Captain  of  the  Guard 
commanded  the  pieces  that  were  bent  upon  the  town,  to 
be  turned  upon  Bret  and  his  Band.  But,  upon  further 
consideration,  the  shot  was  spared  :  and  the  Duke's  Grace 
with  the  Captain  of  the  Guard  Sir  Henry  Jerningham, 
considering  (not  without  bleeding  hearts)  their  chief  strength 
thus  turned  upon  them,  so  that  they  were  now  environed 
both  behind  and  before  with  traitorous  enemies,  shifted 
themselves  away  ;  as  did  also  their  company. 

After  whose  departure,  Wyat,  accompanied  with  two 
or  three  and  not  many  more,  came  out  of  Rochester  half 
a  mile  from  the  town  at  the  least,  to  meet  the  six  Captains 
of  the  White  Coats.  Amongst  whom  was  Harper,  not- 
u.„„„„  withstanding  his  crouching  and  kneeling  before 

Harper  ixai  ir-  i 

returned  to  thc  Dukc  j  and  fair  promises  that  he  would  under- 
take that  Wyat  should  have  yielded.  Who, 
footing  afore  the  other  Captains,  with  his  sword  drawn, 
said  to  Wyat,  "  I  promised  you  a  good  turn,  and  say 
not  now  but  I  have  paid  it." 

Who  had  seen  the  embracing,  clipping,  and  congratulation 
used  at  this  meeting  from  traitor  to  traitor,  might  justly 
wonder  thereat.  Shortly  after  they  had  well  clawed  one 
another,  they  went  together  like  themselves  into  Rochester. 

When  this,  of  all  other  most  in  fortunate  chance[s],  came  to 


lo'^ia^'"^]  '^^^  RETURN  OF  THE  SHERIFF  TO  MaLLING  23I 

the  knowledge  of  the  Lord  ABERGAVENNY,  the  Sheriff, 
and  their  friends  ;  they  were  not  a  little  troubled  with  the 
strangeness  of  the  case :  much  doubting  that  the  people, 
which  before  seemed  brought  to  good  frame,  would  be 
impaired  by  this  alteration  ;  and  such  as  were  afore  evil 
disposed  would  not  be  greatly  amended  thereby. 

The  Sheriff,  being  the  same  night  at  Maidstone,  that  had 
come  the  same  day  from  Otford,  fourteen  miles  _,   „,  .„ 

•-wi  ^  ^  The  ShenflTs 

distant,  to  meet  THOMAS  GUILDFORD,  Steven  being  at 
DoRRELL,  Edward  Horden,  John  Robartes,  ^*"^''°"^- 
and  John  Finch,  Esquires,  to  march  towards  the  Duke. 
And  in  the  morning,  so  far  from  any  mistrust  of  that  which 
followed  the  same  day  [Monday,  29th  January  1554],  as 
having  no  sure  place  to  convey  the  prisoners,  taken  the 
day  before  in  the  Skirmish  with  ISLEY,  he  left  the  chiefest 
and  trustiest  of  his  servants  and  friends,  both  Gentlemen 
and  yeomen,  of  all  his  Band  at  Mailing,  for  the 
safeguard  of  the  prisoners ;  where  also  lay  the  Lord 
Abergavenny  and  his  Band :  doubting  [/earing]  that 
ISLEY  and  the  rest  that  escaped  would  have  made  some  means 
that  night  to  have  recovered  the  prisoners ;  sundry  of  whom, 
being  men  of  good  wealth  and  well  friended,  and  [at  that 
moment]  living  within  four  miles  of  Wyat. 

Upon  these  news,  whether  it  were  for  the  absence  [from 
Maidstone]  of  the  Lord  Abergavenny  and  his  The  sheriffs 
strength,  or  mistrusting  false  measure  in  the  town  secret  return 
[of  Maidstone],  or  moved  with  example  of  the  '°       '"^' 
revolt   of  the   White   Coats:  he   thought,   it   should   seem, 
Maidstone   no   meet   place   for   him  to  make   any   abode ; 
nor  yet  good  policy,  all  parts  considered,  to  disclose  the 
time   of  his   removing.     But  judging   plainly    himself   the 
only  mark  of  these  parts  whereat  the  traitors  shot ;  or  falling 
any  ways  into  their  hands,  so  newly  after  the  case  of  the 
Duke,  one  part  of  the  tragedy  to  be  then  ended  :  he  returned 
to  his  strength ;    giving  knowledge  to  the   Gentlemen  re- 
maining in  Maidstone  to  repair  to  his  house  for  consultation, 
What  was  to  be  done  for  theredubbing  of  that  unhappy  chance? 

In  which  consultation  there  did  rise  so  many  different 
opinions ;  some  saying,  They  would  to  the  Queen ;  and 
some,  to  the  Earl  of  Pembroke  being  her  Grace's 
Lieutenant :    that    the    Sheriff,    without    further    debating, 


232  Wyat's  letter  to  the  Duke  of  Suffolk.  \^Jj 


Proctor 
an.  1555. 


intreating  the  Lord  ABERGAVENNY  and  certain  Gentlemen 
to  remain  and  entertain  such  of  their  Bands  as  they  could 
hold  till  his  return,  which  he  promised  should  be  without 
delay,  [and  then]  went  to  the  [Privy]  Council  for  knowledge 
of  their  pleasure  ;  where  he  tarried  uneth  [scarce/j']  two  hours, 
but  returned  in  post  the  same  night  [to  Mailing].  And 
at  his  coming,  the  Lord  Abergavenny  and  he  assembled 
as  many  of  their  force  as  they  could  call  together. 

The  traitors  and  their  friends  were  grown  as  men  revived 
from  death  to  life,  flattering  themselves  that  a  thing  so 
far  above  men's  expectation  could  not  have  happened  to 
them  so  fortunately  but  by  GOD'S  miraculous  provision,  as 
favouring  greatly  their  case :  and  so  it  blew  abroad,  as  well 
by  wind  as  by  writing ;  the  more  part  of  the  people  being 
ready  to  believe  it,  as  the  case,  in  the  heads  of  the  multitude, 
was  wonderfully  changed  both  for  strength  and  opinion. 

Wyat  advertised  by  his  letter  the  Duke  of  SUFFOLK 
wyat  of  his  victory  "  by  GOD's  provision  "  as  he  termed 

to^he  DX°of  it  •  whose  letter  was  intercepted  in  Essex,  as 
Suffolk.  the  messenger  passed  the  ferry,  by  a  servant 
of  Sir  Robert  Southwell's  ;  and  brought  to  the  Council. 

He  wrote  also  to  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  but  in  another 
style ;  his  letters  being  open  and  importing  such  matter  as 
follloweth : 

"  Be  it  known  to  all  men,  and  especially  to  the  Duke  of 
wvAT's  letter   NORFOLK,  that  I  havc  taken  nothing  in  hand 

to  the  Duke  of  ,'.,,...,,  °  - 

Norfolk.  but  what  1  Will  mamtam  With  the  expense  ot  my 
life  ;  which,  before  it  depart  out  of  my  body,  shall  be 
sold  full  dear,  &c." 


Such  of  those  parts  as  hung  in  the  wind,  as  Neuters, 
(whereof  were  no  small  number  that  had  lurked  in  caves 
An  Invective  ^^^  ^^^  tempest,  watching  but  where  should  come 
against  the  the  victory,  that  for  example  of  the  evil  were 
nothing  i-nferior  to  the  arrantest  traitors  but 
rather  for  a  number  of  respects  much  worse),  began  to  appear 
very  cheerful,  giving  themselves  great  thanks  for  handling 
the  matter  so  finely,  that  conveying  themselves  out  of  the 
way  by  their  policy  could  avoid  charge  and  peril  so  wittily. 


io^ia^'°i"5s'.]   ^N  Invective  against  the   Neuters.  233 

And  as  they  met  with  such  as  had  served  faithfully,  with 
whom  they  durst  be  frank,  they  spared  not  to  open  their 
mouths  largely,  pouring  out  such  language  as  could  be  but 
lamentable,  or  rather  odible,  to  every  true  ear,  to  understand 
any  subject  so  far  perverted  from  his  allegiance  and  duty 
that,  for  gain  or  security  of  their  own  persons,  would  rejoice 
in  sitting  still  as  indifferent  where  the  Crown  is  a  party ; 
or  to  persuade  security  to  themselves,  be  they  never  in  so 
strong  a  hold,  where  their  Sovereign  is  in  peril.  Which,  all 
things  rightly  weighed,  seemed  a  strange  persuasion  to 
account  either  gain  or  saving  in  sparing  some  part  of  the 
accidents  by  sitting  still  to  adventure  the  loss  of  the 
principal  whereupon  life  and  the  whole  dependeth ;  or  by 
affecting  a  little  corruption  inordinately,  to  lose  both  honest 
fame  and  good  opinion  of  his  country  [Coun^j/];  which  every 
honest  man  ought  to  seek  to  preserve  as  tenderly  as  the  well- 
doing of  himself  and  his  whole  posterity. 

Thus  may  we  evidently  see  the  divers  effects  of  divers 
inclinations  according  to  truth  and  untruth  of  perfect 
obedience  prevailing  in  men's  hearts.  These  Neuters,  or 
counterfeits  (that  would  be  neither  open  foes  nor  adven- 
turous friends  ;  but  as  wily  vultures,  hovering  in  the  wind  to 
catch  and  gripe  some  part  of  the  prey,  although  they  would 
no  part  of  the  fray)  persuaded  themselves  to  save  that  which 
in  their  opinion  the  true  hearty  subject  should  lose  by  giving 
such  adventure;  that  was  security  of  body  and  goods. 
Which  grant  they  saved  ;  yet,  in  the  just  judgment  of  the 
honest,  they  deserved  thereby  the  same  blot  of  infamy  that 
is  due  to  the  open  enemies. 

On  the  other  side,  the  true  and  faithful,  whose  hearts  and 
hands  such  dim  colour  [t//2isw7i']  of  unthankful  policy  could 
not  withhold  from  the  utterance  of  needful  service  in  such 
general  case  of  danger,  thought  it  rather  a  gain  to  adventure 
body  and  goods  ;  whereby  either  to  preserve  the  head  and 
the  whole,  which  was  cruelly  pursued  ;  or  at  least  by  defence 
of  the  same  to  purchase  unto  them  and  their  names  the 
honest  opinion  of  unspotted  members,  and  the  immortality 
of  good  fame  wherewith  truth  always  rewardeth  unfeigned 
service.  For  such  an  incomparable  virtue  is  faithful  loyalty, 
so  much  abhorring  all  corruptible  allurements,  that  whose 
hearts  she  hath  in  governance  ;  with  such,  neither  savour  of 


234  A  Council  of  the  rebels  at  Rochester.  \^Jj. 


Proctor. 


gain  nor  hope  of  security,  neither  persuasion  of  friendship  ne 
other  enticement,  can  so  much  prevail  as,  for  any  respect,  they 
will  digress  from  the  right  course  of  true  service.  Where 
the  contrary,  wanting  that  perfection  (to  taste  of  Fortune's 
corruptible  members,  whereafter  they  gape  ;  to  obtain  quiet 
to  the  restive  carcase,  and  lucre  to  themselves,  the  thing  they 
only  seek),  are  easily  drawn  to  run  a  clean  contrary  race. 

The  naughty  {worthless]  brood  therefore  of  Counterfeits,  of 
all  others  not  tolerable  in  a  common  weal,  are  specially  to  be 
looked  to  in  their  beginning ;  lest  their  evil  example  by  long 
sufferance  grow  to  such  a  precedent  at  the  last,  that  the 
common  saying  "  Good  to  sleep  in  a  whole  skin,"  being 
espied  to  escape  without  danger  of  reprehension,  be  taken 
for  a  policy  ;  and  thereby  outweigh  the  just  peize  \zveigkt\  of 
bounden  duty. 


After  this  most  unhappy  chance,  the  traitors  with  their 
,.  .     new  adjuncts  fell  to  a  great  and  solemn  council 

A  consultation  -"  .  t-.       i  r  t      • 

of  the  rebels  that  Same  night  at  Rochester  for  their  proceeding 
oHhe  whtt^e" '  in  their  pretensed  [intended]  treason.  In  discourse 
Coats.  whereof  proceeded   such   unfitting   talk,  as   well 

towards  the  Queen's  Highness  as  her  honourable  Council, 
tending  to  the  alteration  of  the  whole  State,  as  abhorred  the 
ears  of  some  of  the  self  traitors  ;  that,  understanding  by 
that  talk  the  end  of  their  purpose,  whereof  before  they  were 
ignorant,  wished  themselves  under  the  earth  for  being  so 
unhappy  as  to  be  so  much  as  acquainted  with  so  damnable 
an  enterprise.  Such  an  opinion  had  they,  as  they  deemed 
very  few  Councillors,  or  Officers  of  authority  or  of  Nobility, 
within  the  realm  worthy  the  places  whereunto  they  were 
called :  and  persuading  great  choice  to  be  amongst  them- 
selves for  the  supplying  of  that  want,  such  overweening  had 
they  of  themselves  and  made  so  sure  a  reckoning  of  the 
victory,  as  they  disposed  the  honourable  Offices  of  the  Realm 
among  themselves. 

Wyat  thought  himself  now  so  sure  of  the  victory  as 
seeing  him  that  offered  "  to  sell  his  spoons  and  all  the  plate 
that  he  had  rather  than  his  purpose  should  quail,  and  sup  his 
pottage  with  his  mouth"  [/. 210], warranted  him,  That  he 
should  eat  his  pottage  with  silver,  as  he  did. 


io-Jan'°S]    T^^    REBELS    RELY    ON    THE    LONDONERS.  235 

England,  when  good  counsel  should  stand  it  in  most 
available  steed,  needed  no  better  counsellors  than  such  as 
they  were,  if  they  had  half  the  wit  they  thought  themselves 
to  have,  coupled  with  grace  and  honesty.  But  what  they 
had  indeed,  their  acts  declare  plainly  to  their  own  confusion  ; 
as  it  hath  always,  and  ever  hereafter  shall,  to  as  many  as  be 
of  like  disposition. 

One  of  them,  that  had  some  wit  indeed,  although  he 
wanted  grace,  perceiving  by  their  talk  in  what  fond  {^foolish] 
frenzy  they  were  entered  ;  to  interrupt  them  therein,  he  said, 
That  such  matters  were  good  to  be  treated  of  at  further 
opportunity  :  but  for  the  present  it  were  meet  to  devise  upon 
their  next  journey  \expedition'\ ;  and  whether  it  should  be 
good  policy  in  them,  minding  to  march  towards  London,  to 
leave  the  Lord  ABERGAVENNY  and  the  Sheriff  at  liberty 
(that  annoyed  their  friends,  and  by  all  likelihood  would  not 
so  cease  as  they  may  or  dare)  at  their  back,  being  left  at 
large. 

One  of  them,  taking  upon  him  first  to  answer,  thought 
nothing  more  necessary  than  their  sequestration  :  and  if  his 
advice  might  have  been  heard  in  the  beginning 

A  device  to 

[of  the  Rebellion],  the  Sheriff  should  have  been  apprehend  the 
in  hold,  as  I  have  heard,  before  anything  should  s^^"^- 
have  been  attempted. 

But  the  Captains  to  the  White  Coats  (meet  counsellors  for 
such  an  enterprise  ! ),  having  the  spoil  of  London  in  their 
eyes,  would  not  dispute  that  was  past :  but  for  the  present 
they  persuaded  clean  contrary  to  the  former  opinion  ;  saying 
That   their   going   about   the   apprehension   of  the    Sheriff 
should  be  but  a  loss  of  time.     "  For  London,"  said   they, 
"  longed   sore[ly]   for   their  coming ;    which  they  The  mis- 
could   by   no   means   protract    without    breeding  [he\°ebe"if  °^ 
great   peril   and   weakness  to  themselves."     And  upon  London. 
having  London  at  their  commandment,  whereof  they  were 
in  no  manner  of  doubt,  if  it  were  not  lost  by  their  sloth ; 
their  revenge  to  the  Lord  Abergavenny,  the  Sheriff,  with 
others  [of]  their  enemies,  would  easily  follow. 

Wyat,  savouring  full  well  their  disposition,  and  under- 
standing their  meaning  by  their  arguments,  and  knowing 
also  that  without  his  assenting  thereto  he  could  not  long 
have  their  company,  yielded  to  their  counsel. 


236WYAT  REACHES  GrAVESEND  &   DaRTFORD.  \_Jj.^ 


Proctor. 


And  so,  being  out  of  measure  exalted  into  haughty 
courage  and  pride  by  the  revolt  of  the  White  Coats,  he 
marched  the  day  after,  being  Tuesday  [30th  January  1554], 
in  great  pomp  and  glory,  carrying  with  him  six  pieces  of 
ordnance  which  they  had  gotten  of  the  Queen's,  besides  their 
own,  to  Cowling  Castle,  a  hold  of  the  Lord  COBHAM's,  four 
miles  distant  from  Rochester  ;  and  not  much  out  of  their 
way  towards  London  :  where  the  Lord  CoBHAM  was. 

Wyat  at  his  coming  to  Cowling  Castle,  bent  his  ordnance 
The  assault  of  ^S^^"^^  ^^^  S^^c  ]  and  with  great  and  sundry  shots 
Cowling  and  fire  brake  and  burned  up  a  way  through  the 

Castle.  g^^g     -pj^g  Lqj.^  Cobham  defended  his  Castle  as 

stoutly  as  any  man  might  do,  having  so  few  against  so  great 
a  number ;  and  so  little  munition  ;  [he]  himself  discharging 
his  gun  at  such  as  approached  the  gate  right  hardily.  And 
in  that  assault  two  of  his  own  men  were  slain. 

After  this  assault,  and  talk  with  the  Lord  Cobham,  Wyat 
marched  to  Gravesend  ;  where  he  reposed  that  night. 

From  Gravesend,  he  and  his  Band  marched,  the  Wednes- 
wyat;s  march,  day  next  after  [31st  January  1554],  to  Dartford, 
fofd.°   ^  '      where  he  reposed  that  night. 

Whither  came  Sir  Edv^ard  HASTINGS,  Master  of  the 
The  coming  of  Quectt's  Horse,  and  Sir  Thomas  Cornwallis 
the  Horsfa°nd  Knights,  both  of  hcr  Grace's  honourable  Privy 
coR^wALLfs  Council,  sent  from  the  Queen  to  Wyat  to  under- 
toWvAT.  stand  the  cause  of  his  commotion  ;  and  also,  as  it 
was  said,  finding  any  repentant  submission  in  him,  to  promise 
pardon,  or  at  the  least  great  hope  thereof. 

Wyat,  understanding  [of]  their  coming  and  taking  with 
him  certain  of  his  Band,  went  to  the  west  end  of  the  town, 
where  he  had  planted  his  ordnance ;  and  at  the  [a]lighting 
of  Master  Hastings  and  Sir  Thomas  Cornwallis  from 
their  horses,  Wyat,  having  a  partisan  [^lialberdl  in  his  hand, 
advanced  himself  somewhat  afore  such  Gentlemen  as  were 
Pride.  v^ith  him  ;  and,  using  but  little  reverence  due  from 

a  subject  to  [Privy]  Councillors,  traced  near  them. 

To  whom,  the  Master  of  the  Horse  spake  in  substance  as 
followeth : 

"  The  Queen's  Majesty  requireth  to  understand  the  very 
cause  wherefore  you  have  thus  gathered  together  in  arms  her 


,^,-^j^'°'55s']  Wyat's  demand  of  the  Privy  Council.  237 

liege  people,  which  is  the  part  of  a  traitor ;  and  yet,  in  your 
Proclamations  and  persuasions,  you  call  yourself  a  true  sub- 
ject :  which  cannot  stand  together." 

"  I  am  no  traitor,"  quod  Wyat,  "and  the  cause  whereof  I 
have  gathered  the  people  is  to  defend  the  realm  from  our 
overrunnning  by  Strangers ;  which  follows,  this  Marriage 
taking  place." 

"  Why,"  quod  the  Queen's  Agents,  "  there  be  no  Strangers 
yet  come  whom  either  for  power  or  number  ye  need  to  sus- 
pect. But  if  this  be  your  only  quarrel,  because,  ye  mislike 
the  Marriage :  will  ye  come  to  communication  touching  that 
case  ?  and  the  Queen,  of  her  gracious  goodness,  is  content  ye 
shall  be  heard." 

To  whom  Wyat  shaped  such  answer  as  clearly  might 
declare  his  malicious  intent  and  traitorous  heart  wvAT-sarro- 
to  the  Queen's  own  person  and  royal  estate.  "  I  g^nt  answer. 
yield  thereto,"  quod  Wyat,  "  but  for  my  surety  I  will  rather 
be  trusted  than  trust.  And  therefore  I  demand  the  custody 
of  the  Tower,  and  [of]  her  Grace  in  the  Tower ;  the  dis- 
placing of  certain  Councillors,  and  placing  others  in  their 
rooms  as  to  me  shall  seem  best." 

Upon  this  lewd  answer,  long  and  stout  conference  was 
between  them  :  insomuch  that  the  Master  of  the  Horse  said 
unto  him,  with  a  stout  courage,  "  Wyat,  before  thou  shalt 
have  that  thy  traitorous  demand  granted,  thou  shalt  die  and 
20,000  with  thee  !  " 

Shortly  after,  the  Master  of  the  Horse  with  Master  CORN- 
wallis,  finding  him  an  arrant  traitor  and  desperately  set  to 
all  mischief,  returned  to  the  Queen's  Majesty. 

The  common  people  being  with  him,  and  calling  to  their 
remembrance  how  Wyat,  in  all  appearance,  made  his 
whole  matter  of  stir  for  Strangers,  and  no  ways  against  the 
Queen  ;  and  perceiving  how  unreverently  he  used  himself  as 
well  to  the  Queen's  Herald  at  Rochester  as  to  the  Privy 
Council[lors]  at  Dartford ;  and  considering  within  them- 
selves also  that  he  would  suffer  none  of  the  Queen's  Pro- 
clamations to  be  read  among  them  :  their  hearts  began  to 
rise  against  him.  And  among  themselves  sundry  of  them 
much  murmured,  wishing  with  the  loss  of  all  they  had  they 
had  never  been  acquainted  with  Wyat  nor  his  doings  ;  and 
indeed  sought  as  many  ways  as  they  could  to  be  rid  of  him 


238 The  Nobles'  suit  &  the  Queen's  reply.  [Jj 


Proctor. 
an.  1555- 


Which  perceived  by  Wyat  and  his  mates,  they  devised  a 
A  crafty  bruit  [rtijnour]  to  be  sounded  in  his  Band,  that  the 

policy.  Lord  Abergavenny  and  the  Sheriff  did  cause  to 

be  hanged  as  many  as  they  could  take,  coming  from  Wyat's 
Band  :  wherewith  the  people,  standing  in  a  great  maze  what 
to  do,  were  wonderfully  perplexed. 

The  Queen  understanding  by  the  Master  of  the  Horse  and 
Sir  Thomas  Cornwallis  the  arrogancy  of  Wyat,  and  not- 
withstanding that  she  perceived  her  merciful  inclination 
rather  to  provoke  him  than  otherwise :  yet  seemed  she 
nothing  willing,  even  then,  by  violence  and  force,  as  she 
easily  might,  to  suppress  him  :  but  yet  a  longer  time  to 
suffer  and  abide,  if  by  delay  and  mercy  her  enemy  might  be 
won  to  reconciliation. 

The  Nobility  (which  were  at  that  time  with  her  Grace, 
Nobieftothe^  pcrceiving  such  surmounting  mercy  rather  to 
Queen.  Increasc  than   any   ways   to   abate   courage    and 

malice  in  the  insolent  and  proud  heart  of  the  traitors ; 
and  further  understanding  that  the  traitors  deemed  the 
contation  or  forbearing  to  proceed  rather  of  debility  or  fear 
than  of  mercy  and  clemency)  counselled  with  her  Grace  that, 
with  her  gracious  leave  and  licence,  they  might  set  upon  him 
and  his  Band  before  he  should  pass  Blackheath :  declaring 
that  to  suffer  such  an  arrogant  traitor,  being  but  a  mean 
member,  to  approach  thus  contemptuously  so  near  her  royal 
person,  as  it  were  in  defiance  of  her  Grace  and  her  true 
subjects,  should  greatly  redound  to  their  dishonours  in  the 
opinion  of  all  faithful  men  throughout  the  world. 

The  Queen  gave  them  all  most  hearty  and  loving  thanks 
The  Queen's     saying  That  she  nothing  doubted  of  their  true  hearts 

Answer  to  tnc 

Nobles.  towards  her :  yet  was  she  loth  to  make  any  proof 

or  trial  thereof  in  such  quarrel  as  should  be  with  loss  of  blood. 
"  For  to  repress  them  with  violence,  and  subdue  them  by  the 
sword  could  not  have  so  happy  success  but  many  of  my 
poor  subjects"  quod  she,  "should  dearly  bye  \abide\  it  with  the 
loss  of  their  lives."  Wherefore  she  determined  to  suffer  as 
long  as  she  might ;  and  to  forbear  that  practice  till  there 
were  no  other  hope  ne  remedy.  For  albeit  in  the  capital 
traitors  there  could  be  but  great  default :  yet  in  the  multitude 
she  was  persuaded  to  be  no  malice,  but  only  misled  by  their 


tJjIZTsTs^  The  Queen's  Speech  at  the  Guild  Hall  2 39 

Captains ;  and  rather  seduced  by  ignorance  than  upon  any 
evil  purpose  meant  to  her  Grace.  Wherefore  she  desired 
them  to  be  contented  :  for  she  was  fully  determined  to  con- 
tinue her  merciful  sufferance  and  other  her  gentle  means  so 
long  as  she  might ;  and  [to]  vanquish  her  enemies  without 
the  sword,  if  any  sparkle  of  obedience  or  natural  zeal  remain 
in  their  hearts.  Notwithstanding,  she  required  them  to 
prepare  and  retain  their  force  in  a  readiness,  if  their  [tAe 
rebels'']  stony  hearts  should  drive  her  to  use  extremity. 

But  her  Highness  doubting  {^fearifig]  that  London,  being 
her  Chamber  and  a  city  holden  of  dear  price  in  her  princely 
heart,  might,  by  Wyat  and  such  ruffens  \r2{ffia7is\  as  were 
with  him,  be  in  danger  of  spoil,  to  the  utter  ruin  of  the 
same :  her  Highness  therefore,  as  a  most  tender  and  loving 
Governess,  went  the  same  day  [31st  January  1554]  in  her 
royal  person  to  the  Guild  Hall  to  foresee  those  perils. 

Where,  among  other  matter  proceeding  from  her  incom- 
parable wisdom,  her  Grace  declared  how  she  had  The  Queens 
sent  that  day  two  of  her  Privy  Council  to   the  S'^Haii''^ 
traitor  Wyat  :  desirous  rather  to  quiet  their  tumult  ■"  London. 
by  mercy  than  by  the  justice  of  the  sword   to   vanquish : 
whose  most  godly    heart    fraight[ed]   with   all    mercy   and 
clemency,  abhorred  from  all  effusion  of  blood. 

Her  Highness  also  there  shewed  the  insolent  and  proud 
answer  returned  from  Wyat  :  whereat  the  faithful  citizens 
were  much  offended  ;  and  in  plain  terms  defied  him  as  a 
most  rank  traitor,  with  all  his  con j urates. 

And  touching  the  Marriage,  her  Highness  affirmed  that 
nothing  was  done  herein  by  herself  alone,  but  with  consent 
and  advisement  of  the  whole  Council,  upon  deliberate  con- 
sultation, that  this  conjunction  and  Second  Marriage  should 
greatly  advance  this  realm  (whereunto  she  was  first  married) 
to  much  honour,  quiet,  and  gain. 

"  For,"  quod  her  Grace,  "  I  am  already  married  to  this 
Common  Weal  and  the  faithful  members  of  the  same ;  the 
spousal  ring  whereof  I  have  on  my  finger :  which  never 
hitherto  was,  nor  hereafter  shall  be,  left  off.  Protesting  unto 
you  nothing  to  be  more  acceptable  to  my  heart,  nor  more 
answerable  to  my  will,  than  your  advancement  in  wealth  and 
welfare,  with  the  furtherance  of  GOD's  glory."  And  to 
declare  her  tender  and  princely  heart  towards  them,  she 


240  WyAT  and  4,000  MEN  REACH   DePTFORD.     [_Jj 


Proctof. 
an.  155s 


promised  constantly  not  to  depart  from  them,  although  by 
her  Council  she  had  been  much  moved  to  the  contrary :  but 
would  remain  near  and  prest  to  adventure  the  spense 
[s/teddm^-]  of  her  royal  blood  in  defence  of  them. 

Such  matter  passed  from  her  besides  as  did  so  wonder- 
fully enamour  the  hearts  of  the  hearers  as  it  was  a  world  to 
hear  with  what  shouts  they  exalted  the  honour  and 
magnanimity  of  Queen  Mary. 

This  done  her  Grace  returned  towards  Whitehall,  and 
passing  through  the  streets,  being  full  of  people  pressing  to 
behold  her  Grace  wherein  they  had  singular  delight  and 
pleasure,  one  amongst  all,  most  impudent  of  all  others, 
Amaiepert  Stepped  forward  saying,  "Your  Grace  may  do 
Artificer.  ^ell  to  make  your  Foreward  [  Vanguard'\  in  battle, 
of  your  Bishops  and  Priests  :  for  they  be  trusty,  and  will  not 
deceive  you ! " 

For  which  words,  he  was  commanded  to  Newgate :  who 
deserved  to  be  hanged  at  the  next  bough,  for  example  to  all 
others,  so  impudently  and  arrogantly  to  assault  his  Sovereign 
and  Queen  with  such  seditious  and  traitorous  language.  The 
voice  went  that  he  was  a  Hosier.  Out  of  all  doubt,  he  was 
a  traitor  and  a  heretic  ;  whose  heart  was  wholly  in  Wyat'S 
bosom,  although  his  body  were  absent.  For  it  was  not 
possible  any  faithful  subject,  or  true  Christian,  to  utter  such 
shameless  speech  to  his  liege  Lady  and  Princess  as  he  did 
then.  But  such  is  the  fruit  of  heresy.  Contempt  of  GOD 
and  man  ;  as  by  daily  experience  is  seen. 

The  Thursday  next  after  [ist  February  1554],  Wyat  hav- 
wvat's  ing  fourteen  Ensigns  in  his  Band  and  not  past  four 

Dep*tfo?d  '**  thousand  men,  although  they  were  accounted  of  a 
strand.  far  greater  number,  marched  to  Deptford  strand, 

eight  miles  from  Dartford  and  within  four  miles  of  London. 
Where,  upon  such  advertisement  as  he  received  by  espial  of 
the  Queen's  being  in  the  Guild  Hall  and  the  order  of  the 
people  to  her,  he  remained  that  night  and  the  next  whole 
day  :  divers  of  his  own  company  doubting  [stispectmg]  by  his 
longer  tarrying  there  than  he  did  in  other  places,  with  other 
presumptions,  that  he  would  have  passed  the  water  [i.e.  the 
Thames]  into  Essex. 

His  prisoners,  as  Master  CHRISTOPHER  ROPER,  GEORGE 


io^i^!°S']    Wyat  arrives   at   London    Bridge.   241 

DORREL  of  Calehill  [and]  JoHN  TUCKE  Esquires,  who  were 
kept  very  straitly,  being  sickly  and  having  within  ^he  departure 
the  town  no  convenient  harborough  or  attendance,  of  Master 

,.  ,       ,  w-i,  "  .  f.  Christopher 

were     hcensed     by     VVYAT,     upon     promise    of  RopERand 
their  worship  to  be  true  prisoners,  to  provide  for  D,^R"i.from 
themselves  out  from  the  town,  where   they   best  wyat. 
might.     But  they,  thinking  no  part  of  their  worship  stained 
in  breaking  promise  with  a  traitor,  sought  ways  to  escape ; 
and  came  no  more  at  him. 

On  the  Saturday  following  [3rd  February  1554],  very 
early,    Wyat    marched    to    Southwark :     where  , 

approaching  the  Gate  at  London  Bridge  foot,  [he]  marching  to 
called  for  the  opening  of  the  same;  which  he  Southwark. 
found  not  so  ready  as  he  looked  for. 

After  he  had  been  a  little  while  in  Southwark,  divers  of 
the  soldiers  went  to  Winchester  Place  [^^e  town  residence  of 
the  Bishop  of  Winchester^.  Where  one  of  them,  being  a 
Gentleman,  began  to  shew  his  game  before  all  the  cards  were 
full[y]  dealed  ;  I  mean,  to  rifle  and  spoil :  which  indeed  was  the 
determinate  end  of  their  purpose ;  but  the  time  was  not  yet 
come,  nor  they  come  to  the  place,  where  they  should  begin  it, 

Whereunto  Wyat,  having  further  respect  than  the  young 
Gentleman  had,  shewed  himself,  with  stern  and  fiery  visage, 
so  much  to  be  offended  with  his  doings  that  he  made  divers 
believe  that  he  would  have  hanged  him  upon  the  wharf. 
Which  whereof  it  grew,  either  of  hatred  to  the  evil,  or  of 
policy  to  purchase  credit  for  a  further  mischief,  as  well  the 
nature  and  course  of  rebellion,  as  also  Wyat's  own  words, 
may  easily  let  us  understand. 

Who,  the  Monday  [22nd  January  1554]  next  afore  this 
stir,  devising  with  two  of  his  friends  for  the  execution  of  his 
pretensed  {intendedl  purpose ;  one  of  them  at  length  said 
unto  him,  "  I  have  no  doubt  but  you  shall  be  able  to  assemble 
a  great  force :  but  how  you  shall  be  able  to  continue  the 
same  with  you,  having  not  sufficient  treasure  and  money, 
the  only  bait  wherewith  the  multitude  is  holden,  I  stand 
much  in  doubt." 

"  What  then  ?  "  quod  Wyat, 

"Marry,"  said  the  other,  "methinketh  a  good  way  for  your 
provision  thereof,  after  your  force  is  once  gathered,  that  ye 

Q  I 


242WYAT  RECKONS  ON  THE  SPOIL  OF  LoNDON.  [Jj 


Proctor, 
an.  1555. 


apprehend  [Sir  THOMAS  Cheyney]  the  Lord  Warden,  the 
Lord  Abergavenny,  Sir  Robert  Southwell,  Sir  Thomas 
MOYLE,  with  others  ;  of  whose  hearts  and  affections  towards 
you  and  your  case  you  stand  in  doubt :  whereby  ye  shall  not 
only  have  them  in  safety  which  are  most  like[ly]  within  the 
Shire  to  withstand  your  enterprise ;  but  also  provide  you 
both  treasure  and  money,  which  they  want  not,  for  the  relief 
of  your  Band." 

"  Ah,"  quod  Wyat,  "  is  this  the  best  counsel  ye  can  give  ? 
If  we  pretend  to  keep  out  Strangers,  and  begin  our  quarrel 
with  the  spoil  of  our  own  country  [Coum^y]  men  ;  what  will 
the  whole  realm,  trow  ye,  then  deem  of  us  ?  Nay,  your  advice 
is  naught ;  and  your  way,  the  next  way  to  accelerate  our 
confusion.  For  if  we  will  go  forwards  in  our  matter  and 
make  the  best  of  it  to  our  purpose.  Spoil  and  Tyranny  may 
not  be  our  guides.  We  must,  by  all  means,  devise,  and  all 
little  enough,  to  continue  good  opinion  in  the  heads  of  the 
multitude  of  some  plausible  [praisewor^/ij/]  end  to  succeed  by 
our  stir :  otherwise  we  undo  ourselves.  For  perceiving  at 
our  entry  that  our  minds  run  of  spoil :  who  will  not  rather 
resist  us,  and  abide  the  adventure  of  that  whereof  we  bear 
them  in  hand  ;  than  to  be  in  certain  to  be  spoiled  by  us  ? 
And  I  see  no  cause  why  you  should  doubt  of  money  ;  seeing 
ye  know  that  such  Gentlemen  as  are  confedered  with  us, 
keeping  appointment ;  their  soldiers  shall  come  ready 
furnished  to  bear  their  own  charges  for  nine  days :  and  our 
hap  shall  be  very  hard  if  we  be  not  at  London  shortly  after 
we  stir ;  and  that  with  so  great  a  company  as  shall  be  out  of 
danger  to  be  stopped  by  any  of  the  Shire  upon  such  a  sudden, 
or  letted  [/imderecf\  of  entry  into  London  finding  half  the 
friends  there  as  we  think  to  have.  And  being  once  in 
^f^yj^T's  London,  and  having  the  Tower  in  our  hands ;  I 

reckoning  of     trust  you  think  we  shall  not  lack  money  loncf  after, 

the  spoil  of  the    .  „  ^  ,  ,         ,        ,       ,  .  "^ »  ,   ,   °  , 

Tower  and       it  any  bc  to  be  had  there,  or  m  the  Aldermen  s 

London.  cofferS." 

To  that  said  another,  that  had  spoken  as  yet  never  a  word, 
"  I  know  Commoners  in  London  that  have  more  ready  money 
than  some  of  the  Aldermen." 

"  Soft,"  quod  Wyat,  "  I  pray  you  in  any  wise  forbear  all 
such  talk  till  we  come  to  the  place  where  we  would  be.  In 
mean  time  let  us  work  secretly ;  and  by  all  tokens  and  signs 


lo-jan'^lssG     Lord  W.  Howard  defends  London.    243 

shew  ourselves  to  favour  and  maintain  our  pretence  of 
Strangers  only." 

Such  and  the  like  communication  was  betweeen  Wyat 
and  two  others  the  Monday  [22nd  January]  before  his 
rising.  Whereby  it  is  evident  that  their  final  intent  was 
to  advance  themselves  by  spoil  of  other  men's  goods  : 
although  they  pretended  otherwise. 

And  to  colour  \make  pretetice  of^  the  same,  Wyat  so  fell 
out  with  this  Gentleman  for  rifling  the  Lord  Chancellor's 
House  \i.e.,  the  House  171  Sonthwark  of  Stephen  Gardiner, 
Bishop  of  Winchester,']  that  he  made  a  number  believe  he 
would  have  hanged  him  out  of  hand  :  had  not  Bret  and 
others  entreated  for  him. 

When  they  had   lien  in  Southwark  a  day  or  two,  and 
found  themselves  deceived  in  London  :  which  (by  ^j^^  ^^^^ 
the  great  diligence  and  politic  handling  of  that  wilham 
worthy  and  faithful  Knight,  the  Lord  WILLIAM  Adrn'^raUf 
Howard,   Admiral    of    England,   that    had   the  ^"g'^"^. 
special  charge  thereof ;  with  the  aid  of  Sir  THOMAS  Wight, 
Knight,  Mayor  of  London,  his  brethren  [the  Aldermen]  and 
citizens)   was    so   well    preserved   as    the   traitors    thereby 
were  disappointed  of  that  they  looked  most  certainly  for — 
Wyat,  as  a  man  desperate  and  setting  all  at  sixe[s]  and 
seven,  adventuring  the  breaking  down  of  a  wall  out  of  a 
house  joining   to   the  Gate   at  the   Bridge   foot,  wyat's  com- 
whereby  he  might  enter  into  the  leads  over  the  pfrter's  Lodge 
Gate,  came  down   into  the   Lodge  about  eleven  -^^  the  Bridge 
of  the  clock  in  the  night :  where  he  found  the 
Porter  in  a  slumber  ;  [and]  his  wife  with  others  Care  away, 
waking,  watching  a  coal. 

But  seeing  Wyat,  they  began  suddenly  to  start  as 
greatly  amazed. 

"  Whist !  "  quod  Wyat,  "  as  you  love  your  lives,  sit  you 
still  !     You  shall  have  no  hurt !  " 

Glad  were  they  of  that  warranty,  pardye  !  What  should 
they  do,  people  better  accustomed  with  the  tankard  of  beer 
to  pass  forth  the  night,  than  acquainted  with  target  and 
spear  to  endure  the  fight. 

Wyat  and  a  few  with  him  went  forth  as  far  as  the 
Drawbridge   [in   the   middle   of    London    Bridge] :  on   the 


244Wyat's  night  visit  to  London  Bridge.  \_Jj 


Proctor. 
an.  1555. 


further  side  whereof  he  saw  the  Lord  Admiral,  the  Lord 
Mayor,  Sir  Andrew  Judd,  and  one  or  two  otheis  in  con- 
sultation for  ordering  of  the  Bridge  :  whereunto  he  gave 
diligent  ear  a  good  time,  and  [was]  not  seen.  At  length 
[he]  conceived  by  their  talk  more  than  he  could  digest ; 
and,  perceiving  the  great  ordnance  there  bent,  returned, 
saying  to  his  mates,  "  This  place  is  too  hot  for  us." 

And  when  he  was  come  to  his  colleges  [col/ea^ues],  and 
declared  upon  his  exploit  what  he  had  heard  and  seen  ; 
they  then  all  together  fell  to  a  new  council  what  was  to  be  done. 

Some  would  then  return  to  Greenwich,  and  so  pass  the 
The  rebels  at  Water  into  Esscx  (whereby  their  company  as  they 
their  wits  thought  should  increase),  and  enter  into  London 
by  Aid  Gate. 

And  some  would  to  Kingston-upon-Thames,  and  so 
further  west[ward]. 

And  some,  of  the  which  Wyat  himself  was  chief,  would 
return  into  Kent  to  meet  with  the  Lord  ABERGAVENNY, 
the  Sheriff,  Sir  Thomas  Moyle,  Sir  Thomas  Kemp,  Sir 
Thomas  Finch,  that  were  at  Rochester,  coming  on  Wyat's 
back  with  a  great  company  well  appointed  :  falsely  per- 
suading himself  that  he  should  find  among  them  more 
friends  than  enemies.  But  whether  his  desire  to  return  into 
Kent  grew  upon  hope  he  had  to  find  aid  there  ;  or  whether 
it  was  to  shift  himself  away  ;  it  was  much  doubted  of  his 
own  company.  And  some  of  them  that  knew  him  well, 
except  they  were  much  deceived,  reported  not  long  before 
their  execution,  that  his  desire  to  retire  into  Kent  was  only 
to  shift  himself  over  the  sea. 

The  Lord  Warden  [SiR  Thomas  Cheyney]  being  now 
The  Lord  come  to  Rochestcr,  as  ye  heard,  and  very  honour- 
warden'sbeing  ably  fumished  with  horse  and  men  well  appointed, 
towa^rds^'^'^'^  to  no  small  number,  entering  into  consultation 
Wyat.  -with,    such    Gentlemen    as   were    there,   for    the 

better  proceeding  in  their  service,  shewed  a  great  desire 
to  accelerate  the  onset  upon  the  traitors :  lest  malice 
should  impute  both  his  former  and  present  stay  rather  to 
want  of  forwardness  than  to  good  policy.  Wherefore  he 
desired  to  pursue  after  them  with  all  expedition. 


jJj^r!°iS^    The  Queen's  forces  at  Rochester.    245 

Whereunto  the  Gentlemen,  being  then  in  arms  with  him, 
said,  "  As  for  your  Lordship's  contation  [de/ay]  hitherto, 
it  shall  be  weighed  not  as  fools  by  fancy  and  malice  deem ; 
but  as  wise  men  shall  measure  it  by  their  discretion  of 
wisdom.  We  see  not  but  unadvised  hardiness  [rashiess] 
and  preproperous  [?  preposterous]  haste  in  most  matters 
have  these  two  companions :  Error  in  the  beginning,  and 
Repentance  in  the  end.  And  for  this  our  case,  whoso 
understandeth  the  same  cannot  but  confess  your  Lordship's 
deliberate  forbearing  to  have  proceeded  of  great  wisdom, 
as  wherein  haste  could  little  prevail.  And  whereas  your 
Lordship  is  so  desirous  to  pursue  after  Wyat  and  his 
Band,  you  see  how  they  have  lien  in  Southwark  and  within 
four  miles  of  London  these  four  days  [Thursday  ist,  to 
Sunday  4th  February  1554] ;  and  yet  not  meddled  with  by 
the  Queen's  army,  being  so  near  :  which  is  neither  for  want 
of  men,  nor  of  forwardness  in  that  noble  Gen-  TheEariof 
tleman,  the  Earl  of  Pembroke,  the  Queen's  fhe'Quee''n^s 
Lieutenant ;  but  upon  great  policy  and  further  Lieutenant, 
respect  no  doubt  than  we  seem  to  conceive. 

"  Wherefore  your  Lordship  may  do  better  to  pause, 
and  first  to  advertise  the  Queen's  Majesty  and  the  Lord 
Lieutenant  [the  Earl  of  Pembroke]  both  what  your  Lord- 
ship, upon  grave  and  deep  consideration,  hath  conceived  in 
this  doubtful  time,  and  also  in  what  readiness  your  Lordship 
is,  and  other  Gentlemen  with  you  :  whose  pleasures  known, 
we  may  then  happily  proceed  in  service  ;  both  with  good 
contentation  to  them  above  [us],  and  best  surety  for  our- 
selves. Otherwise  if  fortune  should  not  favour  our  journey 
[expedition'],  there  may  be  thought  in  us  more  impotent 
will  to  haste  than  provident  policy  to  speed.  And  danger 
hereby  can  none  follow,  our  enemies  lying  between  her 
Grace's  army  and  us  :  considering  withal  that  London 
is  so  well  furnished,  and  so  willing  to  resist  their  entry." 

Whereupon  the  Lord  Warden  went  in  post  to  the  Queen  ; 
leaving  the  Lord  Abergavenny  and  the  rest  of  the 
Gentlemen  with  his  and  their  Bands  until  his  return  :  which 
was  very  shortly  after. 

Who,  according  to  his  first  purpose,  with  the  rest  of 
the  Gentlemen,  marched  forth  towards  WVAT.  Which  who 
had  seen  so  well  appointed,  and  with  what  willing  hearts 


246  The  advice  of  the  rebels  to  Wyat.  \_Jj 


Proctor, 
an.  1555. 


they  went  ;  and  had  known  withal  the  faithful  dealing  of 
sundry  Gentlemen  besides  in  other  parts  of  the  Shire,  ought 
to  say,  That  notwithstanding  there  were  many  evil ;  yet  were 
there  many  worthy.  Gentlemen  and  honest  faithful  yeomen 
in  Kent,  free  from  Wyat's  conspiracy  :  and  that  the  same 
[would]  receive  some  injury  at  his  hand  that,  taking  upon 
him  to  set  forth  any  Chronicle,  should  name  only  four 
Gentlemen  of  this  Shire  to  be  workers  against  Wyat. 
For  though  every  man  pursued  him  not  in  the  beginning, 
many  of  them  dwelling  far  from  him  :  yet  were  they  as 
well  occupied  where  they  were,  and  as  much  towards 
Wyat's  confusion,  by  staying  and  withholding  [a]  great 
force,  through  their  earnest  persuasions  and  labour,  that 
else  would  have  been  with  WvAT. 

Now  to  return  to  Wyat  :  whom  in  this  meantime  Bret 
and  the  other  Captains  espying  to  have  a  desire  to  be  gone, 
dissembling  the  knowledge  thereof,  [they]  wrought  all  the 
secret  means  they  could  devise  to  stay  his  going ;  as 
having  the  weight  of  their  lives  depending  upon  this  enter- 
prise as  well  as  he. 

One  of  them,  by  agreement  in  their  consultation,  said 
to  him  :  "  You  see,"  quod  he,  "  with  what  difficulty  you 
keep  your  soldiers  here :  notwithstanding  they  be  in  a 
town  where  they  are  in  a  manner  as  pent  in,  and  thereby 
the  more  uneasy  to  get  away  ;  being  so  narrowly  looked  to. 
And  now  if  you  shall  leave  the  town  and  retire  into  Kent, 
as  some  of  your  company  suspect  you  will,  whereby  they 
and  all  others  shall  judge  you  to  be  in  despair  of  the  aid 
of  London ;  the  hope  whereof  hath  been  hitherto  the 
greatest  occasion  of  stay  of  such  as  be  already  here,  and 
the  comfort  for  the  coming  of  others  to  the  increase  of 
your  power :  you  may  assure  yourself  that  such  as  be 
here  will  not  tarry  long  after  with  you,  finding  time  to 
escape  as  they  shall  easily  enough,  being  at  large ;  nor 
such  as  be  absent  will  have  haste  to  repair  unto  you,  when 
they  shall  perceive  you  to  be  in  despair  of  London.  And 
so  you  shall  weaken  yourself,  to  the  comfort  of  your  enemies 
and  discomfort  of  your  friends." 

Bret,   under   colour   [pretence]   of  singular   affection   to 
Wyat,  devising  an  apt  occasion  to  avoid  suspicion  (which 


io'^jan'°S5-]  "  ^^^  White  Coats  will  be  our  ruin  !"247 

wanted    not    among    them),   required    to    speak    with    him 
apart ;  and  having  him  alone,  said  : 

"  It  shall  not  be  amiss  that,  for  your  own  surety,  you  have 
in  remembrance  the  effect  of  the  several  Proclama-  bret's  words 
tions  made  at  Dartford  :  the  one  by  Master  WiL-  '°  ^^^'^■ 
LIAM  Roper,  wherein  you  were  betraitored  ;  the  other  by 
Master  Appulton,  which,  as  I  hear,  was  also  made  at  London 
and  in  other  parts  of  the  realm,  wherein  is  promised  the 
inheritance  of  One  Hundred  Pounds  [in]  land  to  such  as 
can  apprehend  and  present  you  to  the  Queen. 

"  Now  what  fantasies  may  grow  into  the  heads  of  your 
own  fellows,  for  the  safeguard  of  themselves  ;  of  whom  you 
have  had  already  some  experience,  it  is  to  be  doubted  :  or 
what  may  grow  in  the  heads  of  tyour  soldiers  when,  failing 
of  the  aid  of  London,  they  shall  be  in  despair  of  your 
enterprise,  it  is  also  to  be  doubted.  On  the  other  part, 
when  such  of  Kent,  on  whom  it  seemeth  you  repose  some 
trust,  shall  hear  of  your  retire :  their  disposition  perhaps 
will  be  much  changed.  And  therefore  it  standeth  you  in 
hand  to  look  to  the  matter  substantially." 

Wyat  (having  the  same  confidence  in  Bret,  that  Bret 
would  Wyat  to  have  had  in  others ;  remem-  Tmstiess 
bering  his  most  deceitful  treason  to  the  Queen,  '■■^''°'^' 
contrary  to  the  trust  reposed  in  him  for  the  conduct  of  the 
White  Coats  ;  and  feeling  his  grief  doubled,  and  his  desire 
to  convey  himself  away  so  much  the  more  increased,  by 
Bret's  secret  talk  with  him)  ;  as  a  stricken  deer,  wandereth 
aside,  all  alone  complaining  with  himself  [of]  his  most 
unhappy  fate. 

And  soon  after  calling  THOMAS  ISLEY  unto  him,  said, 
"  Ah,  cousin  ISLEY,  in  what  extreme  misery  are  we  ? 
The  revolt  of  these  Captains  with  the  White  Coats  seemed 
a  benefit  in  the  beginning  ;  and  as  a  thing  sent  by  GOD 
for  our  good,  and  to  comfort  us  forward  in  our  enterprise  : 
which  I  now  feel  to  our  confusion.  Ah,  cousin,  this  it  is 
to  enter  such  a  quarrel,  which  notwithstanding  we  now  see 
must  have  a  ruthful  end  ;  yet  of  necessity  we  must  prosecute 
the  same." 

Wyat  as  desperate  (finding  others  to  accord  with  Bret's 
opinion,  upon  his  conference  with  them  :  by  whom  for 
direction  of  his  traitorous  journey  [expeditioni  ^^  was  chiefly 


248  Wyat's  force  crosses  Kingston  bridge.  [,o^jan!°S5; 

advised  ;  although  for  this  shifting  away  there  were  others 
whom  he  better  trusted)  marched,  the  Tuesday  being  Shrove 
wvAT's  Tuesday  [6th  February  1554],  out  of  South wark  to 

marching  to  Kingston  upon  Thames,  ten  miles  distant ;  where 
ings  on.  ^^^^  arrived  about  four  of  the  clock  in  the  after- 
noon. 

And  finding  thirty  feet  or  thereabouts  of  the  bridge  taken 
away,  saving  the  posts  that  were  left  standing ;  Wyat  prac- 
ticed [dar£-amed]  with  two  mariners  to  swim  over  to  convey 
a  barge  unto  him.  Which  the  mariners,  tempted  with  great 
promises  of  preferment,  did.  Wherein  Wyat  and  certain 
Wyat's  with  him  were  conveyed  over:  who,  in  the  time 

passage  at  that  the  number  of  the  soldiers  baited  [/unc/ied]  in 
ingston.  ^j^^  town,  caused  the  bridge  to  be  trimmed  with 
ladders  planks  and  beams,  the  same  tied  together  with  ropes 
and  boards  as,  by  ten  of  the  clock  in  the  night,  [it]  was  in 
such  plight  that  both  his  ordnance  and  Band  of  men  might 
pass  over  without  peril. 

And  so,  about  eleven  of  the  clock  in  the  same  night,  Wyat 
with  his  Band,  without  either  resistance  or  peril,  marched 
over  the  bridge  towards  London  ;  having  such  a  loving  heart 
in  his  body  to  the  Queen  as  before  day  he  meant  to  have 
been  at  the  Court  Gate  [of  Whitehall].  Which  he  could 
never  have  attempted,  having  any  sparkle  of  that  good  zeal 
in  his  breast  to  the  Queen's  surety  as,  to  further  his  treason, 
he  outwardly  pretended  to  the  World  ;  considering  the 
danger  that  might  have  grown,  by  the  fear  thereof,  to  her 
Grace. 

But,  as  GOD  would,  partly  by  weariness  of  his  soldiers, 
and  partly  by  the  breach  [dreak  down]  of  the  wheels  that 
carried  his  ordnance ;  it  was  nine  of  the  clock  of  the  day 
following,  being  Ash  Wednesday  [7th  February  1554],  before 
he  came  so  far  as  Hyde  Park :  where  his  courage,  being 
tofore  as  ye  have  heard  not  very  lusty,  began  now  utterly  to 
die ;  beholding  as  it  were  before  his  face  the  present  bane 
and  confusion  whereunto  his  malicious  intent  was  shaped. 

Yet  desperation  being  his  lewd  guide,  he  marcheth  for- 
ward ;  and  cometh  within  the  power  of  Sir  WiLLlAM 
Herbert,  Earl  of  Pembroke  ;  being,  that  day,  the  Queen's 
Lieutenant  General  in  the  field.  Who  yet  (with  divers  other 
Noblemen  and  faithful  subjects,  being  then  in  arms  with  him 


J  proctor.-i    'j'pjj.  Action  at  Hyde  Park  Corner.  249 

xo  Jan.  io55-J 

prest  and  ready  to  receive  so  impudent  a  race  of  traitorous 
rebels  to  their  deserved  breakfast)  understanding,  partly  by 
sure  spial,  partly  by  their  own  view,  that  the  rebels  exceeded 
not  the  number  of  four  thousand,  and  most  of  them  naked 
[unarmed],  void  of  all  policy  and  skill ;  considering  withal 
that  they  could  not  set  upon  Wyat  and  his  whole  Band  but 
great  effusion  of  blood  should  follow,  the  Queen's  army 
being  so  greedy  to  be  revenged  and  the  other  so  impotent  to 
resist,  determined  rather  by  policy  to  achieve  the  victory 
than  by  bloodshed  to  confound  the  rebels.  Wherein  they 
should  please  GOD,  answer  the  Queen's  merciful  expecta- 
tion, and  purchase  unto  themselves  most  renown  and  honour 
of  that  day's  service. 

Upon  these  resolutions,  they  permitted  Wyat  with  the 
fore  part  of  his  Band  to  pass  quietly  along ;  and  through 
between  the  Queen's  Majesty's  Horsemen :  the  Lord 
Clinton  being  Marshal  of  the  Field  and  Captain  of  the 
barbed  horses  and  Demi-lances  on  the  south  side  ;  Jack  of 
MUSGRAVE  being  Captain  of  the  Light  Horsemen  on  the 
north  side.  The  great  ordnance  being  charged  to  shoot  full 
upon  the  breast  of  the  rebels  coming  eastward  :  the  Earl  of 
Pembroke  with  the  Main  Battle  of  footmen  as  well  for 
handguns,  morishpikes,  bows,  and  bills,  standing  in  goodly 
array  on  the  north-east  side,  behind  the  said  great  ordnance, 
ready  to  set  upon  the  rebels  in  the  face  coming  towards 
Holborn. 

Wyat,  coming  in  the  forefront  of  his  Band,  perceiving  that 
he  was  thus  beset  with  horsemen  on  both  sides,  the  great 
ordnance  and  the  footmen  before  his  face  north-eastward  ;  so 
that  he  could  no  ways  escape,  but  necessarily  must  fall  into 
their  hands,  although  for  policy  he  was  suffered  and  a  great 
part  of  his  men  to  pass  so  far  quietly  and  without  resistance 
through  the  Horsemen — he  suddenly  forsook  his  ^  way 
intended  through  Holborn  ;  and,  with  might  and  main,  as 
fast  as  they  could,  he  and  his  mates  ran  down  underneath  the 
Park  Wall  of  brick  adjoining  to  the  Queen's  Manor  House, 
called  St.  James's. 

The  Lord  Clinton,  observing  his  time  ;  first  with  his 
Demi-lances  brake  their  array,  and  divided  Wyat's  Band  in 
two  parts.     Then  came  the  Light  Horsemen,  who  so  hardly 


250  Wyat  surrenders  at  Temple  Bar.  \_Jj 


Proctor, 
an.  1555. 


pursued  the  tail  of  his  Band,  that  they  slew  many,  hurt  more, 
and  took  most  of  them. 

Whilst  the  said  Horsemen  were  thus  in  fight  with  the  tail 
of  his  Band  ;  Wyat  himself  and  500  men  or  thereabouts 
peked  [pi^s/ted]  on  still  all  along  under  St.  James's  Park  Wall 
until  he  came  to  Charing  Cross  :  where  divers  of  the  Queen's 
Household  servants  and  others  fought  with  them,  and  in  the 
end  killed  16  of  the  rebels. 

Nevertheless  Wyat,  having  escaped  with  a  part  of  his 
company,  marching  along  in  battle  [ar]ray,  entered  into 
Fleet  street,  and  came  over  Fleet  Bridge  towards  Lud  Gate. 

And  although  no  man  resisted  his  passage  through  the 
streets  thus  far :  yet,  when  at  length  he  perceived  that  he 
had  no  help  of  friends  at  London  and  the  suburbs  as  he 
looked  for,  [he]  left  his  men  standing  still  in  battle  array ; 
and  rode  back  as  far  as  the  Temple  Bar  Gate,  with  a 
naked  [drawn]  sword  in  his  hands  the  hilts  upward,  as  some 
report. 

At  which  Gate,  he  would  have  gone  through  towards 
Charing  Cross,  to  the  residue  of  his  men :  but  he  was  then 
stopped  by  force,  of  the  Queen's  true  subjects ;  who  would 
not  suffer  him  to  pass  without  Temple  Bar. 

At  length  came  one  Sir  MAURICE  Berkeley  Knight  unto 
him,  and  required  him  to  consider  that  he  could  not  prevail 
in  this  wicked  purpose  ;  and  that  his  men  were  all  taken  and 
slain  in  the  Field  :  and  therefore  willed  him  to  cease  off 
from  any  further  occasion  of  bloodshed  ;  exhorting  him  to 
yield  himself  prisoner,  and  to  stand  to  the  Queen's  mercy. 

Which  to  do,  Wyat  refused  ;  and  said  That  he  would 
rather  be  slain  than  yield  to  any  man. 

And  yet,  nevertheless,  as  it  chanced,  there  came  a  Herald 
of  Arms  immediately,  riding  in  the  Queen's  Coat  Armour  to 
this  place :  to  his  Coat  shortly  after  Wyat  submitted  him- 
self prisoner ;  and  so  went  to  the  Court  at  Westminster,  and 
there  was  brought  before  the  Privy  Council ;  and  shortly 
after,  within  one  hour,  sent  from  thence  to  the  Tower  of 
London  [a]  prisoner. 

Amongst  other  things  this  is  to  be  remembered,  that 
whiles  the  said  Wyat  and  certain  of  his  men,  as  aforesaid. 


lo-jan'^lssG     The  fright  at  Whitehall  Palace.  251 

were  coming  thus  towards  Fleet  street ;  a  certain  Captain  of 
the  said  rebels,  with  divers  of  his  soldiers,  returned  from 
Charing  Cross  down  to  the  Court  Gate  at  Whitehall,  and 
gave  a  larum  [an  a/arm]  before  the  Gate :  and  shot  divers 
arrows  into  the  said  Court,  the  Gate  being  open.  Insomuch 
that  one  Master  NICHOLAS  ROCKEWOOD,  being  a  Gentleman 
of  Lincoln's  Inn  and  in  armour  at  the  said  Court  Gate,  was 
shot  through  his  nose  with  an  arrow  by  the  rebels.  [See 
Edward  Undekhilus  account  of  this  fright  in  this  Vol., 
p.  190.] 

For  the  coming  of  the  said  rebels  was  not  looked  for  that 
way :  but  [it  was]  thought  that  the  Queen's  army  should 
have  joined  battle  with  them  in  the  Field ;  according  to 
promise  made  by  the  said  Wyat  on  his  behalf:  who  pro- 
mised that  he  would  come  to  the  Queen's  Foot  Battle 
[Infantry\  and  fight  with  them  pike  against  pike  and  man 
to  man.  Which,  when  it  came  to  the  very  point,  he 
refused  ;  and  shrank  [by]  a  bye  way  by  Saint  James's  Park 
Wall  for  his  refuge,  as  you  have  heard  before :  where  many 
of  them  were  slain  by  Horsemen,  so  that  they  came  not  nigh 
the  Queen's  power  of  the  Foot  Battle.  Which  increased 
some  desperate  boldness  in  the  despairing  rebels :  not 
without  great  discomfiture  to  all  the  Court  and  the  city 
of  London  ;  perceiving  that  he  was  himself,  and  so  many 
rebels  with  him,  come  through  the  Queen's  army  thus 
far. 

Whereupon  grew  great  admiration  [wonderment]  amongst 
them  that  knew  not  their  doings  in  the  Field ;  how  for  policy, 
and  to  avoid  much  manslaughter,  Wyat  was  suffered  pur- 
posely to  pass  along.  Insomuch  divers  timorous  and  cold 
hearted  soldiers  came  to  the  Queen,  crying,  "  All  is  lost ! 
Away  !     Away !     A  barge  !     A  barge  !  " 

Yet  her  Grace  never  changed  her  cheer,  nor  removed 
one  foot  out  of  the  House;  but  asked  for  the  Lord  of 
Pembroke,  in  whom  her  Grace  had  worthily  reposed  great 
confidence. 

Answer  being  made,  That  he  was  in  the  Field. 

"  Well  then,"  quod   her   Grace,  "  fall   to   prayer !    and    I 

warrant  you,  we  shall  hear  better  news  anon.     For  my  Lord 

will  not  deceive  me,  I  know  well.     If  he  would,  GOD  will 

not :  in  whom  my  chief  trust  is,  who  will  not  deceive  me." 


252  How  London  was  shut  in,  and  kept.  [lo-jan'"! 


Proctor. 
SSS- 


And  indeed,  shortly  after,  news  came  all  of  victory,  [and] 
how  that  Wyat  was  taken. 

This  day  [7th  February  1554],  the  Judges  in  the  Common 
Place  [^Common  Pleas]  at  Westminster  sat  in  armour.  The 
Mayor,  Aldermen,  and  the  householders  of  the  city,  by  four 
of  the  clock  in  the  morning,  were  in  armour :  the  Lord 
William  Howard,  High  Admiral,  being  amongst  them. 
Who,  as  I  have  tofore  said,  was  by  the  Queen's  Majesty 
appointed  Captain  General  and  Lieutentant  for  the  time, 
to  confer  in  counsel  and  join  in  execution  with  the  Lord 
Mayor  and  his  Brethren  [the  Aldermen]  for  the  sure 
and  speedy  guarding  and  warding  of  the  city :  to  the 
preservation  whereof  the  Queen's  Grace  had  special  regard. 
The  Gates  were  diligently  watched  ;  every  Gate  with  100 
men  :  Moor  Gate  being  closed  up  and  rampired. 


Thus  was  this  wily  heretic  and  open  traitor  Wyat,  and 
his  complices,  brought  to  their  confusion  ;  and  to  the  end 
which  never  missed  all  such  malicious[ly]  disposed  wretches. 
Partly  by  the  wisdom  and  policy  of  him  that  was  armed  in 
the  Field,  the  worthy  Earl  of  PEMBROKE ;  but  chiefly  by  the 
mighty  hand  of  GOD,  at  the  contemplation  of  her  high 
merits  and  virtues ;  who  remaining  in  the  closet  of  stedfast 
hope  and  confidence,  being  appointed  with  the  armour  of 
faith,  fought  with  ardent  and  continual  prayer,  in  perfect 
devotion,  under  the  banner  and  ensign  of  GOD  :  who  indeed 
alone  gave  this  victory,  and  alone  without  policy  or  might  of 
man  overthrew  her  enemies ;  yet  so  that  he  therewith 
declared  his  special  favour  and  pleasure  towards  his  servant, 
that  noble  Knight,  the  Earl  of  PEMBROKE,  in  appointing  him 
chief  champion  this  day  to  defend  his  chosen  and  elect 
Virgin  ;  whose  faith  hath  not  been  wavering  in  his  Catholic 
religion  nor  his  truth  and  service  doubtful  at  any  time 
towards  his  Prince. 

Wyat,  as  is  said,  was  committed  to  the  Tower.  So  were 
divers  other  Gentlemen  :  as,  soon  after,  was  Henry  Grey 
Duke  of  Suffolk  and  his  two  brethren. 

The    Duke,    being    so    hardly    pursued    by    the     Lord 


JjFnXZ'^  The  execution  of  Wyat's  accomplices.  253 

Hastings,  Earl  of  Huntingdon,  was    by    him    appre- 
hended in  Leicestershire.     Whereby  he  declared  xheDukeof 
himself,  as  well  in  honour  and  unspotted  loyalty  Suffolk's 
as  in  parentage  and  patrimony,  to  succeed  his  great  by^the  Eadof 
grandfather  the  Lord  Hastings  ;   whose  fidelity  "-^s'^'^^s. 
and   stedfast   truth   towards    King    Edward    IV.   and    his 
children,  the  Chronicles  report  to  his  immortal  honour. 

Of  the  common  people  there  was  such  a  number  taken  in 
the  chase  by  the  Earl  of  PEMBROKE  that  besides  the  usual 
gaols,  sundry  churches  in  London  were  made  places  for  their 
safeguard,  till  order  was  taken  for  their  enlargement 

The  Duke  [of  Suffolk]  was  arraigned  by  his  Peers,  and 
by  verdict  found  guilty  of  Treason,  before  the  Duke  of 
Norfolk,  being  Lord  Constable,  and  that  day  his  Judge. 
Both  he,  and  his  brother  THOMAS,  at  several  days,  made 
their  end  at  Tower  Hill,  by  loss  of  their  heads. 

Sundry  others  of  Wyat's  complices,  being  arraigned,  and 
condemned  upon  their  confession  of  treason,  suffered  in 
divers  parts  of  the  Shire,  as  : 

Henry  Isley  Knight,  Thomas  Isley  his  brother,  and 
Walter  Mantel,  at  Maidstone;  where  Wyat  first 
displayed  his  standard. 

Anthony  Knevet,  William  his  brother,  with  another 
of  the  Mantels,  at  Sevenoaks. 

Bret,  at  Rochester,  hanging  in  chains. 

And  of  the  common  sort  very  few  were  executed,  save 
only  of  the  White  Coats ;  that,  to  say  truth,  deserved  it 
trebly. 

Wyat  himself,  last  of  all,  was  arraigned  at  Westminster ; 
the  Earl  of  SUSSEX,  Sir  Edward  Hastings,  and  Sir 
Thomas  Cornwallis  being  his  Judges :  where  and  before 
whom,  he  most  earnestly  craved  life ;  not  by  plea  of  his 
matter  or  justifying  of  himself,  but  by  earnest  suit,  in 
humble  submission,  for  the  Queen's  mercy. 

It  seemeth  not  amiss  here  to  make  report  of  such  special 
words  as  by  him  were  uttered  at  his  arraignment :  wyat's  words 
which  I  myself  heard,  standing  not  ten  feet  from  meat^^'^" 


2  54  Wyat's  words  at  his  arraignment.     [_Jj 


Proctor, 
an.  1555. 


him  at  that  time.  By  the  which  words  may  appear 
both  what  he  himself  thought  of  his  doings,  how  much 
he  misliked  the  same,  and  also  how  penitent  and  sorrowful 
he  was  therefor. 


Certain  words  proceeding  from  Wyat^ 
at  his  arraignment. 

|Y  Lords,  I  must  confess  myself  guilty ;  as,  in 
the  end,  truth  must  enforce  me  to  say:  and 
that  I  am  justly  plagued  for  my  sins,  which 
most  grievously  I  have  committed  against  GOD  ; 
who  hath  suffered  me  to  fall  into  this  beastly 
brutishness  and  horrible  offence  of  treason.  And  lo,  in 
me  the  like  end ;  as  all  such  that  have  attempted  like 
enterprizes,  from  the  beginning  have  had.  For  peruse 
the  Chronicles  throughout,  and  you  shall  find  that  rebellion 
never  from  the  beginning  prospered.  For  the  love  of  GOD, 
all  you  Gentlemen  that  be  here  present  remember !  and 
be  here  taught  by  the  examples  past,  and  also  by  this 
my  present  infelicity  and  heinous  offence ! 

"  O  most  miserable,  mischievous,  brutish,  and  beastly 
furious  imagination  of  mine !  For  I  thought  that  by  the 
marriage  of  the  Prince  of  Spain,  this  realm  should  have  been 
in  danger :  and  that  I,  that  have  lived  a  free  born  man, 
should,  with  my  country,  have  been  brought  to  bondage  and 
servitude  by  aliens  and  Strangers.  Which  brutish  beastli- 
ness then  seemed  reason ;  and  wrought  so  far  and  to  such 
effect  as  it  led  me  to  the  practice  and  use  of  this  committed 
treason :  that  now  understanding  the  great  commodity 
honour  and  surety  which  this  realm  shall  receive  by  this 
marriage  ;  if  it  shall  please  the  Queen  to  be  merciful  to  me 
there  is  no  man  living  that  shall  be  more  trusty  and  faithful 
to  serve  her  Grace ;  no,  nor  more  ready  to  die  at  her 
Highness's  foot,  whatsoever  the  quarrel  be." 

Thus  far  touching  Wyat's  words  at  his  arraignment, 
I  thought  not  superfluous  here  to  report,  to  the  end  that  all 
others   blindly   fallen   into   the   same   error,  would   by  the 


lo'^ja^^SsG     Wyat  is  beheaded  on  Tower  Hill.     255 

example  of  Wyat  rise  also  to  repentance ;  as  well  confessing 
to  the  World  with  open  voice  their  detestable  mischief,  as 
also  from  the  very  heart  with  tears  detesting  the  same ;  as,  in 
utterance  of  the  former  words,  he  plentifully  did. 

He  lost  his  head  at  Tower  Hill ;  and  his  body,  divided, 
was  set  up  in  divers  parts  about  London. 

Other  poor  men,  being  taken  in  Wyat's  Band,  and  kept  a 
time  in  divers  churches  and  prisons  without  the  of  such  as  did 
city  [of  London],  kneeling  all,  with  halters  about  penance  by 
their   necks,    before    the    Queen's    Highness    at  hafters\efore 
Whitehall ;  her  Grace  mercifully  pardoned,  to  the  '^^  ^''^^°- 
number   of  600 :   who   immediatey   thereupon,    with    great 
shouts,  casting  their  halters  up  into  the  air,  cried  "  GOD 
save  your  Grace  !     GOD  save  your  Grace  !  " 

Howbeit  sundry  of  them  that  did  wear  halters  afore  the 
Queen's  Highness  were  afterwards,  by  means,  called  before 
the  Justices  in  the  country  to  be  arraigned :  but  her  Grace, 
being  moved  thereof  by  the  Sheriff,  would  them  to  be  no 
further  vexed. 

Thus  have  ye  heard  of  Wyat's  end,  and  [of]  some  of  his 
complices  :  by  whose  lamentable  tragedy,  and  others  of  like 
sort  that  happened  in  our  Age,  not  only  we,  but  such  as 
shall  succeed  us,  may  be  abundantly  taught  to  foresee  what 
it  is  to  enter  into  rebellion.  For  neither  could  Wyat  with 
his  stoutness,  nor  yet  with  the  pretence  of  his  quarrel 
coloured  with  a  meaning  to  defend  his  country  from  over- 
running by  Strangers,  nor  yet  through  the  aid  of  sundry 
conspirators  of  great  power,  ne  by  any  other  policy,  prevail. 

Six  of  the  Gentlemen  that  were  offenders  were  pardoned, 
going  to  their  execution,  by  the  Queen's  clemency,  at 
Rochester :  as  were  also  all  the  others  of  the  whole  Kentish 
Gentlemen  remitted  ;  a  few  of  the  rankest  excepted,  that, 
only  for  example,  suffered. 

The  Queen's  Highness,  not  long  after,  sent  out  her 
Commission  to  Sir  Thomas  Moyle,  Sir  John  Guildford. 


256  The  Queen's  Commission  for  Kent.    \_Jj 


Proctor, 
an.  1555. 


Sir  Thomas  Kemp  ;  Warram  Sentleger,  Thomas 
Roydon,  Christopher  Roper,  George  Dorrell  of 
Calehill,  George  Fane,  John  Tucke,  John  Robarts, 
Thomas  Lovelace,  John  Leonard,  Esquires ;  with  others : 
not  only  to  bail  and  set  at  large  such  as  were  in  prison  in  the 
country  [Conniy  of  Kent']  for  that  offence,  being  of  no  small 
number ;  but  also  to  compound  [y?;/<?]  with  the  offenders, 
according  to  the  quality  of  their  offences.  Which  manner  of 
order,  being  not  heard  of  in  the  like  case,  or  at  the  least  very 
rarely,  declared  a  singular  clemency  and  benignity  in  the 
Queen :  that,  being  followed  so  cruelly,  would  yet  be  so 
moved  with  pity  as  to  vouchsafe  to  answer  them  with  so 
much  lenity,  in  the  executing  of  so  few,  in  comparison 
to  so  great  a  number  and  so  large  a  cause ;  being  all  in  her 
Grace's  mercy  to  dispose  at  her  pleasure.  And  besides  [to] 
suffer  the  rest  to  escape  with  so  small  abashment  of  their 
countenance  {small  amount  of  fine\  after  so  heinous  [an] 
offence. 


He  that  shall  peruse  this  Story  diligently,  and  consider 
all  parts  thereof  exactly,  with  remembrance  of  things  past 
since  the  beginning  of  the  Queen's  most  happy  reign,  must 
of  force  recognize,  of  what  condition  soever  he  be,  the 
magnificence  mercy  and  fortitude  of  this  most  noble  Princess, 
as  from  time  to  time  with  such  patience  to  endure  so  great 
malice  of  her  own  subjects,  with  such  lenity  to  forbear  the 
revenge  of  so  intolerable  outrage,  with  such  mercy  in  the 
end  to  pardon  and  remit  so  heinous  and  great  offenders. 
Happy  was  it  with  those  heinous  offenders  that  her  Grace's 
most  worthy  and  honourable  Council  were  so  agreeable  to 
her  virtuous  inclination !  as  inclined  rather  to  pursue 
merciful  pardon  for  continuance  of  life  than  to  prosecute 
revenge  by  execution  of  death. 

It  is  to  be  wished  by  all  good  men  with  one  assent  that, 
provoked  with  so  great  clemency,  these  degenerates  reform 
themselves !  and  forbear  thus  to  attempt  so  gracious  a 
Princess !  unto  whom,  by  GOD'S  authority,  the  sword  is  not 
vainly  committed  ;  lest  thereby  they  procure  to  themselves 
damnation  in  seeking  by  such  outrage  their  own  death  and 
confusion.     From  the  desire  whereof  we  see,  by  a  number  of 


io^ian'°tssG  Proctor's  laudation  of  Queen  Mary  257 

evident  arguments,  the  Queen's  Highness  and  her  honour- 
able Council  to  be  so  far  as,  by  all  means  they  can  imagine, 
they  seek  to  eschew  that  they  by  most  wilful 
and  malicious  means  follow  to 
their  subversion. 


[The  following  are  omitted  for  want  of  space.] 

An  earnest  Conference  with  the  Degenerates 

and  Seditious,  for  the  search  of  the  cause 

of  their  great  disorder, 

A  Table  [or  Index]. 


Imprinted  at  London  by  ROBERT  Caley  within  the 
Precinct  of  the  late  dissolved  House  of  the 
Grey  Friars,  now  converted  to  a  Hospi- 
tal called  Christ's  Hospital 
The  loth  day  of  January  1555. 


Cum  privilegio  ad  imprimendum  solum. 


C   2L   compentitous   iaegiiSter  in 

metre^  containing  tlje  name^  and  patient 

suffenngs  of  tfje  memtjer^  of  31esus  Cftmt,  anti  tbe 

tormenteo,  anO  cruellp  burneo  toitbin  (2Bnglant); 

0mce  tf)e  Oeatf)  of  our  famous  Eing,  of  immortal 

memory,  e  d  w  a  r  d  tjje  ^irtf),  to  tfte  entrance 

anO  tiegmnmg  of  tfte  reign  of  our  ^otiereign 

ano  Dearest  Laop  Elizabeth,  of 

(ZBnglanti,  jFrance,  anO  JtelanO,  Ciueen; 

Defender  of  t&e  jFaitjj ;  to  tobose  ©igbness 

trulp  ano  properly  appertainetf),  nert 

ano  immetJiatelp  unoer  (^£DD,  tbe 

supreme  potoer  anO  autboritg 

of  tbt  Cburcfjes 

of 

Cnglano  anO 

3relan0. 

So  be  it. 
^nno,  1559. 


apocalypse  7. 

Nd    one  of  the   angels  (saith   Saint 

John)  spake^  saying  unto  me^  "  What 

are  they^  which  are  arrayed  in  long  white 

garments;  and  whence  come  they  f  "  (before 

the  people^  before  sealed  by  the  aitgel).   And 

I  said  unto  him^  "  Lord^  thou  wottest  I " 

A7td  he   said   unto    me^    "  These  are   they 

which  came  out  of  great  tribulation ;  and 

washed     their     garments^     and     made 

them     white     in     the     blood    of     the 

Lamb»         Therefore      are     they    in 

the    presence     of   the     Throne    of 

GOD^  and  serve  Him^  day  and 

nighty  in  His  Temple : 

and  He  that  sitteth 

in  the  Throne 

will 

dwell  among 

themT 


26t 


Co  tlje  Btg^t  i^onoural)le 

lorn    pan,    aparqui^    oC    ii5ortl)ampton ; 

Cfjomas  TBrice,  pour  Lorosbip'g  Dailp  ©cator, 

Uii0i)etl)  continual  increase  of  grace, 

concoro,  ano  consolation  in  ^im 

tbat  is,  toas,  ano  is  to  come, 

etien  tbe  jFirst  anO 

tfte  Last. 

3men. 

T  MAY  please  your  goodness,  Honourable  Lord  !  to 
receive  in  good  part,  the  little  labour  of  my  pen  : 
which,  albeit  the  rudeness  and  quantity  thereof 
procureth  not  to  be  dedicate[d]  to  so  honourable  a 
Personage  ;  yet  the  matter  itself  is  of  such  worthiness,  as 
duly  deserveth  to  be  graven  in  gold.  But  who  goeth  about  so 
finely  to  depict  with  Apelles's  instrument,  this  said  Register, 
thinking  to  exceed  the  rest  ?  Not  I  !  poor  wretch  !  because 
I  am  assured  that  such  a  worthy  work  as  thereof  may  be 
written,  cannot,  neither  shall  pass  untouched  among  so 
many  godly  learned.  But  were  it,  that  no  man  hereafter 
should,  in  more  ample  and  learned  manner,  set  forth  the 
same ;  yet  should  my  presumption  (if  I  so  meant)  be  turned 
to  reproach :  for  this  I  believe,  that  they  be  in  such  sort 
registered  in  the  Book  of  the  Living,  as  passeth  either  pen, 
ink,  or  memory  to  declare. 


262     Dedicatory    Epistle    to    [fpring^of'lss,; 

This  my  simplicity  and  too  bold  attempt  might  move  your 
Honour  to  conjecture  in  me  much  rudeness,  or,  at  the  least, 
might  persuade  me  so  to  think  :  but  that  experience  hath 
showed  me  the  humility  and  gentleness  of  your  long  tried 
patience  ;  the  certain  knowledge  whereof  hath  pricked  me  for- 
ward in  this  my  pretence.  And  being  thereunto  requested  of 
a  faithful  brother  and  friend  ;  I  have,  with  more  industry  than 
learning,  GOD  knoweth  !   finished  the  same. 

Which  being,  as  I  thought,  brought  to  good  end ;  I 
desired,  according  to  the  accustomed  manner,  to  dedicate 
the  same  unto  such  [an]  one,  as  would  not  contemn  so 
simple  a  gift.  And  calling  you  to  mind,  Right  Honourable 
Lord  !  I  knew  none  more  meet.  First,  because  your  know- 
ledge in  Christ  teacheth  you  the  same  godly  and  virtuous 
life  ;  which  not  only  your  Lordship,  but  all  other  Honourable, 
&c.,  ought  to  ensue.  Secondly,  because  these  late  years,  you 
have  had  good  experience  of  the  troubles  and  miseries  of  the 
faithful,  which  have  patiently  embraced  in  their  arms,  the 
comfortable,  although  painful,  cross  of  Christ  ;  which,  in  so 
great  a  number,  is  commonly  not  so  plenteous  as  commend- 
able. But  what  stand  I  praising  this  patience  in  them 
(which  yet  deserveth  the  same)  ?  seeing  the  mighty  GOD 
and  His  Christ  hath  prepared,  from  everlasting,  for  such, 
a  glorious,  rich  and  incomprehensible  Crown  of  Felicity  and 
continual  comforts. 

This  my  short  and  simple  work,  I  commend  and  dedicate 
unto  your  Lordship  !  craving  pardon  at  your  hands,  for  this 
my  too  homely  and  rude  enterprise  :  considering  that  albeit 
golden  fruit  were  offered  in  pewter  and  by  the  hands  of  a 
simple  man  ;  yet  is  the  fruit  notwithstanding  still  precious, 
and  neither  abased  by  the  pewter,  nor  the  giver.  Even  so, 
Honourable  Lord  1  though  the  verses  be  simple,  and  the 
giver  unworthy :  yet  the  fruit  or  matter  is  precious,  com- 
fortable and  good. 

The  order  to  attain  to  the  perfect  understanding  of  my 
mind,  in  setting  forth  the  same  with  figures    and    letters, 


spring^if^ilsgG  Lord  Parr,  Marquis  of  Northampton.  263 

shall  largely  appear  in  this  book  :  which  I  have  not  only  done 
to  make  plain  unto  your  Honour,  the  year,  month,  and  day ; 
but  also,  to  all  others  that  hereafter  shall  read  it.  For  that 
I  do  pretend  [design],  if  GOD  and  favour  will  permit  it,  to 
use  the  same  as  common  to  the  profit  of  all :  for  which  cause, 
I  have  also  placed  a  Preface  to  the  Reader. 

But  that  it  may  please  your  Honour,  in  respect  of  the  pre- 
mises, to  extend  your  favourable  assistance  to  the  manifest 
setting  forth  of  this  short  and  simple  work,  to  the  glory  of  the 
great  and  mighty  GOD,  and  to  the  comfort  of  Christians  :  I, 
as  unworthy  and  too  bold  a  suitor,  most  humbly  craveth  your 
Lordship's  aid  and  supportation  in  the  same  ;  especially  to 
bear  [with]  the  rudeness  of  my  unlearned  style,  which,  alas,  I 
lament. 

But  now  ceasing  to  trouble  your  Lordship  any  longer,  this 
shall  be  my  continual  prayer  for  you. 

The     wisdom    of    GOD   direct   your    Honour  I 

The  mercy  of  GOD  give  you  spiritual  power  ! 

The  HOLY  GHOST  guide  and  comfort 

you,  with  all  fulness  of 

consolation  in 

Christ  Jesus  I 

A  men. 

Your  Lordship's  daily  orator, 

Thomas    Brice, 


La' 


264 


aK>^GPP 


Co  tlje  (Gentle  IReaner, 
merc^  ann  peace? 

Ay  it  please  thee,  gentle  Reader,  to  take  in  good 
worth  this  short  and  simple  Register,  containing 
the  names  of  divers,  although  not  all,  both  men, 
women,  and  virgins,  &c.,  who,  for  the  pro- 
fession of  Christ  their  Captain,  have  been  most 
miserably  afflicted,  tormented,  and  [imjprisoned  ;  and,  in  fine, 
either  died  by  some  occasion  in  prison,  or  else  erected  [gone 
to  heaven]  in  the  charret  [fiery  chariot]  of  Elias,  since  the  4th 
day  of  February,  1555,  to  the  17th  day  of  November,  1558, 
wherein  (according  to  the  determination  of  our  most  merciful 
Father)  our  longwished  forand  most  noble  Queen,  Elizabeth, 
was  placed  Governess  and  Queen,  by  general  Proclamation  ; 
to  the  great  comfort  of  all  true  English  hearts. 

This  I  commit  to  thy  friendly  acceptation  and  favourable 
scanning,  gentle  Reader,  and  albeit,  I  doubt  not  but  some, 
of  godly  zeal,  both  wise  and  learned,  will  not  neglect,  here- 
after, to  set  forth  so  worthy  a  work,  namely,  of  the  martyrdom 
and  patient  sufferings  of  Christ's  elect  Members  ;  and  also  of 
the  tyrannical  tragedies  of  the  unmerciful  Ministers  of  Satan  : 
yet,  at  the  request  of  a  dear  friend,  to  whom  love  and  Nature 
hath  linked  me,  I  could  not,  without  ingratitude,  deny  his 
lawful  desire,  attempting  the  same ;  also,  rather  because  it 
might  be  manifest  to  the  eyes  of  the  world,  and  also  put  the 
learned,  of  godly  zeal,  in  memory  more  amply  to  enlarge  ; 
and,  at  their  good  discretion,  to  set  forth  the  same.  Pardon 
my  rudeness,  therefore,  I  beseech  thee  !  considering  that 
will  in  the  unable  is  to  be  esteemed.  Look  not  upon  the 
baseness  of  the  metre  !  the  true  number  whereof  cannot 
easily  be  observed  in  such  a  gathering  of  names:  but,  with 
lifted  eyes  of  the  mind,  meditate  upon  the  omnipotent  power  of 
GOD  !  which  hath  given  and  wrought  such  constancy  in  His 
children,  in  these  our  days,  that  even  in  fiery  flambes  [flames] 
and  terrible  torments,  they  have  not  ceased  to  invocate  and 


sp^gVSJ  ToTHE    Reader.  265 

extol  the  name  of  their  Creator,  Redeemer,  and  Comforter, 
according  to  the  saying  of  the  cxlviii.  Psalm,  "  Young  men 
and  maidens,  old  men  and  children "  have  set  forth  His 
worthy  and  excellent  praise.  So  that  the  same  just  and 
righteous  GOD,  who,  for  our  sins,  corrected  us,  and  gave  us 
over  into  the  hands  of  the  most  bloody  and  viperous  genera- 
tion, to  be  eaten  like  bread :  hath  now,  of  His  mercy  alone, 
"  exalted  the  horn  of  His  people."  Therefore  all  His  saints 
shall  praise  Him. 

Farewell  1 


T.  B. 


^ 


C]^e  manner  ^oto  to  unner^tann  tl^e 
letters  anD  figured* 

[A  specimen  of  a  Stanza  of  the  Register  as  originally  given  by  Brice, 
will  help  the  reader  to  understand  the  unnecessarily  complicated  form  in 
which  he  put  it ;  and  also  the  following  Instructions,  which  were  omitted  in 
subsequent  impressions. 

Three  stanzas  occupy  each  page  of  the  original  edition.  They  are 
printed  like  this. 


63 

28 
28 

1558. 

March. 

c 

When  that  John  Dewneshe  and  Hugh  Foxe, 
In  Smithfield,  cruel  death  sustained, 
As  fixed  foes  to  Romish  rocks ; 
And  CuTHBERT  Symson  also  slain. 
When  these  did  worthily  receive  their  death, 

We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

7 

A  comparison  of  this  Stanza,  with  its  fellow  at  page  283,  will  show  our 
naethod  of  reproducing  this  text.] 


!66     The    declaration   of   the    [fpHnJof^'ss^ 

jN  PRIMUS,  the  figures,  which  are  always  four  in 
number,  are  placed  in  the  middle  of  the  two 
strykes  [strokes,  or  rules],  which  go  between  the 
verses,  within  two  short  strikes  ;  signify  the  year 
wherein  those  persons  were  slain  under  them 
contained. 

And  where  you  see  a  little  cross,  >J<,  on  the  outside  of  the 
outmost  line,  it  signifieth  the  changing  of  the  year  [i.e.,  on 
the  2^th  March],  as  from  1554  to  1555  ;  and  in  such  manner. 

The  letters  which  stand  in  the  little  square  place,  on  the 
right  side  of  the  book,  signified  the  month  wherein  they  died  ; 
and  for  the  plainer  understanding  thereof  I  have  used  twelve 
letters,  for  the  twelve  months  :  that  is.  A,  for  January  ;  B,  for 
February  ;  C,  for  March  ;  D,  for  April ;  E,  for  May;  F,  for 
June  ;  G,  for  July;  H,  for  August ;  I,  for  September;  K,  for 
October;  L,  for  November ;  M,  for  December. 

But  where  one  letter  standeth  in  the  little  square  place ; 
and  another  is  placed  under  it  between  the  two  lines  before 
the  verse  be  ended  ;  it  signified  the  changing  of  the  month : 
so  that  the  person  or  persons,  where  against  the  letter  so 
changed  doth  stand,  was  put  to  death  in  that  month  which 
that  letter  doth  signify. 

And  whereas,  in  the  third  Verse  [or  Stanza, p.  270],  and  no- 
where else,  there  standeth  figures  on  the  right  side,  between 
the  two  lines ;  that  giveth  to  understand  that  Hunter, 
HiGBYE,  Picket,  and  Knight,  which  are  placed  in  one  line, 
were  burnt  at  three  sundry  days. 

The  figures  which  standeth  in  the  little  square  place,  on 
the  left  side  of  the  book,  is  but  the  sum  of  the  Verses.  But 
those  which  stand  between  the  two  lines  on  the  left  side  of 
the  book,  signified  the  day  of  the  month,  wherein  that 
person  or  persons  died,  where  against  those  figures  stand. 

The  figures,  which  stand  without  both  the  lines,  on  the  top 
of  the  right  side,  signifieth  the  folio  or  number  of  the  sides  ; 
but  the  figures  which  stand  underneath  the  nether  strike, 
between  the  two  lines,  is  the  number  of  persons  murdered  on 
that  side  [i.e.,  of  the  page]. 

This  is  done,  gentle  Reader  !  that  thou  shouldest  under- 
stand the  year,  month,  and  day  wherein  every  person  died  ; 
according  to  the  knowledge  that  I  have  learned. 

Also,  in  some  places,  where  you  shall  see  a  name  or  names 


sJrinJof^iS'.]         LETTERS      AND      FIGURES.        267 

stand  without  figures ;  that  signifieth  the  certain  day  to  be 
unknown.  Some,  therefore,  perchance,  will  judge  much 
rashness  in  me  to  write  with  ignorance;  to  whom,  with 
reverence,  I  answer,  that  as  I  received  the  names  registered 
and  gathered  by  a  good  gentleman  :  even  so,  at  a  friend's 
desire,  I  have  put  them  in  metre,  in  this  little  book,  thinking 
that,  by  pleasantness  of  reading,  and  easiness  [cheapness]  of 
price,  they  might  be  the  more  largely  blown  and  known. 

For  my  desire  is  that  all  men  should  participate  [in]  this 
my  travail  :  and  were  the  author  and  inditing  half  so 
worthy  as  the  matter  ;  then  would  I  most  earnestly  wish  and 
desire  that  it  might  be  conveyed  and  delivered  to  the  Queen's 
Majesty's  own  hands.  Wherein  Her  Grace  might  see,  what 
unmerciful  Ministers  had  charge  over  the  poor  sheep  ;  who, 
wolfishly,  at  their  wills,  devoured  the  same  :  and,  also,  what 
ruin  and  decay  of  Her  Grace's  subjects  (that  might  have 
been),  they  have  brought  to  pass.  Therein  might  Her  Grace 
see,  as  in  a  glass,  how  that  bloodthirsty  generation,  neither 
spared  hore  [hoary]  headed  and  ancient  age,  which  all  men 
ought  to  honour ;  neither  youth,  nor  middle  age ;  neither 
wife,  nor  widow ;  young  man,  nor  tender  virgin.  But  like 
the  unnatural  eggs  of  Astyages  that  tyrant,  destroy,  and 
spill  the  blood  of  all :  besides  stocking  [putting  in  the  stocks], 
racking  [putting  on  the  rack],  and  whipping  of  the  younger 
sort ;  whom  shame  would  not  suffer  to  kill,  as  some  are  well 
enough  known,  and  I  am  not  altogether  ignorant  [of]. 

Should  such  tyrannical  tragedies  be  kept  one  hour,  from 
the  hands  of  so  noble  and  virtuous  a  Governess  ?  whose 
princely  and  natural  heart,  I  doubt  not,  should  have  occasion 
thereby  to  be,  in  both  kinds,  both  heavy  and  joyful :  heavy, 
for  the  innocent  blood  spilt ;  but  joyful  for  the  praises  of  her 
GOD,  and  that  our  GOD  shall  be  honoured  thereby,  while 
the  world  doth  endure.  I  doubt  whether  [doubt  not  but]  Her 
Grace,  inwardly  wrapt  up  with  PAULand  John  in  divine  science, 
will  brast  [burst]  out  and  say,  "  O  happy  Latimer  !  Cran- 
MER  !  Hooper  !  Rogers  !  Farrer  !  Taylor  !  Saunders  ! 
Philpot  !  Cardmaker  !  Bradford!  &c.  ;  you  members  of 
Christ  !  you  faithful  Fathers  and  preaching  Pastors !  you, 
that  have  not  defiled  yourselves  with  abomination,  but  have 
washed  your  garments  white  in  the  blood  of  the  Lamb  !  you, 
that  in  fiery  torments,  with  Stephen,  have  called  upon  the 


268     The   DECLARATION,    &c.     [|p=;^„g^;f^;^^5': 

name  of  your  Redeemer,  and  so  finished  you  lives  !  you  that 
are  now  clothed  in  white  garments  of  innocency,  with  crowns 
of  consolation,  and  palms  of  victory  in  your  hands,  follow- 
ing the  Lamb  withersoever  He  goeth  !  "  Or  else,  in  anguish 
of  soul,  sighingly  to  say,  "  O  thou  tyrannous  and  unmer- 
ciful world  !  thou  monstrous  and  unnatural  generation  !  what 
devil  inflamed  thy  mind  such  malicious  mischief?  to  tor- 
ment and  shed  the  blood  of  such  innocent  livers,  perfect 
preachers  and  worthy  counsellors,  learned  ministers,  diligent 
divines,  perfect  personages,  and  faithful  shepherds.  They 
were  constant  Confessors  before,  but  thou  (with  the  Roman 
Emperor)  thoughtest  to  prevent  the  determination  of  GOD, 
in  making  them  Martyrs,  to  be  the  sooner  with  their  Christ, 
whom  they  so  much  talked  of.  0  cruel  Neros!  that  could 
kill,  through  malice,  such  worthy  men,  as  have  often  preached 
to  our  dear  father  [Henry  VIII.]  and  brother  [Edward  VL] 
the  everlasting  gospel  of  GOD.  Could  neither  honourable 
age,  innocent  single  life,  chaste  matrimony,  inviolate  virginity, 
nor  yet  pity  move  you  to  cease  shedding  of  blood  !  Alas,  too 
much  unnaturalness !  " 

Whether  the  sight  of  this  simple  book,  I  say,  should  bring 
to  her  Grace's  natural  heart,  the  passions  of  heaviness  or  joy, 
I  doubt :  but  I  think  rather  both. 

Therefore,  would  to  God !  it  were  worthy  to  enter  into  the 
hands  of  so  noble  and  natural  a  Princess  and  Queen  ;  whom 
the  LORD,  of  His  eternal  and  foreseeing  determination,  hath 
now  placed  in  this  royal  dignity :  to  the  redress  of  such  un- 
natural and  bloody  facts,  as  in  this  book  are  contained. 

But  forasmuch  as  some  imperfection  is,  and  may  easily  be 
in  this  Gathering;  I  commend  it  to  thy  goodness,  gentle 
Reader!  beseeching  thee,  not  to  be  precise  in  perusing  the 
day ;  for  it  may,  that,  either  through  my  negligence,  or  [that 
of]  some  other  writing  [manuscript]  before  me,  we  may  miss 
so  narrow  a  mark. 

Such  as  it  is,  I  commend 

unto  thee  1  only,  judge 

well  I 


269 


The  Book  to  the  Reader. 

Eruse  with  patience,  I  thee  pray  ! 
My  simple  style,  and  metre  base. 
The  works  of  GOD,  with  wisdom  weigh  / 
The  force  of  Love,  the  strength  of  Grace. 

Love  caused  GOD,  His  grace  to  give^ 
To  such  as  should  for  Him  be  slain. 
Grace  wrought  in  them,  while  they  did  live, 
For  love,  to  love  their  Christ  again. 

Now  Grace  is  of  such  strength  and  mighty 
That  nothing  may  the  same  withstand. 
Grace  putteth  death  and  hell  to  flighty 
And  guides  us  to  the  Living  Land, 

The  force  of  Love  also  is  such, 
That  fear  and  pain  it  doth  expel ; 
Love  thinketh  nothing  over  much  ; 
Love  doth  all  earthly  things  excel. 

Thus  Love  and  Grace  of  GOD  began 
To  work  in  them,  to  do  His  will : 
These  virtues'  force  wrought  Love  in  man, 
That  fear  was  past,  their  blood  to  spill. 

FINIS. 


270 


Cbe  Eegister  of  tu  a^artpts. 


1555. 

February   \}nS3/ff'WBS^^Ss^\  Hen   raging   reign   of  tyrants 

stout, 
Causeless,  did  cruelly  conspire 
To  rend  and  root  the  Simple 

out, 
With  furious  force  of  sword  and 
fire ; 

When  man  and  wife  were  put  to  death  : 
We  wished  for  our  Queen  Elizabeth. 

February     4      When  Rogers  ruefully  was  brent ; 

8  When  Saunders  did  the  like  sustain ; 

When  faithful  Farrar  forth  was  sent 

His  life  to  lose,  with  grievous  pain  ; 

22  When  constant  Hooper  died  the  death  : 

We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

February      9      When  Rowland  Taylor,  that  Divine, 
At  Hadley,  left  this  loathsome  light ; 
24  When  simple  Lawrence,  they  did  pine, 

22  With  Hunter,  Higby,  Pigot,  and  Knight  ; 

23  When  Causun,  constantly,  died  the  death: 

We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 


Rev.  T.  Brice. 
Spring  of  1559 


]    The    Register  [of  the    Martyrs].     271 


1555. 

March  5      When  Tomkins,  tyranny  did  abide, 

Having  his  hand,  with  torchlight  brent ; 
7  When  Lawrence,  White,  and  Diggell  died, 

With  earnest  zeal  and  good  intent ; 
14  When  William  Flower  was  put  to  death  : 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

April  2      When  Awcocke,  in  Newgate  prisoner, 

His  latter  end,  with  joy,  did  make; 
II  When  John  Warren  and  Cardmaker, 

Kissed  each  other  at  the  stake  ; 
24  When  March,  the  Minister,  was  put  to  death : 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 


June 


When  William  Cowley,  for  offence, 
Was  forthwith  hanged  at  Charing  Cross ; 
Buried;  then  burned,  of  fond  pretence; 
Thus  carion  carcass  they  did  toss : 
When  such  insipients  put  men  to  death. 

We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 


June  10      When  worthy  Wattes,  with  constant  cry. 

Continued  in  the  flaming  fire; 
II  When  SiMSON,  Hawkes,  and  John  Ardlie 

Did  taste  the  tyrant's  raging  ire ; 
II  When  Chamberlaine  was  put  to  death: 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 


June  13      When  blessed  Butter  and  Osmande, 

With  force  of  fire,  to  death  were  brent ; 
12  When  SHiTTERDUN,sir  Franke,  and  Blande, 
12  And  Humfrey  Middleton  of  Kent ; 
I  When  Minge,  in  Maidstone,  took  his  death : 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 


272     The    Register  [of   the    Martyrs],     [sprinjif^iss,: 

1555. 

July  When  Bradford,  beautified  with  bliss, 

I  With  young  John  Least,  in  Smithfield,  died; 
When  they,  like  brethren,  both  did  kiss, 
And  in  the  fire  were  truly  tried ; 
When  tears  were  shed  for  Bradford's  death  : 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

July  12      When  DirickHarman  lost  his  life  ; 

12  When  Launder,  in  their  fume,  they  fried  ; 
12  When  they  sent  Everson  from  strife. 
With  moody  minds,  and  puffed  pride  ; 
12  When  Wade,  at  Dartford,  died  the  death  : 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

July  21       When  Richard  Hooke, limbless  and  lame, 

At  Chichester,  did  bear  the  cross  ; 

22  When  humble  Hall,  for  Christcs  name, 
Ensued  the  same,  with  worldly  loss ; 

23  When  Joan  Polley  was  burnt  to  death  : 

We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

July  23      When  William  Ailewarde,  at  Reading, 

In  prison  died  of  sickness  sore  ; 
23  When  Abbes,  which  feigned  a  recanting 

Did  wofully  weep,  and  deplore ; 
23  When  he,  at  Bury,  was  done  to  death  : 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

August        23       When  Denly  died,  at  Uxbridge  town, 
With  constant  care  to  Christcs  cause ; 
23  When  Warren's  widow  yielded  down 
Her  flesh  and  blood,  for  holy  laws; 
When  she,  at  Stratford,  died  the  death  : 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 


sprinJof^i559-]    Th^   Register  [of   the   Martyrs].     273 

1555. 

August        23      When  Laurence,  Collier,  Coker,  and 
Stere, 
At  Canterbury,  were  causeless  slain,        [fire, 

23  With  Hopper   and   Wrighte;    Six  in  one 
Converted  flesh  to  earth  again  ; 

24  When  Roger  Corriar  was  done  to  death  : 

We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

August        26      When  Tankerfielde,  at  St.  Albans, 
26  And  William  Bamford,  spent  his  blood ; 
When  harmful  hearts,  as  hard  as  stones, 
30  Burnt  Robert  Smith  and  Stephen  Har- 

wo[o]d  ; 
29  When  Patrick  Pattingham  died  the  death  : 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 


August        31      When  John  Newman,  and  Thomas  Fusse, 
At  Ware,  and  Walden,  made  their  end  ; 

30  When  William  Hailes,  for  Christ  Jesus, 
With  breath  and  blood  did  still  contend  ; 

31  When  he,  at  Barnet,  was  put  to  death  : 

We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

August        31       When  Samuell  did  firmly  fight, 
Till  flesh  and  blood,  to  ashes  went ; 
3  When  constant  Cob,  with  faith  upright, 
At  Thetford,  cruelly  was  brent : 
When  these  with  joy  did  take  their  death  ; 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

September    2      When  William  Allen,  at  Walsingham, 
For  truth  was  tried  in  fiery  flame  ; 
3  When  Roger  Cooe,  that  good  old  man  ! 
Did  lose  his  life,  for  Christcs  name ; 
When  these,  with  others,  were  put  to  death : 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

6  ' 


274     The   Register  [of  the   Martyrs].     [spdi^Jof^/ss^. 

1555. 

September   6      When  Bradbridge,  Streter,  and  Bur- 

warde, 
6  Tuttie,  and  George  Painter  of  Hyde, 
Unto  their  duty,  had  good  regard  ; 
Wherefore  in  one  fire,  they  were  fried  : 
When  these,  at  Canterbury,  took  their  death ; 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

September  When  John  Lesse,  prisoner  in  Newgate, 

10  By  sickness  turned  to  earth  and  clay ; 
When  wicked  men,  with  ire  and  hate, 
13  Burnt  Thomas  Heywarde,  and  Goreway  ; 
13  When  Tingle,  in  Newgate,  took  his  death  : 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

September  14       When    Richard    Smith     in     Lollards' 
Tower  ; 

15  Androwes  and  Kyng,  by  sickness,  died ; 
In  fair  fields  they  had  their  bower, 
Where  earth  and  clay  doth  still  abide : 
When  they,  in  this  wise,  did  die  the  death  : 

We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

September  19      When  Glover,  and  Cornelius 
Were  fiercely  brent  at  Coventry  ; 
4  When  Wolsey  and  Pigot,  for  Christ  Jesus 

At  Ely,  felt  like  cruelty. 
19  When    the   poor  bewept    Master  Glover's 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth.         [death, 

October  When  learned  Ridley,  and  Latimer, 

16  Without  regard,  were  swiftly  slain  ; 
When  furious  foes  could  not  confer 
But  with  revenge  and  mortal  pain. 

When  these  two  Fathers  were  put  to  death  : 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 


Rev.  T.  Brice 
Spring  of  1559 


:]     The   Register  [of   the   Martyrs].     275 

1555. 

October      13       When  worthy  Web,  and  George  Roper, 
In  Elias'  car  to  heaven  were  sent ; 
13  Also  when  Gregory  Painter, 

The  same  straight  path  and  voyage  went  ; 
When  they,  at  Canterbury,  took  their  death  ; 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 


December     7      When  godly  Gore  in  prison  died, 

14  And  Wiseman  in  the  Lollards'  Tower  : 
18  When  Master  Philpot,  truly  tried. 
Ended  his  life  with  peace  and  power ; 
When  he  kissed  the  chain,  at  his  death, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 


1556. 

January      27      When  Thomas  Whitwell,  and  Bartlet 
Greene, 
27  Annis    Foster,    Joan     Lasheforde,    and 

Broune, 
27  TuTsuN,   and  Winter;  these   Seven  were 
seen. 
In  Smithfield,  beat  their  enemies  down ; 
Even  Flesh  and  Devil,  World  and  Death  : 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 


January      31      When  John  Lowmas  and  Ann  Albright, 
31  Joan    Soale,  Joan    Painter,   and    Annis 
Snod, 
In  fire,  with  flesh  and  blood  did  fight ; 
When  tongues  of  tyrants  laid  on  lode ; 
When  these,  at  once,  were  put  to  death, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 


276     The   Register  [of   the    Martyrs],     [sprinj^f^/ 


Brice. 


1556. 

February  When  two  women  in  Ipswich  town, 

r9  Joyfully  did  the  fire  embrace  ; 

When  they  sang  out  with  cheerful  sound, 
Their  fixed  foes  for  to  deface  ; 
When  Norwich  no-body  put  them  to  death, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

March  12       When  constant  Cranmer  lost  his  life 

And  held  his  hand  into  the  fire  ; 
When  streams  of  tears  for  him  were  rife, 
And  yet  did  miss  their  just  desire  : 
When  Popish  power  put  him  to  death, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 


March 


April 


April 


t*  Bonner.] 


24 


When  Spencer  and  two  brethren  more. 
Were  put  to  death  at  Salisbury ; 
Ashes  to  earth  did  right  restore, 
They  being  then  joyful  and  merry : 
When   these,  with  violence,  were  burnt  to 

We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth.        [death. 

When  HuLLiARDE,  a  Pastor  pure. 
At  Cambridge,  did  this  life  despise  ; 
When  Hartpooles  death,  they  did  procure 
To  make  his  flesh  a  sacrifice  ; 
When  Joan   Beche,  widow,   was   done  to 

We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth.       [death  : 


10 


When  William  Timmes,  Ambrose,   and 
Drake, 
ID  Spurge,  Spurge,  and  Cavell  duly  died, 
Confessing  that,  for  Christcs  sake. 
They  were  content  thus  to  be  tried  : 
10  When  *  London  little-grace  put  them  to 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth.         [death, 


spHng^of^iSJ     The   Register  [of   the    Martyrs].     277 

1556. 

April  38      When  lowly  Lister,  Nicoll,  and  Mase, 

28  John  Hammon,  Spencer,  and  Yren  also, 
At  Colchester,  in  the  Postern  Place, 
Joyfully  to  their  death  did  go ; 

5  When  two,  at  Gloucester,  were  put  to  death  : 

We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

May  When  Margaret  Eliot,  being  a  maid, 

13  After  condemning,  in  prison  died ; 
15  When  lame  Lavarocke,  the  fire  assayed, 

15  And  blind  apRice  with  him  was  tried  : 
When    these   two    impotents   were   put    to 

death, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

May  16      When    Katherine   Hut  did  spend  her 

blood 

16  With  two  maids,  Elizabeth  and  Joan  ; 
When  they  embraced  both  reed  and  wood, 
Trusting  in  Christ  His  death  alone  : 
When  men  unnatural  drew  these  to  death, 

We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

May  21       When  two  men  and  a  sister  dear, 

At  Beccles  were  consumed  to  dust ; 
31  When  William  Sleche,  constant  and  clear, 
In  prison  died,  with  hope  and  trust ; 
When  these,  our  brethren,  were  put  to  death, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

June  6      When  John  Oswold,  and  Thomas  Reede, 

6  Harland,  Milwright,  and  Evington  ; 
With  blazing  brands  their  blood  did  bleed 
As  their  brethren  before  had  done. 
When  tyranny  drave  these  to  death, 

We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 


278     The    Register  [of   the    Martyrs].     [spHnJk^iS: 

1556. 

June  20      When   Whod  the  Pastor,  with  Thomas 

At  Lewes,  lost  this  mortal  gain  ;       [Milles 
Compassed  with  spears,  and  bloody  bills, 
Unto  the  stake  for  to  be  slain  : 
23  When  William  Adheral  did  die  the  death, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

June  27      When  Ja[c]kson,  Holywel,  and  Wye, 

27  Bowier,  Lawrence,  and  Addlington  ; 
27  When  Roth,  Searles,  Lion,  and  Hurst 

did  die ; 
27  With  whom,  two  women  to  death  were  done ; 
When  DoRiFALL,  with  them,  was  put  to  death, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

June  27      When  Thomas  Parret,  prisoner, 

30  And    Martin    Hunte   died    in   the    King's 
Bench ; 
When  the  young  man  at  Leicester, 
And  Clement  died,  with  filthy  stench  ; 
25  When  Careless,  so  took  his  death  : 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

July  16      When  Askue,  Palmer,  and  John  Gwin 

Were  brent  with  force,  at  Newbury  ; 
Lamenting  only  for  their  sins, 
And  in  the  LORD  were  full  merry : 
When  tyrants  merciless,  put  these  to  death. 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

July  18      When  John  Forman,  and  mother  Tree, 

[♦  Grinstead.-\       At  *  Grcnstcde,  cruelly  were  slain  ; 

18  When  Thomas  Dungate,  to  make  up  three, 
With  them  did  pass  from  woe  and  pain  : 
When  these,  with  others,  were  put  to  death; 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 


Rev.  T.  Brice 
Sprin?  of  1559. 


;]     The   Register   [of  the  Martyrs].     279 


1556. 

August        20     When  the  weaver  at  Bristow  died, 
And,  at  Derby,  a  wedded  wife  ; 
When  these  with  fiery  flames  were  fried, 
For  CHRisTes  cause,  losing  their  life  ; 
When  many  others  were  put  to  death, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

September  24      When  Ravensdale  and  two  brethren  more, 
To  earthly  ashes  were  consumed  ; 
25  A  godly  glover  would  not  adore 

Their  filthy  idol ;  whereat  they  fumed  ; 
When  he,  at  Bristol,  was  put  to  death, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

September  26       When  John  Horne,  with  a  woman  wise, 
At  Newton,  under  hedge  were  killed, 
Stretching  their  hands  with  lifted  eyes, 
And  so  their  years,  in  earth  fulfilled ; 
When  these,  with  violence,  were  put  to  death, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

September  When   Dunston,  Clarke,  and   Potkin's 

wife, 
William  Foster,  and  Archer  also, 
In  Canterbury,  did  lose  their  life 
By  famishment  ;    as  the  talk  do  go. 
When  these,  alas,  thus  took  their  death. 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 


October  When  three,  within  one  castle  died. 

And  in  the  fields  were  layed  to  rest. 
When  at  Northampton,  a  man  was  tried 
Whether  GOD  or  Mammon  he  loved  best. 
When  these,  by  tyranny,  were  put  to  death, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 


2  8o     The   Register  [of   the    Martyrs].     [fp.^Jof^i'Js,: 

1557. 

January        2      When  Thomas  Finall  and  his  man, 
2  Foster  and  three  good  members  more, 
Were  purged  with  their  fiery  fan 
At  Canterbury,  with  torments  sore. 
When  they  with  cheerfulness  took  theirdeath, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

January  When  two  at  Ashford,  with  cruelty. 

For  Christcs  cause,  to  death  were  brent ; 
2  When,  not  long  after,  two,  at  Wye, 
Suffered  for  Christ  His  Testament : 
When  wily  wolves  put  these  to  death, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 


April 


When  Stanly's  wife,  and  Annis  Hyde, 
Sturtle,  Ramsey,  and  John  Lothesby 
Were  content,  torments  to  abide. 
And  took  the  same  right  patiently ; 
When   these,   in    Smithfield,  were    done   to 

We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth.        [death. 


May  2      When    William    Morant  and    Sthven 

Gratwick 
Refused,  with  falsehood  to  be  beguiled. 
And  for  the  same,  were  burned  quick, 
With  fury,  in  Saint  George's  Field  ; 
When  these,  with  others  were  put  to  death, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

June  16      When  Joan  Bradbridge,  and  a  blind  maid, 

16  Appelby,  Allen,  and  both  their  wives  ; 
16  When  Manning's  wife  was  not  afraid, 
But  all  these  Seven  did  lose  their  lives. 
When  these,  at  Maidstone,  were  put  to  death, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 


sprYnVisssG     ^^^   Register  [of   the   Martyrs].     281 

1557. 

June  19      When     John     Fiscoke,     Perdue,     and 

White  ; 
19  Barbara,  widow ;  and  Benden's  wife  ; 
ig  With  these,  Wilson's  wife  did  firmly  fight, 
And  for  their  faith,  all  lost  their  life  ; 
When  these,  at  Canterbury,  died  the  death, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

June  22      When  William  Mainarde,  his  maid  and 

22  Margery  Mories,  and  her  son  ;  [man  ; 

22  Denis,  BuRGES,  Stevens,  and  Wo[o]dman; 

22  Glove's  wife,  and  Ashdon's,  to  death  were 

done ;  [death. 

When  one  fire,  at  Lewes,  brought  to  them 

We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

July  When  Ambrose  died  in  Maidstone  Gaol, 

And  so  set  free  from  tyrant's  hands ; 
2  When  Simon  Milner  they  did  assail, 
2  Having  him,  and  a  woman  in  bands ; 

When  these,  at  Norwich,  were  done  to  death, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

July  2      When  ten,  at  Colchester,  in  one  day, 

Were  fried  with  fire,  of  tyrants  stout ; 
Not  once  permitted  truth  to  say. 
But  were  compassed  with  bills  about : 
When  these,  with  others,  were  put  to  death, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

July  2      When    George    Egles,    at    Chelmsford 

Was  hanged,  drawn,  and  quartered  ;     [town, 
His  quarters  carried  up  and  down. 
And  on  a  pole  they  set  his  head. 
When  wrested  law  put  him  to  death, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 


282     The   Register  [of   the    Martyrs],     [sp,-, 


T.  Brice. 
ngof  1559. 


1557. 

July  5      When  Thurston's  wife,  at  Chichester, 

5  And  Bourner's  wife,  with  her  also ; 
20  When  two  women  at  Rochester, 
20  With  father  Frier  were  sent  from  woe : 
23  When  one,  at  Norwich,  did  die  the  death, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

August         10      When  Joyce  Bowes,  at  Lichfield  died, 
Continuing  constant  in  the  fire ; 
When  fixed  faith  was  truly  tried, 
Having  her  just  and  long  desire. 
When  she,  with  others  were  put  to  death, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

August        17      When     Richard     Rooth     and     Ralph 
Glaiton, 
17  With  James  Auscoo  and  his  wife 
Were  brent  with  force  at  Islington, 
Ending  this  short  and  sinful  life ; 
When  they  with  cheerfulness,  did  take  their 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth.       [death  ; 

October      18      When  Sparrow,  Gibson,  and  Holling- 

DAY, 

In  Smithfield,  did  the  stake  embrace  ; 
When  fire  converted  flesh  to  clay, 
They  being  joyful  of  such  grace : 
When  lawless  liberty  put  them  to  death, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

December  22       When  John  Roughe,  a  Minister  meek, 

22  And  Margaret  Mering,  with  courage  died: 
Because  Christ  only  they  did  seek, 
With  fire  of  force,  they  must  be  fried ; 
When  these,  in  Smithfield,  were  put  to  death, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 


Rev.  T.  Brice.l 
Spring  of  IS59-J 


The    Register  [of  the    Martyrs].     283 


1558. 

March         28      When  that  John  Dewneshe  and  Hugh 
FoxE, 
In  Smithfield,  cruel  death  sustained, 
As  fixed  foes  to  Romish  rocks  ; 
28  And  CuTHBERT  Symson  also  slain. 

When  these  did  worthily  receive  their  death, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

March  When  Dale  deceased  in  Bury  gaol, 

According  to  GOD's  ordinance  ; 
When  widow  Thurston  they  did  assail ; 
And  brought  Ann  Bonger  to  Death's  Dance ; 
When   these,  at    Colchester,  were   done  to 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth.        [death, 

April  9      When  William  Nicoll,  in  Ha[ve]rfor[d]- 

Was  tried  with  their  fiery  fire :  [west, 

20  When  Symon  fought  against  the  best, 
20  With  Glover,  and  Thomas  Carman  ; 

When  these,  at  Norwich,  did  die  the  death, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 


May  26      When  William   Harris,   and  Richard 

Day  ;  [brent : 

26  And    Christian   George  with    them  was 
Holding  their  enemies  at  a  bay 

Till  life  was  lost,  and  breath  all  spent  ; 
When   these,    at   Colchester,    were    put   to 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth.        [death, 

June  27      When  Southan,  Launder,  and  Ricarbie; 

27  HoLLYDAY,  Hollande,  Ponde,  and  Flood, 
With  cheerful  look  and  constant  cry, 

27  For  ChrisTcs  cause,  did  spend  their  blood  : 
When  these  in  Smithfield  were  put  to  death* 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 


284     The    Register  [of   the    Martyrs],     [sprinjof^i 


Brice. 
559- 


1558. 

June  When  Thomas  Tyler  passed  this  place  • 

And  Matthew  Withers  also  died. 
Though  suit  were  much,  yet  little  grace 
Among  the  Rulers  could  be  spied  : 
In  prison,  patiently,  they  took  their  death, 
We  wishing  for  Elizabeth. 

July  id      When  Richard  Yeman,  Minister, 

At  Norwich,  did  his  life  forsake ; 
19  When  Master  Benbrike,  at  Winchester, 
A  lively  sacrifice  did  make. 
When  these,  with  others,  were  put  to  death, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

July  14      When  William   Peckes,   Cotton,   and 

Wreight, 
The  Popish  power  did  sore  invade ; 
To  Burning  School,  they  were  sent  straight, 
14  And  with  them  went,  constant  John  Slade  : 
When  these,  at  Brainford,  were  put  to  death, 
We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 

November     4      When  Alexander  Geche  was  brent, 

4  And  with  him  Elizabeth  Launson  ; 
When  they  with  joy,  did  both  consent 
To  do  as  their  brethren  had  done ; 

When  these,  at  Ipswich,  were  put  to  death, 
We  wished  for  Elizabeth. 

November     5      When  John  Davy,  and  eke  his  brother, 

5  With  Philip  Humfrey  kissed  the  cross  ; 
When  they  did  comfort  one  another 
Against  all  fear,  and  worldy  loss ; 
When  these,  at  Bury,  were  put  to  death, 

We  wished  for  our  Elizabeth. 


sprbJof^isM-]     '^^^   Register  [of   the   Martyrs].     285 

November.  When,  last  of  all  (to  take  their  leave  !), 

[11]  At  Canterbury,  they  did  some  consume, 
Who  constantly  to  Christ  did  cleave ; 
Therefore  were  fried  with  fiery  fume  : 
But,  six  days  after  these  were  put  to  death, 
GOD  sent  us  our  Elizabeth  ! 

Our  wished  wealth  hath  brought  us  peace. 
Our  joy  is  full ;  our  hope  obtained  ; 
The  blazing  brands  of  fire  do  cease, 
The  slaying  sword  also  restrained. 
The  simple  sheep,  preserved  from  death 

By  our  good  Queen,  Elizabeth. 

As  Hope  hath  here  obtained  her  prey, 
By  GOD'S  good  will  and  Providence ; 
So  Trust  doth  truly  look  for  stay. 
Through  His  heavenly  influence, 
That  great  Goliath  shall  be  put  to  death 

By  our  good  Queen,  Elizabeth. 

That  GOD'S  true  Word  shall  placed  be. 
The  hungry  souls,  for  to  sustain  ; 
That  Perfect  Love  and  Unity 
Shall  be  set  in  their  seat  again  : 
That  no  more  good  men  shall  be  put  to  death ; 

Seeing  GOD  hath  sent  Elizabeth. 

Pray  we,  therefore,  both  night  and  day. 
For  Her  Highness,  as  we  be  bound. 
O  LORD,  preserve  this  Branch  of  Bay  ! 
(And  all  her  foes,  with  force  confound) 
Here,  long  to  live  !  and,  after  death, 

Receive  our  Queen,  Elizabeth  ! 
Amen. 

Apoc.  6.      How  long  tarriest  thou,  0  LORD,  holy  and  true  ! 
to  judge,  and  avenge  our  blood  on  them  that  dwell  on  the  earth, 

FINIS. 


286 

The  wishes  of  the  Wise, 
Which  long  to  he  at  vest ; 
To  GOD,  with  lifted  eyes, 
They  call  to  be  redressed. 


Hen  shall  this  time  of  travail  cease 
Which  we,  with  woe  sustain  ? 
When  shall  the  days  of  rest  and  peace, 
Return  to  us  again  ? 

When  shall  the  mind  be  moved  right 
To  leave  this  lusting  life? 
When  shall  our  motions  and  delight 
Be  free  from  wrath  and  strife  ? 


When  shall  the  time  of  woful  tears 

Be  moved  unto  mirth  ? 
When  shall  the  aged,  with  grey  hairs, 

Rejoice  at  children's  birth  ? 

When  shall  Jerusalem  rejoice 
In  Him,  that  is  their  King? 

And  Sion's  hill,  with  cheerful  voice, 
Sing  psalms  with  triumphing  ? 

When  shall  the  walls  erected  be, 
That  foes,  with  fury,  'fray  ? 

When  shall  that  perfect  Olive  Tree, 
Give  odour  like  the  Bay  ? 


When  shall  the  Vineyard  be  restored, 
That  beastly  boars  devour  ? 

When  shall  the  people,  late  abhoried, 
Receive  a  quiet  hour  ? 


sp"ngVif59.]    ThewishesoftheWise.  287 

When  shall  the  SPIRIT  more  fervent  be, 

In  us  that  want  good  will  ? 
When  shall  Thy  mercies  set  us  free 

From  wickedness  and  ill  ? 

When  shall  the  serpents,  that  surmise 

To  poison  Thine  Elect, 
Be  bound  to  better  exercise, 

Or  utterly  reject  ? 

When  shall  the  blood  revenged  be, 

Which  on  the  earth  is  shed  ? 
When  shall  sin  and  iniquity 

Be  cast  into  the  bed  ? 

When  shall  that  Man  of  Sin  appear 

To  be,  even  as  he  is  ? 
When  shall  thy  babes  and  children  dear 

Receive  eternal  bliss  ? 

When  shall  that  painted  Whore  of  Rome 

Be  cast  unto  the  ground  ? 
When  shall  her  children  have  their  doom. 

Which  virtue  would  confound  ? 

When  shall  Thy  Spouse,  and  Turtle  Dove 

Be  free  from  bitter  blast  ? 
When  shall  Thy  grace,  our  sins  remove. 

With  pardon  at  the  last  ? 

When  shall  this  life  translated  be. 

From  fortune's  fickle  fall  ? 
When  shall  True  Faith  and  Equity 

Remain  in  general  ? 

When  shall  Contention  and  Debate, 

For  ever  slack  and  cease  ? 
When  shall  the  days  of  evil  date. 

Be  turned  unto  peace  ? 


288  The   wishes   of   the  Wise.  [fp'^^ngViss,: 

When  shall  True  Dealing  rule  the  rost 

With  those  that  buy  and  sell ; 
And  Single  Mind,  in  every  coast, 

Among  us  bide  and  dwell  ? 

When  shall  our  minds  wholly  convert 
From  wealth,  and  worldly  gain  ? 

When  shall  the  movings  of  our  heart 
From  wickedness  refrain  ? 

When  shall  this  flesh  return  to  dust. 
From  whence  the  same  did  spring? 

When  shall  the  trial  of  our  trust 
Appearing  with  triumphing  ? 

When  shall  the  Trump  blow  out  his  blast, 

And  thy  dear  babes  revive  ? 
When  shall  the  Whore  be  headlong  cast, 

That  sought  us  to  deprive  ? 

When  shall  Thy  Christ,  our  King,  appear 

With  power  and  renown  ? 
When  shall  Thy  saints,  that  suffer  here, 

Receive  their  promised  crown  ? 

When  shall  the  faithful,  firmly  stand  ? 

Before  Thy  face  to  dwell ; 
When  shall  Thy  foes,  at  Thy  left  hand, 

Be  cast  into  the  hell  ? 

Apoca.  22. 
Come,  LORD    J  ESU  I 

T.  B. 

C  Jntprinten  at  Lontion,  tjp  31of)n  i^ing0ton  for 
iRicbarti  ^rjam0. 


289 


The  winning  of  Calais  by  the  French^ 

January  1558  a.d. 

Ge7ieral  Narrative  of  the  Recapture, 

By  George  Ferrers,  the  Poet. 

[Grafton's  Chronicle.     1569.] 


290    The    Battle   of   St.   Q  u  e  n  t  i  n.    [*^-j 


Ferrefs. 
1568. 


Or  if  ought  were  won  by  the  having  of  St.  Quentin, 
England  got  nothing  at  all ;  for  the  gain  thereof 
came  only  to  King  Philip:  but  the  loss  of  Calais, 
Hammes,  and  Guisnes,  with  all  the  country  on 
that  side  of  the  sea,  which  followed  soon  after, 
was  such  a  buffet  to  England  as  [had]  not  happened  in  more 
than  an  hundred  years  before ;  and  a  dishonour  wherewith 
this  realm  shall  be  blotted  until  GOD  shall  give  power  to 
redubbe  it  with  some  like  requital  to  the  French. 

At  this  time,  although  open  hostility  and  war  were  between 
England  and  France,  yet,  contrary  to  the  ancient  custom 
afore  used,  the  town  of  Calais  and  the  forts  thereabouts  were 
not  supplied  with  any  new  accrues  [reinforcements]  of  soldiers; 
which  negligence  was  not  unknown  to  the  enemy,  who,  long 
before,  had  practised  [plotted]  the  winning  of  the  said  town  and 
country.  The  French  King  therefore  (being  sharply  nettled 
with  the  late  loss  of  St.  Quentin  and  a  great  piece  of  his 
country  adjoining,  and  desirous  of  revenge)  thought  it  not 
meet  to  let  slip  this  occasion ;  and  having  presently  a  full 
army  in  a  readiness  to  employ  where  most  advantage  should 
appear,  determined  to  put  in  proof,  with  all  speed,  the  enter- 
prise of  Calais ;  which  long,  and  many  times  before,  was 
purposed  upon. 

This  practice  [design]  was  not  so  secret  but  that  the 
Deputies  of  Calais  and  Guisnes  had  some  intelligence 
thereof;  and  informed  the  Queen  [Mary]  and  her  Council 
accordingly  :  nevertheless,  either  by  wilful  negligence  there, 
or  lack  of  credit  by  the  Queen's  Council  here,  this  great  case 
was  so  slenderly  regarded  as  no  provision  of  defence  was 
made  until  it  was  somewhat  too  late. 

The  Duke  of  Guise  [known  as,  Le  Balafre],  being  General 
of  the  French  army,  proceeded  in  this  enterprise  with  mar- 
vellous policy.  For  approaching  the  English  frontier  [known 
in  our  history  as  the  English  Pale],  under  colour  to  victual 
Boulogne  and  Ardes  ;  he  entered  upon  the  same,  on  a  sudden 
[on  1st  January,  1558] ;  and  took  a  little  bulwark  [fortification] 
called  Sandgate,  by  assault.  He  then  divided  his  army  into 
two  parts,  sending  one  part  with  certain  great  pieces  of 
artillery  along  the  downs  [sandhills]  by  the  sea-side  towards 
Risbank  [or  Ruisbank,  a  detached  fort  in  Calais  harbour.  See 
this  Vol. p.  304] ;  and  the  other  part,  furnished  also  with  battery 


G 

? 


f^'isTsJ  Capture  of  NewNHAm  Bridge  &  Ruisbank.  291 


pieces,  marched  straight  forth  to  Newnham  [or  Newhaven] 
Bridge :  meaning  to  batter  the  two  forts,  both  at  one  time. 
Which  thing  he  did  with  such  celerity,  that  coming  thither  very 
late  in  the  evening,  he  was  master  of  both  by  the  next  morning. 

At  the  first  shot  discharged  at  Newnham  Bridge,  the  head 
of  the  Master  Gunner  of  that  piece  [fort],  whose  name  was 
HoRSELEY,  was  clean  stricken  off.  The  Captain  [Nicholas 
Alexander]  considering  the  great  power  of  the  French 
army;  and  having  his  fort  but  slenderly  manned  to  make 
sufficient  resistance,  fled  to  Calais.  And  by  the  time  he  was 
come  thither,  the  other  part  of  the  French  army  that  went 
by  the  seaside,  with  their  battery,  had  won  Risbank ;  being 
abandoned  [by  Captain  John  Harlestone]  to  their  hands. 

The  next  day  [2nd  of  January],  the  Frenchmen,  with  five 
double-cannons  and  three  culverins,  began  a  battery  from 
the  sandhills  next  Risbank,  against  the  town  of  Calais ;  and 
continued  the  same,  by  the  space  of  two  or  three  days,  until 
they  made  a  little  breach  in  the  wall  next  unto  the  Water 
Gate,  which,  nevertheless,  was  not  yet  assaultable  :  for  that 
which  was  broken  in  the  day,  was  by  them  within  the  town 
made  up  again  in  the  night,  stronger  than  afore.  But  the 
battery  was  not  begun  there  by  the  French  because  they  in- 
tended to  enter  in  that  place ;  but  rather  to  abuse  [deceive]  the 
English,  to  have  the  less  regard  to  the  defence  of  the  Castle  : 
which  was  the  weakest  part  of  the  town,  and  the  place  where 
they  were  we  ascertained,  by  their  espials,  to  win  an  easy  entry. 

So  that  while  our  people  travailed  fondly  to  defend  that 
counterfeit  breach  of  the  town  wall,  the  Duke  had  in  the 
mean  season,  planted  fifteen  double-cannons  against  the 
Castle.  Which  Castle  being  considered  by  the  Rulers  of 
the  town  to  be  of  no  such  force  as  might  resist  the  battery  of 
cannon,  by  reason  that  it  was  old,  and  without  any  rampires 
[ramparts]  ;  it  was  devised  to  make  a  train  with  certain 
iDarrels  of  powder  to  this  purpose,  that  when  the  Frenchmen 
should  enter,  as  they  well  knew,  that  there  they  would,  to 
have  fired  the  said  train,  and  blown  up  the  Keep :  and  for 
that  purpose  left  never  a  man  within  to  defend  it.  But  the 
Frenchmen,  at  their  entry,  espied  the  train,  and  so  avoided 
the  same.  So  that  the  device  came  to  no  purpose ;  and, 
without  any  resistance,  they  entered  the  Castle;  and  thought 
to  have  entered  the  town  by  that  way. 


292     Surrender  of  Calais  in  three  days.    ["^y^Tses: 

But  [on  the  6th  of  January]  by  the  prowess  and  hardy 
courage  of  Sir  AiiTUOi^Y  Ager[A  ucH£j?],Kmght[see fM's  Vol., 
pp.  l\Ssqq\  and  Marshal  of  the  Town,  with  his  soldiers,  they 
were  repulsed  and  driven  back  again  into  the  Castle :  and 
followed  so  hard  after,  that  our  men  forced  them  to  close 
and  shut  the  Castle  gate  for  their  surety,  lest  it  should  have 
been  recovered  against  them.  As  it  was  once  attempted 
[/>.  3i5]by  SirANTHONvAGER:  whothere,  with  his  son  andheir, 
and  a  Pursuivant  at  Arms  called  Calais,  and  divers  others,  to 
the  number  of  fifteen  or  sixteen  Englishmen,  lost  their  lives. 

The  same  night,  after  the  recule  [retYeat]  of  the  French- 
men, whose  number  so  increased  in  the  Castle,  that  the  town 
was  not  able  to  resist  their  force  ;  the  Lord  Wentworth, 
Deputy  of  Calais,  sent  a  Pursuivant  called  Guisnes,  unto 
the  Duke  of  Guise,  requiring  composition ;  which,  after  long 
debate,  was  agreed  to,  upon  this  sort. 

First.  That  the  town,  with  all  the  great  artillery, 
victuals  and  munition,  should  be  freely  yielded  to  the 
French  King. 

The  lives  of  the  inhabitants  only  saved;  to  whom  safe 
conduct  should  be  granted,  to  pass  where  they  listed. 

Saving  the  Lord  Deputy,  with  fifty  others,  such  as  the 
Duke  should  appoint,  to  remain  prisoners  ;  and  be  put 
to  their  ransom. 

The  next  morning  {"jth  of  January],  the  Frenchmen  entered 
and  possessed  the  Town  :  and  forthwith  all  the  men,  women, 
and  children,  were  commanded  to  leave  their  houses,  and  to 
go  into  the  two  churches,  of  Our  Lady,  and  Saint  Nicholas; 
upon  pain  of  death.  Where  they  remained  a  great  part  of 
that  day,  and  one  whole  night,  and  until  three  o'clock  at 
afternoon  the  next  day  [8^A]  :  without  either  meat  or  drink. 

And  while  they  were  thus  in  the  churches,  the  Duke  of 
Guise,  in  the  name  of  the  French  King,  in  their  hearing, 
made  a  Proclamation  straitly  charging  and  commanding  all 
and  every  person  that  were  inhabitants  of  the  Town  of 
Calais,  having  about  them  any  money,  plate,  or  jewels  to  the 
value  of  [hut]  one  groat  [4^.]  to  bring  the  same  forthwith, 
and  lay  it  down  on  the  high  altars  of  the  said  churches, 
upon  pain  of  death :  bearing  them  in  hand  [inducing  them 
to  think]  also  that  they  should  be  searched. 

By  reason  of  which  Proclamation,  there  was  made  a  great 


^•/'*^563:]  The  English  Exodus  out  of  Calais.     293 

and  sorrowful  Offertory.  And  while  they  were  at  this  offering 
within  the  churches,  the  Frenchmen  entered  into  their 
houses,  and  rifled  the  same ;  where  was  found  inestimable 
riches  and  treasure,  but  specially  of  ordnance,  armour,  and 
other  munition. 

About  two  o'clock,  the  next  day  at  afternoon,  being  the 
7th  of  January ;  all  the  Englishmen,  except  the  Lord  Deputy 
and  the  others  reserved  for  prisoners,  were  suffered  to  pass 
out  of  the  town  in  safety ;  being  guarded  through  the  army 
by  a  number  of  Scottish  Light  Horsemen. 

There  were  in  this  town  of  Calais,  500  English  soldiers 
ordinarily,  and  no  more :  and  of  the  townsmen,  not  fully 
200  fighting  men :  a  small  garrison  for  the  defence  of  such 
a  town !  And  there  were  in  the  whole  number  of  men, 
women,  and  children,  as  they  were  counted  when  they  went 
out  of  the  gate,  4,200  persons. 

But  the  Lord  Wentworth,  Deputy  of  Calais ;  Sir  Ralph 
Chamberlain,  Captain  of  the  Castle;  [John]  Harlestone, 
Captain  of  Risbank  ;  Nicholas  Alexander,  Captain  of 
Newn[h]ambridge ;  Edward  Grimstone,  Controller;  with 
others  of  the  chief  of  the  town,  to  the  number  of  fifty,  as 
aforesaid,  such  as  it  pleased  the  Duke  of  Guise  to  appoint, 
were  sent  prisoners  into  France. 

Thus  have  ye  heard  the  discourse  of  the  Overthrow  and 
Loss  of  the  Town  of  Calais;  the  which  enterprise  was  begun 
and  ended  in  less  than  eight  days,  to  the  great  marvel  of 
the  world,  that  a  town  of  such  strength,  and  so  well 
furnished  of  all  things  as  that  was,  should  so  suddenly  be 
taken  and  conquered  :  but  most  specially,  in  the  winter 
season ;  what  time  all  the  country  about,  being  marsh 
ground,  is  commonly  overflown  with  water. 

The  said  town  was  won  from  the  French  by  King  Edward 
in.  in  the  time  of  Philip  de  Valois,  then  French  King:  and, 
being  in  the  possession  of  the  Kings  of  England,  211  years; 
was,  in  the  time  of  Philip  and  Mary,  King  and  Queen  of 
England,  lost  within  less  than  eight  days  being  the  most 
notable  fort  that  England  had. 

For  the  winning  whereof.  King  Edward  aforesaid,  in  the 
2ist  year  of  his  reign  [1346],  was  fain  to  continue  a  siege  one 
whole  year  or  more  :   wherefore  it  was  judged  of  all  men. 


294  Negligence  of  Queen  Mary's  Council,  [^-j 


Ferrers. 
1568. 


that  it  could  not  have  so  come  to  pass,  without  some  secret 
treachery. 

Here  is  also  to  be  noted,  that  when  Queen  Mary  and 
her  Council  heard,  credibly,  of  the  Frenchmen's  sudden 
approach  to  that  town;  she,  with  all  possible  speed,  but 
somewhat  too  late,  raised  a  great  power  for  the  rescue 
thereof  :  which,  if  wind  and  weather  had  served,  might, 
haply,  have  brought  succour  thither  in  time.  But  such 
terrible  tempests  then  arose,  and  continued  the  space  of  four 
or  five  days  together,  that  the  like  had  not  been  seen  before 
in  the  remembrance  of  man  ;  wherefore  some  said  "  That 
the  same  was  done  by  necromancy,  and  that  the  Devil 
was  raised  up,  and  become  French : "  the  truth  whereof  is 
known  to  GOD.  But  very  true  it  is  that  no  ship  could 
brook  the  seas,  by  reason  of  those  extreme  storms  and 
tempests.  And  such  of  the  Queen's  ships  as  did  adventure 
the  passage,  were  so  shaken  and  torn,  with  the  violence  of 
the  weather ;  as  they  were  forced  to  return  with  great  danger, 
and  the  loss  of  all  their  tackle  and  furniture. 

Thus  by  the  negligence  of  the  Council  at  home,  conspiracy 
of  traitors  elsewhere,  force  and  false  practice  of  enemies, 
helped  by  the  rage  of  most  terrible  tempests  of  contrary 
winds  and  weather;  this  famous  Fort  of  Calais  was  brought 
again  to  the  hands  and  possession  of  the  French. 

So  soon  as  this  Duke  of  Guise,  contrary  to  all  expectation, 
had,  in  a  few  days,  gained  this  strong  town  of  Calais,  afore 
thought  impregnable,  and  had  put  the  same  in  such  order  as 
best  seemed  for  his  advantage  :  proud  of  the  spoil,  and  press- 
ing forward  upon  his  sudden  fortune,  without  giving  long  time 
to  the  residue  of  the  Captains  of  the  forts  there  to  breathe 
on  their  business ;  the  13th  of  the  same  month,  with  all 
provision  requisite  for  a  siege,  he  marched  with  his  army 
from  Calais  into  the  town  and  fort  of  Guisnes,  five  miles 
distant  from  thence. 

Of  which  town  and  castle,  at  the  same  time,  there  was  as 
Captain,  a  valiant  Baron  of  England,  called  William,  Lord 
Grey  of  Wilton  [See  th's  Vol.  p.  -^ig]:  who,  not  without 
cause  suspecting  a  siege  at  hand ;  and  knowing  the  town  of 
Guisnes  to  be  of  small  force  (as  being  without  walls  or 
bulwarks,  and  only  compassed  with  a  trench),  before  the 
Frenchmen's  arrival,  caused  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  town 


^'■?^"i568.]   The  Duke  of  Guise  attacks  Guisnes.      295 

to  advoid  [depart] ;  and  so  many  of  them  as  were  apt  to 
bear  arms,  he  caused  to  retire  into  the  Castle.  Which  was 
a  place  well  fortified,  with  strong  and  massy  Bulwarks 
[redoubts  or  batteries]  of  brick:  having  also  a  high  and  mighty 
tower,  of  great  force  and  strength,  called  the  Keep. 

The  town  being  thus  abandoned,  the  Frenchman  had  the 
more  easy  approach  to  the  Castle ;  who,  thinking  to  find 
quiet  lodging  in  those  vacant  houses,  entered  the  same  with- 
out  any  fear:  and  being  that  night,  at  their  rest  as  they 
thought,  a  chosen  band  of  soldiers,  appointed  by  Lord  Grey, 
issued  out  by  a  postern  of  the  said  Castle,  and  slew  no  small 
number  of  their  sleepy  guests.  The  rest,  they  put  out  of 
their  new  lodgings ;  and  (maugre  the  Duke  and  all  the  French 
power)  consumed  all  the  houses  of  the  town  with  fire.  That 
notwithstanding,  the  said  Duke,  with  all  diligence,  began  his 
trenches  :  and  albeit  the  shot  of  the  great  artillery  from  the 
Castle  was  terrible,  and  gave  him  great  impeachment ;  yet 
did  he  continue  his  work  without  intermission,  and,  for 
example's  sake,  wrought  in  his  own  person  as  a  common 
pioneer  or  labourer.  So  that,  within  less  than  three  days, 
he  brought,  to  the  number  of  thirty-five  battery  pieces,  hard 
to  the  brim  [edge]  of  the  Castle  ditch,  to  batter  the  same  on 
all  sides,  as  well  right  forth  as  across.  But  his  principal 
battery,  he  planted  against  the  strongest  bulwark  of  all, 
called  Mary  Bulwark  [a  detached  fort];  thinking  by  gaining  of 
the  stronger,  to  come  more  easily  by  the  weaker. 

His  battery  being  thus  begun,  he  continued  the  same  b)l 
the  space  of  two  days,  with  such  terrible  thundering  of  great 
artillery,  that,  by  the  report  of  [F.  de]  Rabutin  a  French 
writer,  there  were,  in  those  few  days,  discharged  well  near 
to  the  number  of  8,000  or  9,000  cannon  shot. 

Through  the  violence  whereof,  by  the  20th  of  the  said 
month,  the  said  great  Bulwark  was  laid  wide  open,  and  the 
breach  made  reasonable  and  easy  enough  for  the  assault ; 
nevertheless,  the  said  Duke  (being  a  man  of  war,  and  nothing 
ignorant  of  what  devices  be  commonly  used  in  forts  and  be- 
sieged towns  to  entrap  and  damage  the  assailants)  afore  he 
would  put  the  persons  of  his  good  soldiers  to  the  hazard  of 
the  assault,  caused  the  breach  to  be  viewed  once  or  twice  by 
certain  forward  and  skilful  soldiers ;  who,  mounting  the  top 
of  the  breach,  brought  report  that  the  place  was  saultable 


296  French  assaults  on  the  Mary  Redoubt, L^/'V^'el; 

[assaultable].  Nevertheless,  to  make  the  climb  more  easy  ;  he 
caused  certain  harquebussiers  to  pass  over  the  ditch,  and  to 
keep  the  defendants  occupied  with  shot,  while  certain  pioneers 
with  mattocks  and  shovels,  made  the  breach  more  plain  and 
easy.  [See  Chukchyarus  account  of  this  assault  at  p.  324. 
He  ivas  one  of  the  defenders^ 

Which  thing  done  accordingly,  he  gave  order  to  Monsieur 
D'Andelot,  Colonel  of  the  French  Footmen,  that  he,  with 
his  Bands,  should  be  in  readiness  to  give  the  assault,  when 
sign  should  be  given. 

In  which  meantime,  the  Duke  withdrew  himself  to  an 
higher  ground  ;  from  whence  he  might  plainly  discover  the 
behaviour  as  well  of  his  soldiers  in  giving  the  assault,  as  also 
of  the  defendants  in  answering  the  same.  And  not  perceiving 
so  many  of  the  English  part  appearing  for  the  defence,  as 
he  looked  for;  he  gave  order  forthwith,  that  a  regiment  of 
his  most  forward  Lance  Knights  {the  Reiters]  should  mount 
the  breach  to  open  the  first  passage,  and  that  Monsieur 
D'Andelot  with  his  Bands  of  the  French,  should  back  them. 

Which  order  was  followed  with  such  hot  haste  and  des- 
perate hardiness,  that,  entering  a  deep  ditch  full  of  water, 
from  the  bottom  whereof  to  the  top  of  the  breach  was  well 
forty  feet,  without  fear  either  of  the  water  beneath  or  the  fire 
above,  they  mounted  the  breach :  and  whereas  the  Duke  had 
prepared  divers  bridges  made  of  plank-boards,  borne  up  with 
caske  and  empty  pipes  [i.e.,  barrels  of  the  size  of  a  Pipe]  tied 
one  to  another,  for  his  men  to  pass  the  said  ditch  ;  many  of 
the  said  assailants,  without  care  of  those  bridges,  plunged 
into  the  water,  and  took  the  next  way  to  come  to  the  assault. 

Which  hot  haste  notwithstanding,  the  said  assailants  were, 
in  this  first  assault,  so  stoutly  repulsed  and  put  back  by  the 
defendants,  being  furnished  with  great  store  of  wild  fire  and 
fricasies  for  the  purpose,  that  they  were  turned  down  headlong, 
one  upon  another,  much  faster  than  they  came  up :  not  with- 
out great  waste  and  slaughter  of  their  best  and  most  brave 
soldiers;  to  the  small  comfort  of  the  stout  Duke,  who,  as  is 
said  before,  stood,  all  this  while,  upon  a  little  hill  to  behold 
this  business.  Wherefore,  not  enduring  this  sight  any  longer, 
as  a  man  arraged  [enraged],\\t  ran  among  his  men;  so  reproving 
some  and  encouraging  others,  that  the  assault  was  foot  hot 
renewed  with  much  more  vehemence  and  fury  than  before  : 


'^t^^isTsJ    OUTSIDE    THE     CaSTLE    OF     GuiSNES.      297 

and  with  no  less  obstinacy  and  desperation  received  by  the 
defendants ;  whereby  all  the  breach  underneath  was  filled 
with  French  carcases. 

This  notwithstanding,  the  Duke  still  redoubled  his  forces 
with  fresh  companies ;  and  continued  so  many  assaults,  one 
upon  another,  that  at  the  last  charge,  being  most  vehement 
of  all  others,  our  men  being  tired,  and  greatly  minished  in  the 
number  by  slaughter  and  bloody  wounds,  were,  of  fine  [sheer' 
force,  driven  to  avoid,  and  give  place  of  entry  to  the  enem) 

Which  was  not  done  without  a  marvellous  expense  of  blood, 
on  both  sides.  For,  of  the  French  part,  there  were  slain  and 
perished  in  these  assaults,  above  the  number  of  800  or  900 
[Churchyard  says,  at  p.  330  4,000] :  and  of  the  English,  but 
little  fewer  [800,  p.  329] ;  amongst  whom  the  greatest  loss 
lighted  on  the  Spaniards,  who  took  upon  them  the  defence 
of  the  said  Mary  Bulwark :  insomuch,  as  the  report  went, 
that  of  the  500  [or  rather  450  ;  whereof  hut  50  were  Spaniards, 
the  rest  English  and  Burgundians,see  p.  327]  brave  soldiers  which 
King  Philip  sent  thither  for  succour,  under  the  conduct  of  a 
valiant  Spanish  Captain,  called  Mount  Dragon,  there  were 
not  known  to  have  come  away  any  number  worth  the  reckon- 
ing, but  all  were  either  slain,  maimed  or  taken. 

These  outrageous  assaults  were  given  to  the  Castle  of 
Guisnes,  on  St.  Sebastian's  day,  the  20th  of  January  aforesaid. 

At  the  end  of  which  day,  there  were  also  gained  from  the 
English,  two  other  principal  Bulwarks  of  the  said  Castle ; 
which,  being  likewise  made  assaultable  by  battery,  were 
taken  by  the  Almains  [?  Swiss],  who  entered  in  by  the  breaches. 

The  Lord  Grey,  with  his  eldest  son,  and  the  chief  Captains 
and  soldiers  of  the  said  garrison,  who  kept  the  Inner  Ward  of 
the  Castle,  where  the  most  high  and  principal  Tower,  called 
the  Keep,  stood ;  thinking  themselves  in  small  surety  there 
(being  a  place  of  the  old  sort  of  fortification)  after  they  saw 
the  Utter  Ward  possessed  by  the  enemy,  and  such  a  number 
of  the  most  forward  soldiers  consumed  and  spent ;  and  no 
likelihood  of  any  more  aid  to  come  in  time :  by  the  advice  of 
the  most  expert  soldiers  there,  concluded  for  the  best,  to  treat 
with  the  Duke  for  composition:  according  to  the  which  advice, 
he  sent  forth  two  gentlemen,  with  this  message  in  effect.  That 
the  Duke  (being  a  man  of  war,  and  serving  under  a 
King)  should  not  think  it  strange  if  the  Lord   Grey 


298      Lord  Grey  surrenders  Guisnes;    ["^y^^'seai 

likewise  (being  a  man  of  war,  and  serving  his  Prince,  in 
manner)  did  his  like  deavour  [endeavour]  in  well  defending 
the  place  committed  to  his  charge,  so  far  forth,  as  to 
answer  and  bide  the  assault;  considering  that  otherwise, 
he  could  never  save  his  own  honour,  neither  his  truth 
and  loyalty  to  his  Prince.    In  respect  whereof,  according 
to  the  law  of  arms,  he  required  honourable  composition. 
Which  message,  though  it  was  well  accepted  of  the  Duke; 
yet   he  deferred  his  answer  until  the  morrow.     What  [At 
which]  time,  the  messengers  repairing  to  him  again,  composi- 
tion was  granted  in  this  sort. 

First.  That  the  Castle  with  all  the  furniture  thereof, 
as  well  victuals  as  great  artillery,  powder,  and  other 
munitions  of  war,  should  be  wholly  rendered  ;  without 
wasting,  hiding,  or  minishment  thereof. 

Secondarily.  That  the  Lord  Grey,  with  all  the 
Captains,  Officers,  and  others  having  charge  there, 
should  remain  prisoners,  at  the  Duke's  pleasure ;  to  be 
ransomed  after  the  manner  of  war. 

Thirdly.  That  all  the  rest,  as  well  soldiers  as  others, 

should  safely  depart,  with  their  armour  and  baggage  to 

what  parts,  it  seemed  them  best  :  nevertheless,  to  pass, 

without  sound  of  drum  or  trumpet,  or  displaying  of  an 

ensigns  [flags]  ;  but  to  leave  them  behind. 

These  conditions  being  received  and  approved  on  either 

party,  the  day  following,  that  is  to  wit,  the  22nd  day  of  the 

said  month  of  January,  all  the  soldiers  of  the  said  fortress,  as 

well  English  as  strangers,  with  all  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants 

and  others  (except  the  Lord  Grey,  Sir  Arthur  his  son.  Sir 

Henry  Palmer  Knight,  Mount  Dragon  the  above  named 

Captain  of  the  Spaniards,  and  other  men  of  charge  reserved  by 

the  Composition)  departed,  with  their  bag  and  baggages,  from 

thence,  towards  Flanders.     At  whose  issuing  forth,  there  was 

esteemed  [estimated]  to  the  number  of  800  or  goo  able  men  for 

the  war :    part  English,   part    Burgundians,   with   a   small 

remnant  of  Spaniards. 

After  the  winning  of  this  town  and  Castle,  the  Duke,  advis- 
ing well  upon  the  place,  and  considering  that  if  it  should 
happen  to  be  regained  by  Englishmen,  what  a  noisome 
neighbour  the  same  might  be  to  Calais,  now  being  French ; 
and  specially  what  impeachment  should  come  thereby  for  the 


^■f^""68:]     WHICH    IS    THEN    RAZED    TO    THE    GROUND.     299 

passage  thither  from  France ;  considering  also  the  near 
standing  thereof  to  the  French  King's  fortress  of  Ardes,  so 
that  to  keep  two  garrisons  so  nigh  together  should  be  but  a 
double  charge,  and  not  only  needless,  but  also  dangerous,  for 
the  cause  afore  rehearsed  :  upon  these  considerations,  as  the 
Frenchmen  write,  he  took  order  for  all  the  great  artillery, 
victuals,  and  other  munition  to  be  taken  forth ;  and  the 
Castle,  with  all  the  Bulwarks  and  other  fortifications  there, 
to  be  razed  and  thrown  down,  with  all  speed,  and  the  stuff  to 
be  carried  away,  and  employed  in  other  more  necessary  places. 

Then  there  rested  nothing,  within  all  the  English  Pale  on 
that  side,  unconquered,  but  the  little  Castle  or  Pile  called 
Hammes :  which,  though  it  were  but  of  small  force,  made  by 
art  and  industry  of  man's  hand,  and  altogether  of  old  work- 
manship, without  rampiers  [ramparts]  or  Bulwarks  [redoubts] ; 
yet,  nevertheless,  by  the  natural  situation  thereof,  being  en- 
vironed on  all  sides,  with  fens  and  marsh  grounds,  it  could  not 
easily  be  approached  unto:  either  with  great  ordnance  for  the 
battery,  or  else  with  an  army  to  encamp  there,  for  a  siege  ; 
having  but  one  straight  passage  thereto  by  a  narrow  causey 
[causeway],  traversed  and  cut  through,  in  divers  places,  with 
deep  ditches  always  full  of  water.  Which  thing,  being  well 
foreseen  by  Edward  Lord  Dudley,  then  Captain  there,  hav- 
ing as  good  cause  to  suspect  a  siege  there  as  his  neighbours, 
had,  afore  the  Frenchmen's  coming  to  Guisnes,  caused  all  the 
bridges  of  the  said  causey,  which  were  of  wood,  to  be  broken  ; 
to  give  thereby  the  more  impeachment  [obstacles]  to  the  French, 
if  they  should  attempt  to  approach  the  same ;  as,  shortly 
after,  they  did,  and  kept  divers  of  the  passages. 

But  to  deliver  the  Duke  and  his  soldiers  from  that  care, 
there  came  to  him  glad  news  from  those  that  had  charge  to 
watch  the  same  causey  ;  how  the  Captain,  having  intelligence 
of  the  rendering  of  Guisnes,  had  conveyed  himself  with  his 
small  garrison,  secretly,  the  same  night  [of  the  22nd  oj  January] 
by  a  secret  passage  over  the  marshes  into  Flanders.  Where- 
by, the  Duke,  being  now  past  care  of  any  further  siege  to  be 
laid  in  all  that  frontier,  took  order  forthwith  to  seize  the  said 
little  fort  into  his  hands ;  as  it  was  easy  to  do,  when  there 
was  no  resistance. 

When  this  place  was  once  seized  by  the  French,  then 
remained  there  none  other  place  or  strength  of  the  English  on 


300  The  French  King  visits  Calais,  [^-y^^s^sl: 

all  that  side  the  sea,  for  the  safeguard  of  the  rest  of  the 
country  :  whereby  the  French  King  became  wholly  and 
thoroughly  Lord  and  Master  of  all  the  English  Pale  :  for  now, 
as  ye  have  heard,  there  was  neither  town,  castle,  or  fortress, 
more  or  less,  on  that  side  (saving  Bootes  Bulwark,  near  to 
Qravelines ;  which  now,  [in  1568]  King  Philip  keepeth  as 
his) ;  but  it  was  either  taken  away  by  force,  or  else  abandoned 
and  left  open  to  the  enemy.  And,  as  the  Frenchmen  write, 
besides  the  great  riches  of  gold  and  silver  coin,  jewels,  plate, 
wool,  and  other  merchandise  (which  was  inestimable  [i.e., 
beyond  reckoning])  there  were  found  300  pieces  of  brass, 
mounted  on  wheels,  and  as  many  pieces  of  iron  :  with  such 
furniture  of  powder,  pellets  [bullets],  armour,  victuals,  and 
other  munitions  of  war,  scarcely  credible. 

Thus  have  heard  the  whole  discourse  of  the  Conquest  of 
the  noble  town  of  Calais  with  all  the  English  fortresses  and 
country  adjoining,  made  by  the  Duke  of  Guise.  The  news 
whereof,  when  it  came  to  the  French  King:  [there  is]  no  need 
to  ask  how  joyfully  it  was  received  !  not  only  by  him  and  all 
his  Court,  but  also  universally  through  the  whole  realm  of 
France.  For  the  which  victory,  there  was,  as  the  manner  is, 
Te  DEUM  sung,  and  bonfires  made  everywhere,  as  it  is 
wont  to  be  in  cases  of  common  joy  and  gladness  for  some 
rare  benefit  of  GOD.  Shortly,  upon  this  conquest,  there  was 
a  public  Assembly  at  Paris  of  all  the  Estates  of  France  :  who 
frankly  (in  recompense  of  the  King's  charges  in  winning 
Calais  and  the  places  aforesaid,  and  for  maintenance  of  his 
wars  to  be  continued  afterwards)  granted  unto  him  3,000,000 
of  French  Crowns  [  =  about  £900,000  then  =  abo^it  ^^9,000,000 
now]  ;  whereof  the  clergy  of  France  contributed  1,000,000 
[crowns]  besides  their  dimes. 

And  no  marvel  though  the  French  did  highly  rejoice  at  the 
recovery  of  Calais  out  of  the  Englishmen's  hands  !  For  it  is 
constantly  affirmed  by  many  that  be  acquainted  with  the  affairs 
of  France,  that  ever  since  the  town  was  first  won  by  the 
Englishmen,  in  all  solemn  Councils  appointed  to  treat  upon 
the  state  of  France,  there  was  a  special  person  appointed  to 
put  them  in  remembrance, from  time  to  time, of  Calais:  as  it 
were  to  be  wished  that  the  like  were  used  in  England  until  it 
were  regained  from  the  French. 

Now  seemed  every  day  a  year,  to  the  French  King,  until  he 


G.  Ferrers 
? 


•]The  Marriage  of  Mary,  Queen  of  Scots.  301 


personally  had  visited  Calais  and  his  new  conquered  country. 
Wherefore,  about  the  end  of  January,  aforesaid,  he  took  his 
voyage  thither,  accompanied  with  no  small  number  of  his 
nobility.  And  immediately  upon  his  arrival  there,  he  perused 
the  whole  town  and  every  part  thereof,  from  place  to  place  : 
and  devising  with  the  Duke  of  Guise  for  the  better  fortifica- 
tion thereof;  what  should  be  added  to  the  old,  what  should 
be  made  new,  and  what  should  be  taken  away.  And  after 
order  taken  for  that  business ;  he  placed  there  a  noble  and 
no  less  valiant  Knight,  called  Monsieur  de  Thermes,  to  be 
Captain  of  the  town  :  and  so  departed  again  to  France. 

After  the  French  King's  departure  from  Calais,  he  made 
great  haste  for  the  accomplishment  of  the  marriage  moved 
between  Francis,  his  eldest  son,  called  the  Dauphin,  and 
Mary  Stuart,  daughter  and  sole  heir  of  James  V.,  late 
King  of  Scotland  :  which  Princess  (if  the  Scots  had  been 
faithful  of  promise,  as  they  seldom  be)  should  have  married 
with  King  Edward  VI.  For  the  breach  of  which  promise, 
began  all  the  war  between  England  and  Scotland,  in  the  latter 
end  of  King  Henry  VIII.  and  in  the  beginning  of  Edward 
VI. 

This  marriage  (though  it  be  not  my  matter)  I  thought  not 
to  omit ;  for  many  things  were  meant  thereby,  which,  thanks 
be  to  GOD  !  never  came  to  pass.  But  one  special  point  was 
not  hidden  to  the  world,  that,  by  the  means  of  the  same,  the 
Realm  of  Scotland  should,  for  evermore,  have  remained  as 
united  and  incorporated  to  the  Crown  of  France ;  that  as 
the  Son  and  Heir  of  every  French  King  doth  succeed  to  the 
inheritance  and  possession  of  a  country,  called  the  Doulphyn 
[Dauplmie],  and  is  therefore  called  Doulphyn  [Datiphin]  ;  and 
as  the  Principality  of  W^ales  appertaineth  to  the  Eldest  Son  of 
England,  who  is  therefore  called  the  Prince  of  Wales:  even  so, 
that  the  Dauphin  and  Heir  of  France  should  thereby  have  been 
King  of  Scotland,  for  evermore.  Which  name  and  title,  upon 
this  marriage,  was  accordingly  given  to  Francis  the  Dauphin 
and  heir  apparent  of  France,  to  be  called  "  King  Dauphin  "  : 
the  meaning  whereof  was,  utterly  to  exclude  for  evermore  any 
to  be  King  of  Scotland,  but  only  the  Eldest  Son  of  France. 

This  memorable  marriage  was  solemnized  in  the  city  of 
Paris,  the  24th  day  of  April,  1558,  with  most  magnificent 
pomp  and  triumph. 


302 


Lord  Wentworth,   the   Lord  Deputy 
of  Calais,  and  the   Council  there. 

Letter  to  ^jieen  Mary^  2'^rd  May^  i557- 

[State  Papers.     Foretsn,  MARY,  Vol.  X.  No.  615.     In  Public  Record  OfBce.] 

T  may  please  your  Highness  to  understand  that, 
where  upon  circumspect  consideration  and  view 
of  your  Majesty's  store  here  of  munition  and 
other  habiliments  of  war,  there  is  presently  \_at 
this  moment]  found  not  only  a  great  want  of  many 
kinds  thereof,  but  also  such  a  decay  in  divers  other  things 
as  the  same  are  not  serviceable,  and  will  be  utterly  lost 
if  they  be  not  with  speed  repaired  and  put  in  better  estate  ; 
as  this  bearer.  Master  Highfield,  Master  of  your  Ordnance 
here  [p.  312],  can  declare  more  amply  the  particularities 
thereof,  either  unto  your  Majesty,  or  unto  such  of  your 
Council  as  shall  please  your  Highness  to  direct  him  :  we 
have  thought  it  our  bounden  duties  to  be  most  humble 
suitors  to  your  Majesty,  that  it  would  please  the  same  to 
give  immediate  order,  as  well  for  the  supplement  of  the  said 
lacks,  as  also  for  your  warrant  to  be  addressed  hither,  for  the 
repairing  of  all  other  things  requisite  to  be  done  within  his 
office. 

And  thus  we  continually  pray  Almighty  GOD  for  the  long 
preservation  of  your  Highness  in  most  prosperous  estate. 
From  your  town  of  Calais,  the  23rd  of  May,  1557. 

Your  Majesty's 
Most  humble  bounden  and  obedient  subjects  and  servants, 

Wentworth,  William  Grey, 

Ralph  Chamberlain,       A.  Cornwallis, 
Edward  Grymstone,        Eustace  Hobynton. 


303 


Lords  Wentworth  and  Grey,  and  the 
Council  at  Calais. 

Report    to    ^^ueen    Ma r  f, 
2^th  Dece7nber^  \^^"]* 

[State  Papers.    Foreign,  MAR  Y,  Vol.  XL  No.  698. 

Ur  bounden  duties  most  humbly  remembered  unto 
your  Highness,  Upon  the  receipt  of  the  intelli- 
gences sent  unto  your  Majesty  this  other  day, 
from  me  your  Grace's  Deputy ;  I  forthwith  dis- 
patched to  my  Lord  Grey  \at  Guisnes],  requiring 
his  Lordship  to  repair  to  this  town,  that  we  might  consult 
of  the  state  of  your  Highness's  places  and  country  on  this  side. 
So  his  Lordship  coming  hither,  we  have  conferred  together 
our  several  intelligences  :  and  finding  the  same  in  effect  to 
agree,  it  hath  very  much  augmented  our  suspicion  that  this 
train  [design]  now  meant  by  the  enemy,  should  be  made 
towards  your  Highness's  country  or  pieces.  Whereupon  we, 
all  together,  have  considered  the  state  of  the  same  ;  and 
said  our  opinions  therein,  as  it  may  appear  unto  your  High- 
ness by  these  articles  which  we  send  herewith  to  your 
Majesty,  which  we  have  thought  our  duties  to  signify  unto 
you.  Most  humbly  beseeching  your  Highness  to  return 
unto  us  your  pleasure  therein. 

So,  we  pray  Jesu,  grant  your  Majesty  long  and  prosperous 
reign. 

At  your  town  of  Calais,  27th  December,  1557. 
Your  Highness's,  &c. 

Our  Consultation,  made  the  2'jtk  December,    1557. 


G  U  I  S  N  E  S. 


First. 


lAviNG  no  supplement  of  men  other  than  is 
'  presently  there,  we  think  it  meetest,  if  the 
enemy  should  give  the  attempt,  to  abandon 
the  Town  (which  could  not  be,  without  very 
great  danger  of  the  Castle) ;  and  defend  the  Turnpike, 


304  Report  to  Queen  Mary.  ['■'"^"IgX^^TDSTss": 


which  is  of  the  more  importance,  because  that  way  only, 
in  necessity,  the  relief  to  the  Castle  is  to  be  looked  for. 

Item.  There  is  great  want  of  wheat,  butter,  cheese,  and 
other  victuals. 

Item.  It  is  requisite  to  have  some  men  of  estimation  and 
service  to  be  there  [i.e.,  at  Guisnes],  that  might  be  able 
to  take  the  charge  in  hand  ;  if  either  sickness  or  other 
accident  should  fortune  to  me  the  Lord  Grey  :  which 
I,  the  said  Lord  Grey  the  rather  require,  by  reason  of 
Sir  Henry  Palmer's  hurt ;  being  of  any  other  person 
at  this  present  utterly  unfurnished. 

Hampnes    Castle. 

Item.  WK^^^  think  the  same  sufficiently  furnished  of  men 

for  the   sudden;  albeit  this  hard   and  frosty 

weather,  if  it  continue,  will  give  the  enemy 

great   advantage :   yet    we    put   in    as    much 

water  as  is  possible. 

Of  victuals,  that  place  is  utterly  unprovided ;  except 
the  Captain's  store. 

That  we  also  thought  meet  to  have  there  some  man  of 
estimation  and  service,  for  the  respects  contained  in  the 
article  of  Guisnes :  which  also  the  Lord  Dudley 
requires. 

Newnam     Bridge. 


Item.  \tL  f\  mal E  think  it  meet,  upon  the  occasion,  to  with- 
draw the  bands  [companies  of  soldiers]  from  the 
Causeway  thither;  and  then  are  of  opinion, 
the  same  to  be  sufficient  to  defend  that  piece 
for  a  season  ;  unless  the  enemy  shall  get  between  this 
town  and  the  bridge. 

It  is  clean  without  victuals,  other  than  the  Captain's 
own  provision. 

R  Y  s  B  A  N  K  . 

EcAUSE  that  place  standeth  upon  the  sea,  and  by 
the  shore  side,  may  the  enemy  come  in  a  night  to 
it :  we  think  it  meet  to  appoint  hither  a  band 
[company]  of  the  low  country  [the  open  district  round 

Calais,    within   the  English  pale]    under  the   leading   of 

Captain  Dodd. 


The  Lorf  Depu^y^^^'d^Co'iTs":]  RePORT    TO    QuEEN    MaRY.    305 


It  is  altogether  unfurnished  of  victuals,  other  than  for 
the  Captain's  own  store. 

Calais. 

Hereas  all  your  Majesty's  pieces  on  this  side,  make 
account  to  be  furnished  of  victuals  and  other 
necessaries  from  hence ;  it  is  so,  that  of  victuals 
your  Highness  hath  presently  none  here  :  and  also 
this  town  hath  none,  by  reason  that  the  restraint  in  the 
realm  hath  been  so  strait  as  the  victuallers  (as  were 
wont  to  bring  daily  hither  good  quantities  of  butter, 
cheese,  bacon,  wheat,  and  other  things)  might  not,  of 
late,  be  suffered  to  have  any  recourse  hither ;  whereby 
is  grown  a  very  great  scarcity  of  all  such  things  here. 

Finally.  [P^^^Orasmuch  as  all  the  wealth  and  substance 

of  your  Majesty's  whole  dominion  on  this 

side,  is  now  in  your  low  country  (a  thing 

not  unknown  to  the  enemy)  :  and  if  with 

this  his  great  power,  coming  down  (as  the  bruit  goeth) 

for  the  victualling  of  Ardes,  he  will  give  attempt  on  your 

Highness's   country ;    we   do   not   see   that   the  small 

number   here,   in    respect  of  their  force,  can,  by   any 

means,  defend  it. 

And  if  we  should  stand  to  resist  their  entry  into  the 
country  [the  open  district],  and  there  receive  any  loss  or 
overthrow ;  the  country  should  nevertheless  be  overrun 
and  spoiled:  and  besides  it  would  set  the  enemy  in  a 
glory,  and  also  be  the  more  peril  to  your  Highness's 
pieces  [towns].  We  therefore,  upon  the  necessity,  think 
it  meet  to  gather  all  our  men  into  strengths  [fortresses]  ; 
and  with  the  same  to  defend  your  pieces  to  the  utter- 
most. 

Notwithstanding,  all  the  power  on  this  side  is  insuffi- 
cient to  defend  the  pieces,  in  case  the  enemy  shall  tarry 
any  space  in  the  field. 


Wentworth, 
Anthony  Auchar, 
Edwarde  Grimestone, 
Eustace  Hobyngton. 

U 


William  Grey, 
John  Harleston, 
N.  Alexander, 


3o6 

Lord  Wentworth,  at  Calais. 

Letter  to  ^j^een  Ma  j?  f,  i  January^  1 5 5 S> 

9  p.m. 

[State  Papers.    Foreign,  Mar  r,  Vol.  XII.  No.  i. 

[One  cannot  help  seeing  that  in  this  and  the  next  letter,  Lord  Went- 
worth, quite  hopeless  of  any  successful  attempt,  was  trying  to  make 
things  look  as  pleasant  as  he  could  to  the  Queen.] 

T   MAY   PLEASE   YOUR   HiGHNESS* 

having  retired  the  Bands  from  the  Causeway  the 
last  night  [31  December  1557],  and  placed  them  at 
the  Bridge  [at  Newhaven  or  Newnham]  and  within 
the  Brayes  [i.e.,  Calais  walls]  :  this  morning  early, 
I  returned  them  to  the  said  Causeway,  to  defend  that  passage 
in  case  the  enemy  would  attempt  to  enter  there  ;  and  also  to 
offer  skirmish  to  take  some  of  them,  and  to  learn  somewhat 
of  their  power. 

Between  nine  and  ten,  the  enemy  showed  in  a  very  great 
bravery  about  six  ensigns  [regiments]  of  footmen,  and  certain 
horsemen  ;  and  came  from  the  Chalk  Pits  down  the  hill 
towards  the  Causeway.  Whereupon  some  of  ours  issued 
and  offered  the  skirmish  ;  but  the  enemy  would  in  no  wise 
seem  to  meddle. 

During  this  their  stillness,  they  caused  about  200  harque- 
bussiers  to  cut  over  the  marsh  from  Sandgate  and  get  between 
ours  and  the  Bridge,  and  then  to  have  hotly  set  on  them  on 
both  sides.  In  this  time  also,  at  a  venture,  I  had  caused 
your  Majesty's  Marshal,  with  the  horsemen,  to  go  abroad, 
and  maintain  the  skirmish  with  the  footmen :  and  by  that 
[time]  the  Marshal  came  there,  the  enemy's  harquebussiers 
that  passed  the  marshes  were  discovered ;  and  ours  took  a 
very  honest  retire.  Which  the  enemies  on  the  land  side  per- 
ceiving, came  on,  both  horsemen  and  footmen,  marvellously 
hotly ;  to  whom  ours  gave  divers  onsets,  continually  skir- 
mishing till  they  came  to  the  Bridge,  and  there  reposed 
themselves.  The  bridge  bestowed  divers  shot  upon  the 
enemy,  and  hurt  some.  Of  ours,  thanked  be  GOD  !  none  slain 
nor  hurt,  save  a  man-at-arms  stricken  in  the  leg  with  a  currion. 


LordWentworth.-j'pjjj.  FIRST  APPEARANCE  OF  THE  FrENCH.    307 

The  alarm  continued  till  one  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  ; 
before  the  end  whereof  our  enemy's  number  increased  :  for 
eleven  ensigns  more  of  footmen  came  in  sight,  and  three 
troops  of  horsemen. 

Besides,  the  alarm  went  round  about  our  country  at  that 
instant,  even  from  Sandgate  to  Guisnes ;  and  bands  of  the 
enemy  at  every  passage. 

They  have  gotten  Froyton  Church,  and  plant  themselves 
at  all  the  streights  [passages]  into  this  country.  The  bulwarks 
[  ?  earth  works]  of  Froyton  and  Nesle  have  this  day  done  their 
duty  very  well ;  to  whom  I  have  this  afternoon  sent  aid  of 
men,  and  some  shot  and  powder.  Howbeit  I  am  in  some 
doubt  of  Nesle  this  night. 

I  am  perfectly  advertised,  their  number  of  horsemen  and 
footmen  already  arrived  is  above  12,000 ;  whereof  little  less 
have  come  in  sight  here.  The  Duke  of  Guise  is  not  yet 
arrived,  but  [is]  hourly  looked  for  with  a  more  [greater] 
number. 

This  evening,  I  have  discovered  500  waggons  ladened  with 
victuals  and  munition ;  and  have  further  perfect  intelligence, 
that  thirty  cannons  be  departed  from  Boulogne  hitherwards. 

They  [i.e.,  the  French  army]  are  settled  at  Sandgate,  Galley 
Moat,  Causeway,  Froyton,  Calkewell,  Nesle,  and  Syntrecase. 
At  one  o'clock  after  midnight,  I  look  for  them  ;  being  low 
water  at  the  passage  over  the  haven. 

Thus  having  set  all  things  in  the  best  order  I  can,  I  make 
an  end  of  three  days'  work;  and  leave  your  Majesty  to  con- 
sider for  our  speedy  succour.  Beseeching  GOD  to  grant 
your  Highness  victory,  with  long  and  prosperous  reign. 

At  your  town  of  Calais,  this  New  Year's  Day,  at  nine  of 
the  night,  1557. 

I  have  received  your  Majesty's  letter  [0/315^  December]  by 
[John  Highfield]  Master  of  the  Ordnance  [at  Calais],  who 
came  in  this  morning.  The  contents  whereof  I  follow  as 
near  as  I  can. 

Your  Highness's 

Most  humble  and  obedient  servant  and  subject, 

Wentworth 


3o8 


Lord  Wentworth  at  Calais. 

Letter  to  ^j^een  Mar  f,  2  January^  1558, 

10  p.m. 

[State  Papers,  &'c.'\ 

Fter  my  humble  duty  remembered,  it  may  please 
your  Highness.  This  last  night  our  enemies  lay 
still,  without  anything  attempting  in  the  places 
mentioned  in  my  last  letters  ;  as  we  did  well 
perceive,  during  the  whole  night,  by  great  fires 
made  in  the  same  places. 

This  morning  early,  I  put  out  fresh  footmen  to  the  Bridge, 
to  relieve  the  watched  men. 

About  nine  a  clock,  the  enemies  in  very  great  number 
approached  the  Bridge,  and  offered  the  skirmish  :  whereupon 
issued  out  some  of  our  harquebussiers  and  bowmen,  and  kept 
them  in  play,  with  the  help  of  the  shot  from  the  Bridge,  more 
than  an  hour ;  and  in  the  end,  being  overmatched  with 
multitude,  made  their  retire  with  the  Turnpike,  without  any 
loss  or  hurt.  The  enemies  shadowing  [sheltering]  themselves 
under  the  turnpike  wall,  with  their  curriors  (which  assuredly 
shot  very  great  bullets,  and  carry  far)  kept  themselves  in 
such  surety,  as  our  pieces  of  the  Bridge  could  not  annoy 
them,  till  at  eleven  o'clock,  certain  of  ours,  bored  holes  with 
augers  through  the  turnpike,  and  with  harquebusses  beat 
them  out  into  the  shot  of  ordnance,  and  so  made  them  retire 
to  the  Causeway. 

This  forenoon,  certain  Swiss  and  Frenchmen,  to  the 
number  of  500,  got  within  the  marshes  between  Froyton  and 
Nesle  bulwarks :  and  the  men  of  the  Bulwarks  seeing  them- 
selves to  be  compassed  on  all  sides,  and  seeing  also  that  time 
yet  served  them  well  to  depart ;  and  (fearing  they  should  not 
so  do,  if  they  tarried  till  they  were  assailed  on  both  sides,  as 
they  could  not  indeed),  forsook  their  Bulwarks,  and  right 
manfully,  notwithstanding  their  enemies  between  them  and 
home,  saved  themselves  through  the  marshes.  In  the  retire 
of  the  enemies,  one  Cookson,  a  man-at-arms,  and  few  other 
soldiers,  with  the  countrymen,    rescued  most   part  of  the 


LordWentwonh.-j  ^^^Qoo  French  AND  Swiss  soldiers.    309 

booty  (which  was  certain  kine) ;  and  took  three  prisoners  of 
the  Captain  of  Abbeville's  Band. 

The  report  of  this  enterprise  of  the  enemy  being  brought 
to  me,  fearing  Colham  Hill,  I  forthwith  appointed  your 
Majesty's  Marshal  with  the  Horsemen,  and  200  footmen  to 
repair  thither;  and  as  they  should  see  their  match,  so  to 
demean  themselves.  Ere  these  men  had  marched  a  quarter 
of  a  mile,  the  enemies  were  retired  out  of  the  country,  upon 
occasion  that  wading,  as  they  entered  in,  up  to  the  girdle 
stead  ;  and  perceiving  the  water  to  increase,  [they]  thought 
good  to  make  a  speedy  return  :  and  nevertheless,  for  all  their 
haste,  went  up  to  the  breast.  And  if  they  had  tarried  a  little 
longer,  I  had  put  in  so  much  water,  as  I  think  would  have 
put  them  over  head  and  ears :  and,  GOD  willing,  at  the  next 
tide,  I  will  take  in  more. 

This  afternoon,  they  have  been  quiet,  and  we,  in  the 
meantime,  be  occupied  in  cutting  up  of  passages  to  let  in 
more  water  about  the  Bridge  and  that  part  of  the  marshes ; 
whereby  the  enemies  shall  have  very  ill  watering. 

I  would  also  take  in  the  salt  water  about  the  town  [0/ 
Calais],  but  I  cannot  do  it,  by  reason  I  should  infect  our 
own  water  wherewith  we  brew  :  and,  notwithstanding  all  I 
can  do,  our  brewers  be  so  behindhand  in  grinding  and  other- 
wise, as  we  shall  find  that  one  of  our  greatest  lacks.  I 
therefore  make  all  the  haste  and  provision  I  can  there,  and 
howsoever  the  matter  go,  must  shortly  be  forced  to  let  in 
the  salt  water. 

The  three  men  taken  to-day  be  very  ragged,  and  ill-ap- 
pointed. In  examining,  they  confess  that  "there  is  great 
misery  in  their  camp,  and  great  want  of  money  and  victuals." 
They  say  (and  I  partly  believe  it,  because  it  almost  appeareth 
to  me),  "their  number  to  be  25,000  footmen,  whereof  10,000 
[are]  Swiss ;  and  10,000  horsemen.  The  Duke  of  Guise 
is  already  among  them,  and  the  only  deviser  and  leader  of 
this  enterprise."  They  say  also,  "  a  shot  from  the  Bridge- 
way  to  the  Causeway  yesterday,  struck  off  the  Master  of  the 
Camp's  leg,  called  Captain  Gourdault." 

I  am  also  perfectly  advertised,  both  by  these  men  and 
otherwise,  that  they  have  no  great  ordnance  yet  come,  but 
look  for  it  daily  by  sea.  It  is  eighty  pieces,  whereof  thirty  be 
cannons :  and  are  laden,  with  munition  and  victuals,  in  140 


3IO  Spanish  Harquebussiers  at  St.  Omer.  [^'''^ fjan^Tsss. 

vessels  which  shall  land  at  Sandgate;  or  rather  I  think  at 
Boulogne,  it  to  be  taken  out  of  great  ships  [there],  and  so 
again  embarked  at  Sandgate  in  lesser  vessels,  as  they  have 
done  most  part  of  their  victuals  and  carriage  that  they  have 
hitherto  occupied  [used].  And,  surely,  if  your  Majesty's  ships 
had  been  on  this  shore,  they  might  either  have  letted 
[hindered]  their  voyage  ;  or,  at  the  least,  very  much  hindered 
it :  and  not  unlike[ly]  to  have  distressed  them,  being  only 
small  boats.  Their  ordnance  that  comes,  shall  be  conveyed 
in  the  same  sort :  it  may  therefore  please  your  Majesty  to 
consider  it. 

I  have  also  now  fully  discovered  their  enterprise  ;  and  am 
(as  a  man  may  be)  most  sure  they  will  first  attempt  upon 
Rysbanke ;  and  that  way  chiefly  assail  the  town.  Marry  !  I 
think  they  lie  hovering  in  the  country,  for  the  coming  of 
their  great  artillery,  and  also  to  be  masters  of  the  sea. 
And  therefore  I  trust  your  Highness  will  haste  over  all  things 
necessary  for  us  with  expedition. 

Under  your  Majesty's  reformation  [correction],  I  think,  if 
you  please  to  set  the  passage  at  liberty  for  all  men  to  come 
that  would,  bringing  sufficient  victuals  for  themselves  for  a 
season  ;  I  am  of  opinion  there  would  be  enow,  and  with  more 
speed  than  can  be  made  by  order.  Marry !  then  must 
it  well  be  foreseen  to  transport  with  expedition,  victuals 
hither. 

I  have  written  to  the  King's  Majesty  [Philip  II.]  of  the 
enemies  being  here :  and  was  bold  humbly  to  beseech  his 
Majesty  to  give  commission  to  the  governors  of  his  frontiers 
[that]  I  might,  in  necessity,  upon  my  letter,  have  300  or 
4.00  harquebussiers,  Spaniards,  that  now  be  placed  about  St. 
Omer ;  whereof  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  advertise  your 
Majesty,  for  your  pleasure,  whether  I  may  write  to  the 
Governors  to  that  effect,  upon  his  Majesty's  answer,  and 
take  them  or  not  ? 

I,  with  the  rest  of  the  Council  here,  are  forced  to  put  your 
Majesty  to  some  charges:  for  having  taken  in  a  confused 
number  of  countrymen  [i.e., peasantry  within  the  English  Pale], 
we  must  needs  reduce  them  to  order,  and  the  commoners 
also;  and  have  therefore  called  them  into  wages,  and 
appointed  Captains  of  the  fittest  men  that  presently  [at  this 
moment]  be  here. 


Lord  Wentworth.-J   ^gj^^^Qj^^j^'g    j^^g^    LETTER    TO    MaRY.     3II 

I  have  placed  Dodd  with  his  Band  in  Rysbank,  and  the 
rest  of  the  extraordinary  [i.e.,  volunteer]  Bands  be  at  the 
Bridge,  and  in  the  Brayes  of  this  town. 

As  I  was  making  this  discourse,  six  Ensigns  [regiments]  of 
footmen,  and  certain  Bands  [troops]  of  horsemen,  came  from 
Sandgate  by  the  downs,  within  the  sight  of  Rysbank  :  on 
whom,  that  piece,  and  this  town  also,  bestowed  divers  shots. 

This  evenmg,  they  have  made  their  approach  to  Rysbank, 
without  any  artillery  :  and,  as  far  as  I  can  perceive,  do  mind 
to  make  the  assault  with  ladders,  hurdles,  &c.,  and  other 
things,  and  that  way  get  it. 

At  Calais,  the  2nd  of  January,  at  ten  in  the  night,  1557. 

As  I  was  in  communication  with  your  Mayor  and  Alder^ 
men,  touching  the  state  of  this  town  (whom  I  find  of  marvel- 
lous good  courage,  and  ready  to  live  and  die  in  this  town),  I 
received  letters  from  my  Lords  of  the  Council,  of  your 
Majesty's  aid  provided  for  us. 

I  fear  this  shall  be  my  last  letter,  for  that  the  enemy  will 
stop  my  passage  ;  but  I  will  do  what  I  can  tidily  [duly  from 
time  to  time]  to  signify  unto  your  Majesty,  our  state. 

Your  Majesty's  most  humble  and  obedient 
servant  and  subject, 

Wentworth, 


312 


John    Highfield,   Master  of  the 
Ordnance  at  Calais. 

To  the  ^lueen^  our  sovereign  Lady. 

[Lord  Hardwick's  Miscellaneous  State  Papers,  i.  114.  Ed.  1788.] 

Leaseth  it  your  Highness  to  understand  the 
Declaration  of  your  humblest  and  faithful  servant 
John  Highfield,  concerning  the  besieging  and 
loss  of  your  Grace's  town  of  Calais. 

First,  being  appointed  by  your  most  honourable 
Council  [i.e.,  the  Privy  Council  in  Calais]  to  repair  into 
England  [on  the  previous  2'>^rd  May,  seep.  302] ;  I  came.  And 
after  some  intelligence  that  the  French  Army  drew  towards 
the  English  Pale,  I  was  commanded  to  return  with  diligence 
to  my  charge  at  Calais;  and  I  arrived  there  on  New  Year's 
Day  in  the  morning,  the  enemy  being  encamped  about 
Sandgate. 

The  said  morning,  after  I  had  delivered  letters  to  my 
Lord  Deputy,  from  your  Grace's  said  Council,  the  said  Lord 
Deputy  told  me  how  the  alarm  was  made  the  night  before, 
and  also  what  he  thought  meet  for  me  to  be  done  for  the 
better  furniture  of  those  fortresses  which  were  in  most 
danger,  as  the  Bulwarks  of  the  High  Country  [Froyton  and 
Nesle],  Guisnes,  Newhaven  Bridge,  and  Rysbank:  and  also 
for  the  defence  of  the  Low  Country,  because  his  Lordship 
thought  their  enterprise  had  tended  only  to  the  spoil  thereof. 
Then  I  showed  that  there  was  a  sufficient  store  of  all  muni- 
tions, and  that  I  would  send  to  all  places  as  need  required ; 
which  was  done. 

Item.  On  Sunday  following  12nd  January,  1558],  we  per- 
ceived the  French  ordnance  was  brought  to  their  camp  ; 
whereby  appeared  that  the  enemy  meant  to  batter  some 
place:  and  thereupon  were  two  mounts  repaired  for  the 
better  defence.  At  the  same  time,  I  desired  to  have  some 
pioneers  appointed  to  help  the  cannoneers,  who  were  not 
forty  in  number,  for  the  placing  and  entrenching  of  our  great 
ordnance  ;  which  pioneers  I  could  never  get. 


?mSi558.]  ^n  Artillerist's  view  of  the  Siege.   313 

The  same  day,  the  enemy  forced  our  men  to  forsake  the 
Bulwarks  of  the  High  Country.  And  then  it  was  moved  to 
my  Lord  Deputy  that  the  sea  might  be  let  in,  as  well  to 
drown  the  Causeway  beyond  Newhaven  Bridge,  as  also 
other  places  about  the  town  :  wherein  was  answered,  "  Not 
to  be  necessary  without  more  appearance  of  besieging,"  and 
because  that  "the  sea  being  entered  in,  should  hinder  the 
pastures  of  the  cattle,  and  also  the  brewing  of  the  beer." 

The  same  day,  my  Lord  took  order  that  victuals  and  other 
necessaries  should  be  sent  to  Newhaven  Bridge  for  six  days; 
which  was  done. 

Item.  On  Monday  [■^rd  January']  in  the  morning,  my  Lord 
Deputy,  with  the  rest  of  the  Council  there,  perceiving  that 
the  enemy  intended  to  approach  nearer,  were  in  doubt 
whether  they  might  abandon  the  Low  Country  :  and  by 
advice,  my  Lord  gave  order  that  the  Bailiff  of  Marke  should 
appoint  the  servants  and  women  of  the  Low  Country,  with 
their  superfluous  cattle,  to  draw  (if  need  happened)  into  the 
Flemish  Pale  ;  and  the  said  Bailiff  with  his  best  men,  to 
repair  to  Marke  Church,  and  there  to  abide  further  orders. 

The  same  morning  before  day,  the  enemy  had  made  their 
approaches,  and  did  batter  both  Newhaven  Bridge  and  the 
Rysbank  ;  which  were  given  up  before  nine  o'clock. 

The  Captain  of  Newhaven  Bridge  had  word  sent  him  that 
if  he  saw  no  remedy  to  avoid  the  danger,  that  then  he  should 
retire  with  his  company  into  the  Town. 

The  Captain  of  Rysbank  did,  about  the  same  time, 
surrender ;  because,  as  he  told  me  since,  his  pieces  were  all 
dismounted,  and  the  soldiers  very  loth  to  tarry  at  the  breach  : 
wherein  I  know  no  more. 

But  after  the  enemy  was  entered,  I  caused  the  said 
Rysbank  to  be  battered ;  and  when  my  Lord  saw  how  little 
it  profited,  he  commanded  to  cease. 

The  same  day,  the  passages  being  both  lost,  the  enemy 
planted  their  ordnance  on  the  Sand  Hill,  to  batter  the  north 
side  of  the  town ;  and  then  I  moved  my  Lord  to  call  in  as 
many  countrymen  [English  peasantry]  as  he  could,  and  to 
appoint  them  Captains  and  their  several  quarters,  for  the 
relief  of  those  which  did  most  commonly  watch  and  attend 
on  the  walls.  Who  answered,  "  He  had  determined  already 
so  to  do."     Howbeit  the  women  did  more   labour   [watch] 


314    The  French  Attack  on  the  Town.    [/mSSs; 

about  the  ramparts  than  the  said  countrymen;  which,  for 
lack  of  order  in  time,  did  absent  themselves  in  houses  and 
other  secret  places. 

The  same  evening,  Captain  Saligues  [or  Sellyn]  came 
into  Calais  ;  whereupon  the  people  rejoiced,  hoping  some  suc- 
cour; but  after  that  time,  it  was  too  late  to  receive  help  by  land, 
because  the  French  horsemen  were  entered  the  Low  Country. 

Item.  On  Tuesday  [^th  January]  in  the  morning,  the 
enemy  began  their  battery  to  the  Town ;  on  which  side  I  had 
placed  fourteen  brass  pieces.  Howbeit,  within  short  time, 
the  enemy  having  so  commodious  a  place,  did  dismount 
certain  of  our  best  pieces,  and  consumed  some  of  the 
gunners,  which  stood  very  open  for  lack  of  mounds  and 
good  fortification.  For  if  the  rampart  had  been  finished, 
then  might  divers  pieces  have  been  brought  from  other 
places  ;  which  were  above  sixty  in  number,  ready  mounted  : 
but  lacking  convenient  place,  and  chiefly  cannoneers  and 
pioneers,  it  was  hard  to  displace  the  French  battery.  Which 
counter  battery  could  not  have  been  maintained  for  lack  of 
powder.  For,  at  the  beginning,  having  in  store,  400  barrels ; 
I  found  there  was  spent  within  five  days,  100. 

Item.  On  Wednesday  [5^^  January],  the  enemy  continued 
their  battery  on  the  town,  without  great  hurt  done,  because 
they  could  not  beat  the  foot  of  the  wall,  for  that  the  contremure 
was  of  a  good  height,  and  we  reinforced  the  breach,  in  the 
night,  with  timber,  wool,  and  other  matter  sufficiently ;  and 
we  looked  that  the  enemy  would  have  attempted  the  assault 
the  same  evening;  whereupon  I  caused  two  flankers  to  be 
made  ready,  and  also  placed  two  bombards,  by  the  help  of 
the  soldiers,  appointing  weapons  and  fireworks  to  be  in  readi- 
ness at  the  said  breach.  At  which  time,  my  Lord  commanded 
the  soldiers  of  the  garrison  to  keep  their  ordinary  wards,  and 
Master  Grimston  to  the  breach  with  the  residue  of  the  best 
soldiers.  And  then  my  Lord  exhorted  all  men  to  fight,  with 
other  good  words  as  in  such  cases  appertaineth.  And  my 
Lord  told  me,  divers  times,  that  "  although  there  came  no 
succour ;  yet  he  would  never  yield,  nor  stand  to  answer  the 
loss  of  such  a  town." 

Item.  On  Thursday  [6th  January],  began  one  other  battery 
to  the  Castle ;  which  being  a  high  and  weak  wall  without 
ramparts,  was  made  [asjsaultable  the  same  day.    Whereupon, 


f mSisIs.]  Their  Attack  on  the  Castle.  315 

the  Captain  of  the  Castle  desired  some  more  help  to  defend 
this  breach,  or  else  to  know  what  my  Lord  thought  best  in 
that  behalf.  Then,  after  long  debating,  my  Lord  determined 
to  have  the  towers  overthrown,  which  one  Saulle  took  upon 
him  to  do  ;  notwithstanding,  I  said  openly  that  "  if  the  Castle 
were  abandoned,  it  should  be  the  loss  of  the  Town." 

The  same  night,  my  Lord  appointed  me  to  be  at  the  breach 
of  the  town  with  him :  and,  about  eight  of  the  clock,  the 
enemy  waded  over  the  haven,  at  the  low  water,  with  certain 
harquebussiers,  to  view  the  breaches  ;  and,  coming  to  the 
Castle,  found  no  resistance,  and  so  entered.  Then  the  said 
Saulle  failed  to  give  fire  unto  the  train  of  powder  [s^:^  ^.  3 30]. 

Then  my  Lord,  understanding"  that  the  enemy  were  en- 
tered into  the  Castle,  commanded  me  to  give  order  for  battering 
of  the  Castle ;  whereupon  incontinent  there  were  bent  three 
cannons  and  one  saker  [p.  399]  before  the  gate,  to  beat  the 
bridge;  which,  being  in  the  night,  did  not  greatly  annoy. 

The  same  time,  Master  Marshall  [Sir  Anthony  Aucher, 
see  p.  292]  with  divers  soldiers,  came  towards  the  Castle, 
lest  the  enemy  should  enter  the  town  also.  And  after  we  had 
skirmished  upon  the  bridge,  seeing  no  remedy  to  recover 
the  Castle,  we  did  burn  and  break  the  said  bridge  :  and  there 
was  a  trench  immediately  cast  before  the  Castle,  which  was 
[the]  only  help  at  that  time. 

Within  one  hour  after,  upon  necessity  of  things,  [my  Lord] 
determined  to  send  a  trumpet  with  a  herald,  declaring  that 
"  If  the  Frenchmen  would  send  one  gentleman,  then  he  would 
send  one  other  in  gage."  Whereupon  my  Lord  sent  for  me, 
and  commanded  that  I  should  go  forth  of  the  town  for  the 
same  purpose ;  wherein  I  desired  his  Lordship  that  he  would 
send  some  other,  and  rather  throw  me  over  the  walls.  Then 
he  spake  likewise  to  one  Windebanke,  and  to  Massingberd, 
as  I  remember,  which  were  both  to  go  unto  such  service. 

Then  my  Lord  sent  for  me  again,  in  Peyton's  house;  and 
being  eftsoons  commanded  by  the  Council  there,  I  went  forth 
with  a  trumpet  [trumpeter],  and  received  in  a  French  gentle- 
man :  who,  as  I  heard,  was  brought  to  my  Lord  Deputy's 
house,  and  treated  upon  some  Articles;  which  were  brought, 
within  one  hour,  by  one  Hall,  merchant  of  the  staple. 

Then  Monsieur  D'Andelot  entered  the  town  with  certain 
French  gentlemen ;  and  the  said  Hall  and  I  were  brought  to 


3 16  Is  AN  English  gage  in  the  French  Camp.  [/mS^SJ 

Monsieur  de  Guise,  who  lay  in  the  sand  hills  by  Rysbank, 
and  there  the  said  Hall  delivered  a  bill :  and  we  were  sent 
to  Monsieur  D'Estrees'  tent. 

The  Friday  after  [yth  January],  Monsieur  D'Estrees  told 
me  that  my  Lord  Deputy  had  agreed  to  render  the  town  with 
loss  of  all  the  goods,  and  fifty  prisoners  to  remain. 

On  Saturday  [8th  jfamiary],  he  brought  me  into  the  town, 
willing  me  to  tell  him  what  ordnance,  powder,  and  other 
houses  did  belong  unto  my  office  ;  because  he  would  reserve 
the  same  from  spoiling  by  the  French  soldiers.  And  after  he 
had  knowledge  that  all  my  living  was  on  that  side  [i.e.,  he  had 
only  his  Mastership  of  the  Ordnance  at  Calais],  he  was  content 
that  I  should  depart  into  Flanders. 

Notwithstanding,  I  was  driven  off  till  Wednesday,  [12th 
January].  Then  he  said,  "  He  would  send  me  away,  if  I 
would  promise  him  to  make  suit  that  his  son  might  be  re- 
turned in  exchange  for  the  Captain  of  the  Castle,"  who,  being 
prisoner,  desired  me  also  to  travail  in  it,  for  he  would  rather 
give  3,000  crowns  [:=j^goo  then-=ahout  -£"9,000  now],  than  re- 
main a  prisoner.  Whereupon  I  promised  to  inquire  and 
labour  in  the  same  matter  to  the  best  of  my  power. 

On  my  said  return  into  the  town,  I  found  my  wife,  which 
showed  me  that,  in  my  absence,  she  had  bestowed  my  money 
and  plate  to  the  value  of  ;^6oo  [=.about  ;^6,ooo  now]  ;  which 
was  found  before  my  coming,  saving  one  bag  with  350  crowns 
[z=£io^:=about  jfijOOo  now],  which  I  offered  to  give  unto 
Monsieur  D'Estrees  if  he  would  promise  me,  on  his  honour, 
to  despatch  me  on  horseback  to  Gravelines  [then  held  by  the 
Spaniards],     Which  he  did. 

And  there  I  met  with  Monsieur  de  Vandeville,  to  whom 
I  told,  that  "  I  thought  the  enemy  would  visit  him  shortly"; 
and,  among  other  things,  I  inquire  where  Monsieur  D' 
Estrees'  son  did  lay;  who  told  me,  **  He  was  at  Bruges." 

Then,  at  my  coming  to  Dunkirk,  there  were  divers  English- 
men willing  to  serve  [i.e.,  in  Philip  11.' s  army]  :  whereupon  I 
spake  to  the  Captain  of  the  town ;  who  advised  me  to  move 
it  to  the  Duke  of  Savoy. 

Then  I  rode  to  Bruges,  beseeching  him  to  consider  the 
poor  men,  and  how  willing  they  were  to  serve  the  King's 
Majesty,  if  they  might  be  employed.    Then  he  answered,  that 


■MHfsls."]    ^S  IMPRISONED  BY  THE  DUKE  OF   SaVOY.       317 

he  "  thought  my  Lord  of  Pembroke  would  shortly  arrive  at 
Dunkirk  and  then  he  would  take  order." 

Further,  the  said  Duke  asked  me,  "  After  what  sort  the 
town  was  lost  ?  " 

I  answered  that  "  The  cause  was  not  only  by  the  weakness 
of  the  Castle,  and  the  lack  of  men  ;  but  also  I  thought  there 
was  some  treason,  for,  as  I  heard,  there  were  some  escaped 
out  of  the  town  :  and  the  Frenchmen  told  me,  that  they  had 
intelligence  of  all  our  estate  within  the  town." 

Then  I  put  the  Duke  in  remembrance  of  Guisnes ;  who 
told  me,  that  "  he  would  succour  the  Castle,  if  it  were  kept 
four  or  five  days." 

Then  I  took  leave  to  depart  from  him,  and  when  I  was 
going  out  of  the  house,  he  sent  his  Captain  of  his  Guard  to 
commit  me  to  prison,  where  I  have  remained  nine  weeks, 
[January — March,  1558], without  any  matter  laid  to  my  charge ; 
saving  he  sent  to  me,  within  fourteen  days  after,  to  declare 
in  writing,  after  what  sort  the  town  was  lost,  which  I  did  as 
nigh  as  I  could  remember. 

And  at  the  Duke's  next  return  to  Bruges,  I  sent  him  a 
supplication,  desiring  that,  if  any  information  were  made 
against  me,  I  might  answer  it  in  England,  or  otherwise  at 
his  pleasure. 

[In  the  Public  Record  Office,  Sia^e  Papers,  Foreign,  Marv,  is  the 
following  letter  in  French. 

1558  Emanuel  Philibert,  Duke  of  Savoy  to  Queen  Mary. 
March  14,  She  will  have  been  advertised  that,  soon  after  the  French  had 
entered  Calais,  John  Highfield,  late  Master  of  the  Artillery 
Sl  Omer.  there,  came  to  Bruges.  From  strong  suspicion  that  there  had 
been  an  understanding  between  him  and  the  French,  had 
caused  him  to  be  arrested  and  detained  at  Bruges,  where  he 
has  been  until  now. 

Lately,  while  repassing  through  that  town,  was  importuned 
by  the  prisoner's  wife  to  set  him  free.     Sends  her  under  the 
charge  of  a  French  gentleman,  Francis  du  Bourch,  the 
bearer.] 
Whereupon  he  took  order  to  send  me  hither  \i.e.,  to  England] 
without  paying  any  part  of  my  charges,  which  I  have  pro- 
mised to  answer. 

Most  humbly  praying  your  Highness  to  consider  my  poor 
estate,  and  willing  heart,  which  I  bear,  and  am  most  bounden 
to  your  Grace's  service  :  beseeching  God  to  conserve  your 
Majesty  in  all  felicity. 


3i8 


John    Fox,    the  Martyrologist. 
Mistress    Thorpe's    Escape    at    Calais. 

[Actes  and  Monumenies,  p.  1702,  Ed»  1563.] 

He  worthy  works  of  the  LORD's  mercy  toward  His 
people  be  manifold,  and  cannot  be  comprehended: 
so  that  who  is  he  living  in  the  earth  almost,  who 
hath  not  experienced  the  helping  hand  of  the 
LORD,  at  some  time  or  other  upon  him  ? 
Amongst  many  other,  what  a  piece  of  GOD's  tender  provi- 
dence was  shewed,  of  late,  upon  our  English  brethren  and 
countrymen,  what  time  Calais  was  taken  by  the  tyrant 
Guise  (a  cruel  enemy  to  GOD's  truth,  and  to  our  English 
nation) ;  and  yet  by  the  gracious  provision  of  the  LORD, 
few,  or  none  at  all,  of  so  many  that  favoured  Christ  and  His 
Gospel,  miscarried  in  that  terrible  Spoil. 

In  the  number  of  whom,  I  know  a  godly  couple,  one  John 
Thorpe  and  his  wife,  which  fear  the  LORD  and  loveth  His 
truth  ;  who  being  sick  the  same  time,  were  cast  out  into  the 
wild  fields,  harbourless,  desolate,  and  despairing  of  all  hope 
of  life ;  having  their  young  infant  moreover  taken  from  them 
in  the  said  fields,  and  carried  away  by  the  soldiers.  Yet  the 
LORD  so  wrought,  that  the  poor  woman,  being  almost  past 
recovery  of  life,  was  fetched  and  carried,  the  space  of  well 
nigh  a  mile,  by  aliens  whom  they  never  knew,  into  a  village, 
where  she  was  recovered  for  that  night. 

Also  the  next  day,  coming  towards  England,  she  chanced 
into  the  same  inn  at  the  next  town,  where  she  found  her 
young  child  sitting  by  the  fireside. 


319 


Lord  Grey  of  Wilton,  Governor  of 
Guisnes. 

Letter  to  ^^een   Mar  k,  4M 
January^    \^S^^      7   a.7n, 

[State  Papers.    Foreign,  MARY,  Vol.  xii.  No.  yti.] 

Y  MOST  bounden  duty  humbly  premised  to  your 
Majesty.  Whereas  I  have  heretofore  always  in 
effect  written  nothing  to  your  Highness  but  good, 
touching  the  service  and  state  of  your  places 
here ;  I  am  now  constrained,  with  woful  heart, 
to  signify  unto  your  Majesty  these  ensuing. 

The  French  have  won  Newhaven  Bridge,  and  thereby 
entered  into  all  the  Low  Country  and  the  marshes  between 
this  [Guisnes]  and  Calais.  They  have  also  won  Rysbanke, 
whereby  they  be  now  master  of  that  haven. 

And  this  last  night  past,  they  have  placed  their  ordnance 
of  battery  against  Calais,  and  are  encamped  at  St.  Peter's 
Heath  before  it :  so  that  I  now  am  clean  cut  off  from  all 
relief  and  aid  which  I  looked  to  have  (both  out  of  England, 
and  from  Calais)  and  know  not  how  to  have  help  by  any 
means,  either  of  men  or  victuals. 

There  resteth  now  none  other  way  for  the  succour  of 
Calais  and  the  rest  of  your  Highness's  pieces  on  this  side, 
but  a  power  of  men  out  of  England,  or  from  the  King's 
Majesty  [Philip  H.]  ;  or  from  both,  without  delay,  able  to 
distress  and  keep  them  from  victuals  coming  to  them,  as  well 
by  sea  as  land ;  which  shall  force  them  to  leave  their  siege 
to  the  battle,  or  else  drive  them  to  a  greater  danger. 

For  lack  of  men  out  of  England,  I  shall  be  forced  to 
abandon  the  Town  [of  Guisnes],  and  take  in  the  soldiers 
thereof  for  the  Castle.  I  have  made  as  good  provision  of 
victuals  as  I  could,  by  any  means,  out  of  the  country ;  with 
which,  GOD  willing !  I  doubt  not  to  defend  and  keep  this 
piece  as  long  as  any  man,  whosoever  he  be,  having  no  better 
provision,  and  furniture  of  men  and  victuals  than  I  have: 


320  Assuredly  English,  even  to  the  death!  [^^I^.^j^; 

wherein  your  Grace  shall  well  perceive  that  I  will  not  fail 
to  do  the  duty  of  a  faithful  subject  and  Captain,  although 
the  enemy  attempt  never  so  stoutly  ;  according  to  the  trust 
reposed  in  me. 

I  addressed  letters  presently  to  the  King's  Majesty  by  this 
bearer,  most  humbly  desiring  aid  from  him;  according  to  the 
effect  aforesaid. 

I  might  now  very  evil[ly]  have  spared  this  bringer,  my 
servant  and  trusty  Officer  here,  in  this  time  of  service. 
Howbeit  considering  the  great  importance  of  his  message,  I 
thought  him  a  meet  man  for  the  purpose ;  desiring  your 
Majesty  to  credit  him  fully,  and  to  hear  him  at  large,  even  as 
directly  as  your  Grace  would  hear  me  to  open  my  mind  in 
this  complaint  of  imminent  danger. 

Thus  trusting  for  relief  and  comfort  forthwith  from  your 
Majesty  for  the  safeguard  of  Calais,  and  other  your  pieces 
here  ;  I  take  my  leave  most  humbly  of  your  Grace. 

At  your  Highness's  Castle  of  Guisnes,  most  assured  Eng- 
lish even  to  the  death,  the  4th  January,  1557,  at  seven  of  the 
clock  in  the  morning. 

Your  Majesty's  most  humble  servant, 

And  obedient  servant, 

William  Grey. 


321 


Thomas  Churchyard,  the  Poet. 

Share  in^  and  Rye   Witness  account  of  the 
Siege  of  Guisnes,      nth— 22nd  fanuary^ 

1558,  A.D. 

[A  General  ReJuarsal  of  Wars,  &=€.  1579.    The  title  in  the  headline  is  CHURCHYARD'S  Choice.] 

Ir  William  Drury,  now  [in  1579]  Lord  Justice 
of  Ireland,  was  so  inclined  to  martial  affairs,  that, 
when  foreign  wars  were  ended,  he  sought  enter- 
tainment at  Guisnes,  and  those  parts ;  which  had 
war  with  the  French,  for  King  Phillip's  Quarrel. 
And  he,  having  charge,  and  a  lusty  Band  of  Horsemen,  did 
many  things  that  merit  good  liking. 

For  at  that  time,  [there]  was  much  ado  :  a  Band  [regiment] 
of  horsemen,  very  well  appointed  and  full  of  gentlemen,  was 
sent  from  [Sir  Thomas  Cheney,  K.G.]  the  Lord  Warden  [of 
the  Cinque  Ports],  an  honourable  and  a  worthy  gentleman, 
most  full  of  nobleness;  the  Lord  Cheney's  father,  now  living. 
In  this  band,  and  belonging  to  that  charge,  were  sundry  of  the 
Keyes,  gentlemen  of  good  service :  Master  Crippes  having 
the  leading  of  all  that  company.  There  were  sent,  in  like 
sort,  from  the  Prince  [Sovereign,  i.e..  Queen  Mary]:  Master 
William  Herbert's  (of  St.  Gillian)  brother,  called  Master 
George  Herbert,  with  a  Band  of  footmen ;  and  one  Captain 
Borne,  whose  Lieutenant  I  was,  at  the  siege  of  Guisnes. 

These  bands,  a  good  season  before  Calais  and  Guisnes 
were  taken,  joining  with  other  bands  of  Calais,  did  make 
divers  journeys  into  Bollinnoyes  [the  Boullognois,  or  district 
round  Boulogne] ;  and  sped  very  well :  Sir  William  Drury, 
at  every  service,  deserved  no  little  praise ;  and  one  Captain 
WiNNiBANK,  an  ancient  soldier,  was  oftentimes  so  forward, 
that  he  was  once  run  through  with  a  lance.  Many  Gentle- 
men in  those  services  did  well  and  worthily  :  and  sundry 
times  the  Lord  Warden's  Band  was  to  be  oraised. 


322  Cavalry  raids  beyond  the  Pale,  [^- 


Churchyard. 
?  1579' 


And,  at  length,  a  voyage  was  made,  by  the  consent  and 
whole  power  of  Calais  and  Guisnes,  to  fetch  a  prey  from 
Boulogne  gates ;  Monsieur  Snarpoule  [?  Senarpont]  then 
being  Governor  of  Boulogne  :  but  we  could  not  handle  the 
matter  so  privily,  but  the  French,  by  espial,  had  gotten 
word  thereof.  Notwithstanding,  as  soldiers  commonly 
go  forward  with  their  device,  so  we  marched  secretly  all 
the  whole  night  to  come  to  our  proposed  enterprise  :  with 
our  footmen,  whereof  Sir  Harry  Palmer,  a  man  of  great 
experience,  had  the  leading.  He  remained,  with  the  whole 
power  of  [the]  footmen,  near  the  Black  Neasts,  as  a  stale 
[decoy]  to  annoy  the  enemy,  and  succour  for  such  as 
were  driven  in,  if  any  such  occasion  came.  So  the  Horse 
Bands  [troops]  brake  into  the  country,  and  pressed  near 
Boulogne ;  where  there  was  a  great  number  of  gallant 
soldiers  to  receive  them :  but  our  horsemen,  making  small 
account  of  the  matter,  began  to  prey  [upon]  the  country,  and 
drive  a  booty  from  the  face  of  the  enemy.  The  French 
horsemen,  taking  their  advantage,  offered  a  skirmish,  to 
detract  time,  till  better  opportunity  served  to  give  a  charge. 
This  courageous  bickering  grew  so  hot,  that  the  French 
bands  began  to  show;  and  our  men  must  abide  a  shock,  or 
retire  hardily  with  some  foil :  whereupon  the  chiefest  of  our 
horsemen  charged  those  of  the  French  that  were  nearest 
danger ;  by  which  attempt,  the  French  stayed  a  while.  But, 
upon  small  pause,  they  charged  our  men  again,  and  over- 
threw of  the  "  Black  Lances  "  a  thirty  :  carrying  away  with 
them  into  Boulogne,  eighteen  gentlemen,  prisoners.  This 
skirmish  began  at  seven  o'clock  in  the  morning ;  and  lasted, 
in  very  great  service,  till  a  leven  [eleven].  From  this  over- 
throw, came  divers  soldiers,  sore  wounded,  to  our  Foot  bands 
[companies]  ;  whose  heaviness  made  the  valiant  sort  pluck  up 
their  hearts,  and  seek  a  revenge. 

Then,  albeit,  that  Foot  Captains  and  gentlemen  seldom 
leave  their  Bands,  and  venture  beyond  their  charge  (a  rule  to 
be  much  regarded!), yet  the  stoutest  Captains  and  gentlemen 
found  means  to  horse  themselves  on  cart  horses  and  victual- 
lers' nags :  and  put  certain  scarfs,  in  manner  of  guidons 
[standards]  on  staves*  [spears']  ends  j  showing  those  guidons 
under  a  hill  in  several  sorts,  sometimes  appearing  with 
twenty  men,  sometimes  with  fifty.     And,  last  of  all,  made 


T.  Churchyard.-j     ^g    ^^^   ^g    ^j^j,    GATES    OF    BoULOGNE.        323 

show  of  all  our  number,  which  was  not  fifty  ;  and  so,  with  a 
courageous  cry,  set  upon  the  enemy  (leaving  some  of  these 
devised  guidons  behind  on  the  hill  top),  and  charged  them 
with  such  a  fury  that  they  left  their  booty,  and  stood  to  their 
defence  :  but,  in  fine,  were  forced  to  retire,  for  by  the  little 
stay  we  held  the  enemy  in,  our  footmen  had  leisure  to  march  ; 
the  sound  of  whose  drums  gave  no  great  courage  to  the 
French,  For  they  thereon,  gave  back,  and  left  some  of  their 
best  soldiers  behind  them  ;  whom  we  brought  to  Guisnes  : 
driving  the  prey  before  us,  that  was  gotten  in  the  morning, 
lost  in  a  skirmish,  and  recovered  again  at  noon.  At  this 
service,  were  Sir  William  Drury,  Captain  Alexander  of 
Newnham  Bridge,  Captain  Crippes,  Captain  Keyes,  and 
three  of  his  brethren,  Captain  George  Herbert,  and 
sundry  others,  in  like  manner,  that  merit  good  respect. 

Our  power  met  many  times  together ;  and  did  much  hurt 
in  the  Boullognois.  We  besieged  Fines  Castle,  and  wan  it : 
and  Blossling  Church,  and  overthrew  it ;  and  killed  all  the 
men  that  we  found  therein,  because  Sir  Harry  Palmer  was 
there  hurt  through  the  arm,  with  a  shot. 

A  long  season,  our  fortune  was  good  ;  till,  at  length,  by 
some  oversight  or  mishap  (Let  the  blame  fall  where  it  ought !) 
we  lost  Calais  and  Guisnes. 

But  a  little,  I  pray  you !  give  me  leave  to  touch  truly  the 
Siege  of  Guisnes  :  not  because  I  had  some  charge  there ;  but 
because  sundry  reports  hath  been  raised  thereof,  by  those 
that  never  thoroughly  knew  or  understood  the  matter. 

The  very  truth  is,  after  Calais  was  won,  and  that  all  hope 
was  taken  from  us  of  any  succour  out  of  England,  our 
General,  the  honourable  Lord  Grey  [of  Wilton],  that  is  dead 
[he  died  in  1562],  and  Master  Lewis  Dive  [p.  S2y],  his  Lieu- 
tenant, Sir  Harry  Palmer,  and  all  the  Captains  of  Guisnes, 
determined  to  abide  the  worst  that  Fortune  or  the  French 
could  do. 

And  the  day  [i^th  of  January,  1558]  of  the  first  approach 
the  enemy  made,  we  offered  a  hot  and  stout  skirmish ;  but 
being  driven  in  by  an  over  great  power,  though  our  whole 
people  were  1,300  men,  and  kept  the  Town  awhile.  But 
considering  the  Castle  to  be  strongest,  and  doubting  [fearing] 
that  by  a  Cambozade  or  sudden  assault,  the  town  might  be 
won,  for  it  was  but  weak ;  we  retired  our  whole  power  into 


324      GUISNES  IS  GARRISONED  BY   I,300  MEN.     [ "^^  ^^i'"'"''''^ 

the  Castle :  and  so  manned  the  base  Court,  the  Braies,  and 
Bulwarks,  the  Keep,  the  Catte,  the  Heart  of  the  Castle,  and 
all  that  was  necessary,  with  double  men. 

At  the  present  siege,  there  came  out  of  Flanders,  fifty 
valiant  Spaniards ;  and  a  band  of  Burgundians,  Monsieur 
DiEFFKiE,  being  their  Captain.  Monsieur  Mount  Dragon 
was  leader  of  the  Spaniards  :  who  were  placed  in  the  Braies ; 
where  Captain  Lambert  had  some  shot  [harquebussiers]  to 
succour  them. 

The  Burgundians  were  placed  in  Mary  Bulwark ;  with 
Captain  Borne's  Band,  whose  Lieutenant  I  was.  Against 
this  Bulwark,  which  was  thought  impregnable,  the  [French- 
men's] great  battery  was  planted :  albeit,  three  or  four  days 
[i^th-iSth  jfamiary,  see  pp.  296-97]  were  spent  (we  held  the 
enemy  such  play),  before  the  battery  was  planted. 

One  day,  we  issued  [forth],  and  set  upon  Monsieur  [i.e.,  the 
Duke]  De  Guise,  as  he  was  in  a  place  called  Mill  Field, 
viewing  the  ground  ;  and  had  taken  him,  had  he  not  left  his 
cloak  behind  him  :  of  the  which  white  cloak,  one  of  our 
Gentlemen  had  hold  of.  And  though  he  was  succoured,  we 
brought  away  some  of  his  company :  and  retired  with  little 
loss  or  none  at  all.  [Sir  Arthur],  the  Lord  Grey  that  now 
is  [1579],  was  at  the  hard  escape  of  Monsieur  De  Guise. 

We  set  upon  a  great  troop  of  horsemen,  not  long  before 
this,  that  came  from  the  spoil  of  Calais  ;  and  took  numbers 
of  them.  I  had,  for  my  part,  a  couple  of  fair  horses  and  a 
prisoner.  At  both  these  services,  were  old  Captain  Andrea, 
Captain  John  Savage,  and  a  sufficient  number  of  lusty  soldiers. 

We  made  divers  sallies,  but  that  prevailed  not.  For  the 
battery  went  off,  and  many  other  great  cannons  did  beat  at 
the  high  towers  ;  the  stones  whereof  did  marvellously  annoy 
us  :  and  the  shot  was  so  great ;  and  the  enemy  had  gotten 
such  great  advantage  of  ground,  that  we  could  not  walk,  nor 
go  safely  any  way  within  the  Castle.  For  our  General  and 
Sir  Harry  Palmer  sitting  on  a  form,  devising  for  our  com- 
modity, were  in  such  danger,  that  a  cannon  shot  took 
away  the  form,  and  brake  Sir  Harry  Palmer's  leg  ;  of  which 
hurt,  he  died  in  Paris  after.  And  a  great  shot  took  off 
Master  Wake's  head,  as  he  was  sleeping  under  a  great  tree. 
So  sundry,  that  thought  themselves  safe,  were  so  dribbed  at 
with  cannon  shot,  that  they  never  knew  who  did  hurt  them. 


T.  Churchyard.-j  MaRY   BuLWARK  DEFENDED  BY  45O  MEN.     325 

Well,  the  time  drew  on,  after  the  breach  was  made,  we 
must  defend  the  assault  that  was  given  to  Mary  Bulwark  ; 
which  stood  out[side]  of  the  Castle,  and  far  from  succour  of 
any :  because  the  gate  was  rammed  up ;  and  we  could  not 
pass  into  the  Castle  but  by  the  way,  first,  along  the  Braies, 
and  then,  between  two  gates.  Which  way,  the  enemy  had 
espied  :  and  placed  many  great  shot,  full  upon  that  passage. 

Now  [i.e.,  18th  January,  1558]  Monsieur  Diffkie,  Captain 
Borne,  Captain  Oswold  Lambert  [with  their  companies],  and 
the  fifty  Spaniards,  [to  the  number  in  all  of  about  450  men]  were 
forced  to  abide  the  assault;  which  began  at  eleven  o'clock, 
and  lasted  till  night.  Mount  Dragon  came  into  Mary  Bul- 
wark, and  three  gentlemen  more  ;  and  stood  stoutly  to  our 
defence  :  two  of  whom  were  slain.  My  Captain's  head  was 
smitten  off  with  a  cannon's  shot :  and  unto  our  Band  were  left 
no  more  but  one  Master  Holford  and  I,  to  guide  the  whole 
company.  And  Captain  Diffkie  was  wounded  to  the  death, 
whose  Band  fought  manfully  in  the  revenge  of  their  Captain. 
The  old  Captain  Andrea,  covetous  of  fame,  was  desirous 
to  have  our  fellowship :  but  he  had  no  Band  [company]  nor 
people  to  do  us  pleasure.  Captain  Lambert  was  crossed 
[struck]  with  a  great  shot ;  and  mine  armour,  with  the  break- 
ing of  a  great  piece,  was  stricken  flat  upon  my  body ;  but  [it] 
being  unbraced,  I  might  continue  the  service.  Which 
service,  in  mine  opinion,  was  so  terribly  handled  by  the 
French  (Monsieur  D'Andelot  being  the  leader  of  the 
assault),  that  both  Englishman,  Burgundian,  and  Spaniard, 
at  that  Bulwark,  had  enough  to  do  to  keep  the  enemy  out : 
and,  as  I  believe,  at  this  assault,  we  lost  150  good  soldiers. 

But  the  night  coming  on,  the  French  surceased  their  fury, 
and  yet  kept  themselves  closely,  under  the  top  of  the  breach, 
where  our  shot  nor  flankers  could  do  them  no  harm  :  for  all 
our  great  ordnance  was  dismounted,  long  before  the  enemy 
made  any  approach  for  the  giving  of  an  assault. 

The  next  day  [the  igth  of  January],  within  three  half  hours, 
the  battery  had  beaten  the  breach  so  bare  (it  moulded  away, 
like  a  hillock  of  sand)  that  we  [reduced  now  to  about  300  men] 
were  forced  to  fight  on  our  knees.  Having  been  kept  waking 
all  the  night  before,  with  false  allarummes  [alarms] ;  our  men 
began  to  faint,  and  wax  weary  of  working  at  the  breach  :  but 
we  defended  Mary  Bulwark  so  well  all  that  dangerous  day, 


326  Fighting   on   our   knees!  ["^^ ^^""j^^^^^g. 

that  the  French  lost  i,ooo  soldiers,  by  their  own  confession,  at 
the  same  service  ;  and  yet  the  assault  endured  to  the  very 
dark  night,  with  as  much  cruelty  as  could  be  devised.  And 
always  when  the  enemy's  first  men  did  wax  feeble  with 
labour  ;  there  was  a  second  and  new  relief  of  fresh  bands  to 
continue  the  assault :  so  that,  as  long  as  the  daylight  served, 
it  seemed  by  the  fight,  a  bloody  broil  hath  no  end,  nor  season 
to  take  breath  in;  which  certainly  would  have  daunted  any 
heart  living. 

The  next  night,  was  so  plied  with  politic  practices,  that  we 
had  scarcely  leisure  to  take  any  rest  or  sustentation.  And, 
indeed,  with  overwatching,  some  of  our  men  fell  asleep  "  in  the 
middle  of  the  tale  "  and  time  of  greatest  necessity  to  debate 
and  argue  of  those  things  that  pertained  to  life  and  liberty, 
and  to  avoid  utter  servitude  and  shame  [i.e.,  they  slept  in  the 
course  of  the  fight] . 

And  now  we,  that  were  without  the  Castle,  might  hear 
great  business  and  stir  throughout  the  whole  body  and  heart 
of  the  piece  [fortress] . 

For,  the  next  morning  [20th  of  January,  1558],  which  was 
the  third  day  we  were  assaulted,  our  General  looked  for  a 
general  assault,  and  to  be  roundly  assailed :  as,  of  troth,  he 
was.  In  the  meanwhile,  we  might  speak  one  to  another  afar 
off,  and  our  friends  answered  us  over  the  wall  ;  for  nearer 
together,  we  might  not  come  :  and  for  succour  or  aid  to  our 
soldiers  in  Mary  Bulwark,  we  hoped  not  after.  Every  man 
was  occupied  with  his  own  business  and  charge  ;  that  no  one 
person  might  be  spared  from  his  place. 

Well,  as  GOD  would  permit,  the  poor  Spaniards  [in  the 
Braie]  and  such  Burgundians  as  were  left  alive  in  Mary 
Bulwark,  fell  to  make  a  counterscarf,  to  beat  out  the  enemy 
from  the  Braie,  when  the  Bulwark  should  be  won  :  as  it  was 
likely  to  be  lost,  the  breach  was  so  bare,  and  the  entry  for 
the  enemy  was  so  large;  for,  in  a  manner,  they  might  assault 
our  Bulwark  round  about,  on  all  sides.  And  they  did  lodge 
at  the  very  edge  of  the  breach,  to  the  number  of  2,000,  of  their 
bravest  Bands  :  minding  to  assail  us,  as  soon  as  the  day 
began  to  peep  out  of  the  skies. 

Which  they  performed,  when  the  third  day  approached. 
For  a  general  assault  was  given  to  every  place  of  the  Castle: 
which  assault  endured  till  the  very  night  came  on.     The 


T. Churchyard. J  Qnly  1 5  ESCAPE  FROM  Mary  Bulwark.   327 

French,  in  this  assault,  wan  the  Base  Court ;  and  were 
ready  to  set  fire  under  the  gate,  and  blow  it  up  with  powder. 

Monsieur  D'Andelot,  in  his  own  person,  with  2,000 
soldiers,  entered  the  Mary  Bulwark  ;  who  slew  the  Spaniards 
in  the  Braie  :  and  forced,  as  many  Burgundians  and  English 
as  were  left  alive,  which  were  but  15  (Captain  Andrea, 
Captain  Lambert,  and  myself;  with  twelve  common  soldiers) 
out  of  400,  to  leap  down  into  the  dykes,  and  so  to  scramble 
for  their  lives ;  and  creep  into  a  hole  of  a  brick  wall  that  my 
Lord  Grey  had  broken  out  to  receive  such  as  escaped  from 
the  assault.  But  when  we  had  entered  the  hole  in  the  wall, 
the  French  followed  at  our  heels ;  and  we,  to  save  our  lives, 
turned  again,  bending  pikes  against  the  passage,  and  so  shot 
off  one  hargaboze  [harquibus]  :  by  which  means,  the  enemy 
followed  no  further. 

And  yet  we  were  in  as  great  distress  as  before.  For  we 
were  between  two  gates  :  and  at  the  gate  we  should  have 
entered,  were  two  great  cannon,  ready  charged  to  be  shot 
off,  to  drive  them  back  that  would  have  set  fire  on  the  gate. 
And  the  cry  and  noise  was  so  great  and  terrible,  on  all  sides, 
that  we  could  not  be  heard  to  speak.  But,  as  GOD  would, 
Master  Lewis  Dive  [p.  323]  (now,  a  man  of  worship  in  Bed- 
fordshire) heard  my  voice.  Then  I  plied  the  matter  so  sore, 
for  life  :  so  that,  with  much  ado.  Master  Dive  received  us 
into  the  heart  of  the  Castle.  And  yet,  in  the  opening  of  the 
gate,  the  French  were  like  to  enter  pelley  melley  [pell  mell] 
with  us,  if  a  cannon  shot  had  not  made  place,  whiles  the  gate 
was  a  shutting. 

But  now,  we  were  no  sooner  come  before  my  Lord  Grey  : 
but  all  the  soldiers  cried,  "Yield  up  the  Castle,  upon  some 
reasonable  composition  !  "  And  when  the  soldiers  saw  they 
could  not  have  the  Castle  yielded ;  they  threatened  "  to  fling 
my  Lord  Grey  over  the  walls  "  :  and  that  was  determined  ; 
if  my  Lord  had  not  prevented  [forestalled]  them  with  a  policy. 
Whereupon  the  Captains  were  called  together;  and  there, 
they  agreed  to  send  me  to  Monsieur  De  Guise,  with  an 
offer,  that  "  If  we  might  all  march,  with  bag  and  baggage, 
ensign  displayed,  and  six  pieces  of  ordnance:  we  would  yield 
the  Castle  into  the  hands  of  the  French." 

Now  it  was  night,  and  I  must  be  let  out  at  Master  Harry 
Norwitch  his  Bulwark;    but  neither  Drum  nor  Trumpet 


328  Churchyard  sent  to  Duke  of  Guise,  ['^•^''7'''^5^^- 

went  with  me  :  because  a  Trumpeter  was  slain  as  he  sounded 
to  have  a  parley;  and,  as  I  heard  say,  a  Drum[mer]  that 
would  have  followed  me,  was  shot  in  the  leg.  But  there  was 
no  remedy.  I  must  wade  over  the  water,  in  which  there  lay 
certain  galthroppes,  as  they  term  them,  which  were  great 
boards,  full  of  long  spikes  of  iron  ;  on  the  which,  having  good 
boots  and  a  stay  in  my  hand,  I  was  taught  daintily  to  tread : 
and  the  night  was  so  dark,  that  the  enemy  might  not  take  any 
good  mark  of  me,  albeit  they  shot  divers  times. 

So,  with  some  hazard,  and  no  great  hope  to  attain  that  I  was 
sent  for,  I  was  taken  by  the  watch  ;  and  brought  to  Monsieur 
De  Guise's  tent,  where  the  Duke  D'Aumale  and  many  great 
Estates  were  in  presence. 

My  message  being  said,  with  due  reverence  made:  the 
Duke  told  me,  that  "all  our  ordnance  was  dismounted,  and 
that  thereby  our  malice  was  cut  off;  and  we  could  not  do 
his  camp  any  annoyance.  Wherefore,"  said  he,  "  this  was  a 
stout  brag,  to  seek  a  capitulation  with  such  advantage  upon." 

I  replied  to  his  Excellency,  and  told,  **  We  had  flankers 
[guns  with  a  cross  fire]  and  other  great  pieces,  which  would 
not  be  discovered  till  the  next  assault :  "  declaring  likewise, 
"  Our  soldiers  had  sworn  rather  to  die  in  their  [own]  defence, 
than  not  to  march  away,  like  men  of  war." 

The  noblemen,  on  this  mine  answer,  bade  me  "  Return  ! 
and  with  the  rest  of  the  Castle,  to  do  the  worst  they  could!" 

So  I  departed,  and  the  Duke  of  Guise  beholding,  as  he 
thought,  we  were  resolved  to  see  the  uttermost  of  fortune ; 
called  me  back  again :  and  fell  to  questions  and  arguments 
with  me,  such  as  I  liked  not  [i.e.,  he  tried  to  bribe  Church- 
yard in  some  way] ;  but  other  answer  did  I  not  make,  than 
you  have  heard  before.  Wherewith,  he  called  for  some  meat ; 
and  made  me  to  sit  down. 

After  I  had  a  little  refreshed  myself,  I  demanded  to  know 
his  pleasure. 

Who  straightways  told  me,  "  There  was  no  help  to  be  had ; 
but  to  become  all  captives  and  prisoners  to  the  French  King." 

"  Not  so,  Sir,"  I  answered ;  "  and  that  should  the  next 
assault  make  trial  of." 

Then,  he  went  to  talk  with  the  Noblemen  ;  and  there,  they 
concluded,  "  That  the  soldiers  should  march  away  with  bag 
and  baggage :  and  the  Captains  and  Officers  should  remain 


T.  Chu^rchyard.J    ^q   TREAT   FOR  SURRENDER   OF   GuiSNES.     329 

prisoners:"    which    I    knew   would   not   be   liked:    and    so 
desired  to  be  sent  to  my  Lord  Grey. 

But  when  I  came  into  the  Castle,  and  the  soldiers  had 
gotten  word  that  they  might  march  away  at  their  will  :  they 
came  to  me,  and  threatened  me  with  great  words,  command- 
ing me,  "To  make  despatch,  and  yield  up  the  fort  !"  For 
they  said,  "  Since  the  matter  is  in  talk,  and  likely  to  be 
brought  to  a  good  purpose ;  they  would  cut  my  throat,  if  I 
made  not,  hastily,  an  end  of  the  case."  And  thereupon  had 
they  made  a  great  hole  in  a  wall ;  and  so  they  thrust  me  out 
among  the  Almains,  who  rudely  handled  me. 

But  my  Lord  Grey,  at  my  departure,  bade  me  tell  the 
Duke,  that  the  Almains  were  about  to  break  into  the  Castle, 
and  to  set  the  gate  afire :  and  my  Lord  said,  "  He  would 
shoot  off  his  great  ordnance  among  them ;  if  the  Law  of 
Arms  were  not  better  observed  !  " 

But,  in  the  meantime,  at  another  place  was  entered  Mon- 
sieur DeTre  [D'EsTREES]  Master  of  the  [French]  Ordnance; 
and  [Sir  Arthur]  the  Lord  Grey  that  now  is,  was  sent  to 
the  Camp,  for  the  pawn  [security]  of  Monsieur  D'Estrees. 

But  I  was  come  to  Monsieur  De  Guise  before  those 
things  were  finished :  and  had  told  him  my  message.  And 
he,  like  a  noble  Prince  and  faithful  Captain,  rode  to  the  gate 
(causing  me  to  mount  behind  Master  Harry  Dudley)  ; 
where  the  Almains  were  busily  occupied  about  some  naughty 
practice  :  and,  with  a  great  truncheon,  he  stroke  divers  of 
the  Almains  and  others,  to  make  them  retire ;  and  laying  [a] 
load  [i.e.,  of  blows]  about  him,  he  made  such  way,  that  the 
gate  was  free,  and  the  capitulation  was,  at  leisure,  talked  of. 

But  I  was  not  suffered  to  enter  any  more  into  the  Castle ; 
and  so  stayed  as  a  prisoner. 

Notwithstanding,  look  what  promise  Monsieur  De  Guise 
made,  it  was  so  well  kept  and  observed  that  our  soldiers 
marched  away,  with  all  their  wealth,  money,  and  weapons. 
And  great  wealth  was  borne  by  them  from  Guisnes :  inso- 
much that  divers  poor  soldiers  were  made  thereby,  for  all 
[the]  days  of  their  life  after.  And  this  is  to  be  noted.  There 
was  great  honour  in  the  Duke  of  Guise.  For  the  Bands 
[originally  1,^00  p.  298;  but  now  about  500,  having  lost  800,  see 
below]  that  parted  [departed]  (either  sick  or  sound,  hurt  or 
whole)  were  honestly  conveyed,  and  truly  dealt  withal ;  even 


330  8oo  English,  and  4,000  French  lost.  [^•^'""rts/J 

as  long  as  they  were  in  any  danger,  albeit  they  had  great 
sums  of  money  and  treasure  with  them  :  and  the  General 
with  his  Captains  and  Officers  were  courteously  used,  so  long 
as  they  were  in  the  Duke  of  Guise  his  camp. 

And,   to  say   the  truth,    I  think  our  peace   was   not  so 
dishonourable,  as  some  report.     For 
Succour,  had  we  no  hope  of. 
The  next  assault  had  overthrown  us. 
The  whole  members  [i.e.,  the  external  fortifications]  of  the 

Castle  were  cut  off  from  us. 
There  remained  but  the  bare  body  of  the  Castle  in  our 

custody. 
The  enemy's  cannons  did  beat  us  from  the  breach  on 

the  inside. 
The  Castle  was  subject  to  every  shot ;   both  from  the 

Keep,  the  Catte,  and  the  Mary  Bulwark. 
The   French   possessed   all  the   special   places   of  our 

strength  and  comfort. 
The  best  and  chiefest  of  our  soldiers  were  slain,  or  lay 

maimed  in  most  miserable  state. 
And  we  had  lost  800  men  in  these  assaults  and  services ; 
which  did  their  duty  so  well,  that  the  enemy  con- 
fessed that  they  had  lost  4,000,  before  we  could  be 
brought  to  any  parley  or  composition. 
But  some  of  our  Officers,  by  craft  and  cunning,  escaped 
homewards    out    of    the    Frenchmen's    hands ;     came    to 
Court,  and  made  up  their  Bands  [companies]   again ;  to  the 
great  reproach  of  those  that  meant  no  such  matters.     So,  by 
that  subtilty  and  shift,  they  that  escaped  got  a  pay  or  some 
reward  of  the  Prince :  and  those  that  abode  out  the  brunt 
and  hazard  of  the  bloody  broil,  were  left  in  prison. 

And  the  world  thought,  by  seeing  so  many  come  home,  we 
had  lost  but  a  few  at  the  siege  of  Guisnes ;  which  is  other- 
wise to  be  proved  and  affirmed  for  a  truth  ;  when  true  trial 
[inquiry]  shall  be  made. 

Calais  was  lost  before,  I  cannot  declare  how.  But  well 
I  wot,  Sir  Anthony  Ager,  a  stout  gentleman,  and  a  valiant 
Knight,  there  lost  his  life  :  and  one  Captain  Saule  was  terribly 
burnt  with  powder,  in  making  a  train  to  destroy  the  enemy 


331 


John    Fox,    the  Martyrologist. 

The  death  of  ^ueen   Mary, 

\_The  Ecclesiastical  History  ii.  2296,  Ed.  1570]. 

Ow  then  after  these  so  great  afflictions  falling  upon 
this  realm  from  the  first  beginning  of  Queen  Mary's 
reign,  wherein  so  many  men,  women,  and  children 
were  burned ;  many  imprisoned,  and  in  prisons 
starved,  divers  exiled,  some  spoiled  of  goods  and 
possessions,  a  great  number  driven  from  house  and  home,  so 
many  weeping  eyes,  so  many  sobbing  hearts,  so  many  children 
made  fatherless,  so  many  fathers  bereft  of  their  wives  and 
children,  so  many  vexed  in  conscience,  and  divers  against 
conscience  constrained  to  recant,  and,  in  conclusion,  never  a 
good  man  in  all  the  realm  but  suffered  something  during  all 
the  time  of  this  bloody  persecution.  After  all  this,  I  say, 
now  we  are  come  at  length,  the  LORD  be  praised!  to  the 
17th  day  of  November,  which  day,  as  it  brought  to  the  perse- 
cuted members  of  Christ  rest  from  their  careful  mourning, 
so  it  easeth  me  somewhat  likewise  of  my  laborious  writing ; 
by  the  death,  I  mean,  of  Queen  Mary.  Who,  being  long 
sick  before,  upon  the  said  17th  day  of  November,  1558,  about 
three  or  four  a  clock  in  the  morning,  yielded  her  life  to  nature, 
and  her  kingdom  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  her  sister. 

As  touching  the  manner  of  whose  death,  some  say  that  she 
died  of  a  tympany  [dropsy]  ;  some,  by  her  much  sighing 
before  her  death,  supposed  she  died  of  thought  and  sorrow. 
Whereupon  her  Council  seeing  her  sighing,  and  desirous  to 
know  the  cause,  to  the  end  they  might  minister  the  more 
ready  consolation  unto  her,  feared,  as  they  said,  that  *'  She 
took  that  thought  for  the  King's  Majesty  her  husband,  which 
was  gone  from  her." 

To  whom  she  answering  again,  "  Indeed,"  said  she,  **  that 


332  "You   SHALL  FIND  CaLAIS   IN   MY  HEARt!"  P' i^5°o. 

may  be  one  cause  ;  but  that  is  not  the  greatest  wound  that 
pierceth  my  oppressed  mind  !  "  but  what  that  was,  she  would 
not  express  to  them. 

Albeit,  afterwards,  she  opened  the  matter  more  plainly  to 
Master  Ryse  and  Mistress  Clarentius  [p.  362]  (if  it  be  true 
that  they  told  me,  which  heard  it  of  Master  Ryse  himself) ; 
who  (then  being  most  familiar  with  her,  and  most  bold  about 
her)  told  her  that  "  They  feared  she  took  thought  for  King 
Philip's  departing  from  her." 

"Not  that  only,"  said  she,  "but  when  I  am  dead  and 
opened  ;  you  shall  find  Calais  lying  in  my  heart,"  &c. 

And  here  an  end  of  Queen  Mary  and  her  persecution.     Of 

which  Queen,  this  truly,  may  be  affirmed,  and  left  in  story 

for  a  perpetual  Memorial  or  Epitaph,  for  all  Kings  and  Queens 

that  shall  succeed  her,  to  be  noted,  that  before  her,  never  was 

read  in  story  of  any   King  or  Queen  in   England,  since 

the  time  of  King  Lucius,  under  whom,  in  time  of  peace, 

by  hanging,  heading,  burning,  and  prisoning,  so  much 

Christian  blood,  so  many  Englishmen's  lives  were  spilled 

within  this  realm,  as  under  the  said  Queen  Mary,  for 

the  space  of  four  years,  was  to  be  seen ;  and  I  beseech 

the  LORD  may  never  be  seen  hereafter. 


333 


John   Fox,  the  Martyrologist. 
The  Imprisonment  of  the  Princess 

ELizABErn. 


334 


John   Fox,  the  Martyrologist. 

The  Imprisonment  of  the  Princess 
Elizabeth, 

{Actes  attd  Monuntentes,&'c.,f.  171a  Ed.  1563.] 

|Trst,  therefore,  to  begin  with  her  princely  birth, 
being  born  at  Greenwich,  aw^/^  1534  [1533],  of  the 
famous  and  victorious  Prince,  King  Henry  VIII., 
and  of  the  noble  and  most  virtuous  Lady,  Queen 
Anne  her  mother ;  sufficiently  is  committed  to 
the  story  before.  Also  of  the  solemn  celebration  of  her 
baptism  in  the  said  town,  and  Grey  Friar's  Church,  of 
Greenwich;  having  to  her  godfather,  Thomas  Cranmer, 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury. 

After  that,  she  was  committed  to  godly  tutors  and  gover- 
nors. Under  whose  institution  her  Grace  did  so  greatly 
increase,  or  rather  excel  in  all  manner  of  virtue  and  know- 
ledge of  learning,  that  I  stand  in  a  doubt  whether  is  more  to 
be  commended  in  this  behalf,  the  studious  diligence  of  them 
that  brought  her  up,  or  the  singular  towardness  of  her  own 
princely  nature  to  all  virtuous  disposition  ;  so  apt  and  so 
inclinable  :  both  being  notwithstanding  the  gifts  of  GOD,  for 
which  we  are  all  bound  to  give  Him  thanks.  What  tongue 
is  it  that  Her  Grace  knoweth  not  ?  What  language  she 
cannot  speak  ?  What  liberal  art  or  science,  she  hath  not 
learned  ?  And  what  virtue  wherewith  her  noble  breast  is  not 
garnished  ?  In  counsel  and  wisdom,  what  Councillor  will  go 
beyond  Her  Majesty  ? 

If  the  goodness  of  nature,  joined  with  the  industry  of  Her 
Grace's  institution,  had  not  been  in  her  marvellous,  how 
many  things  were  there,  besides  the  natural  infirmity  of  that 
sex,  the  tenderness  of  youth,  the  nobility  of  estate,  allure- 
ments of  the  world,  persuasions  of  flatterers,  abundance  of 
wealth  and  pleasures,  examples  of  the  Court,  enough  to  carry 


^*is63-]    The  Princess's  maidenly  modesty.     ;^^^ 

her  Grace  away  after  the  common  fashion  and  rule  of  many 
other  Ladies,  from  gravity  to  Hghtness,  from  study  to  ease, 
from  wisdom  to  vanity,  from  religion  to  superstition,  from 
godliness  to  gawishness,  to  be  pricked  up  with  pride,  to  be 
garish  in  apparel,  to  be  fierce  in  condition  ? 

Eloquently  is  it  spoken,  and  discreetly  meant  of  Tully, 
the  eloquent  orator:  "To  live,"  saith  he,  "a  good  man  in 
other  places,  is  no  great  matter :  but  in  Asia,  to  keep  a  sober 
and  temperate  life,  that  is  a  matter  indeed  praiseworthy  !  "  So 
here,  why  may  I  not  affirm  without  flattery,  that  [which] 
every  man's  conscience  can  testify  ?  In  that  age,  that  sex, 
in  such  State  and  fortune,  in  so  great  occasions,  so  many 
incitements  :  in  all  these,  to  retain  so  sober  conversation,  so 
temperate  condition,  such  mildness  of  manners,  such  humble- 
ness of  stomach,  such  clemency  in  forgiving,  such  travailing 
in  study :  briefly,  in  the  midst  of  Asia,  so  far  to  degenerate 
from  all  Asia ;  it  hath  not  lightly  been  seen  in  Europe ! 
Hitherto,  it  hath  been  seen  in  very  few.  Whereby  it  may 
appear  not  only  what  education,  or  what  Nature  may  do;  but 
what  GOD,  above  Nature,  hath  wrought  in  her  noble  breast, 
adorning  it  with  so  worthy  virtues. 

Of  which  her  princely  qualities  and  virtuous  disposition, 
such  as  have  been  conversant  with  her  youth  can  better 
testify.  That  which  I  have  seen  and  read,  I  trust  I  may 
boldly  repeat  without  suspicion  either  of  feigning  or  flattery. 
For  so  I  have  read,  written,  and  testified  of  Her  Grace  by 
[according  to]  one,  both  learned  and  also  that  can  say  some- 
thing in  this  matter.  Who  in  a  certain  book,  by  him  set 
forth,  entreating  of  Her  Grace's  virtuous  bringing  up,  what 
discreet,  sober,  and  godly  women  she  had  about  her; 
speaketh,  namely,  of  two  points  in  Her  Grace  to  be  con- 
sidered. One  concerning  her  moderate  and  maidenly  be- 
haviour ;  the  other  one  concerning  her  training  up  in  learning 
and  good  letters.  Declaring,  first,  for  her  virtuous  modera- 
tion of  life,  that  seven  years  after  her  father's  death  [i.e.  in 
1553],  she  had  so  little  pride  of  stomach,  so  little  delight  in 
glistering  gazes  of  the  world,  in  gay  apparel,  rich  attire,  and 
precious  jewels,  that  in  all  that  time  [i.e.,  through  her  brother 
Edward's  reign]  she  never  looked  upon  those,  that  her  father 
left  her  (and  which  other  Ladies  commonly  be  so  fond  upon) 
but  only  once ;  and  that  against  her  will.     And,  moreover, 


336     General  admiration  of  the  Princess,  pi^e* 

after  that,  so  little  gloried  in  the  same,  that  there  came 
neither  gold  nor  stone  upon  her  head,  till  her  sister  enforced 
her  to  lay  off  her  former  soberness,  and  bear  her  company  in 
her  glistening  gains :  yea,  and  then,  she  so  ware  it,  as  every 
man  might  see  that  her  body  bare  that  which  her  heart 
misliked.  Wherein  the  virtuous  prudence  of  this  Princess, 
not  reading  but  following  the  words  of  Paul  and  Peter, 
well  considered  True  Nobility  to  consist  not  in  circumstances 
of  the  body,  but  in  substance  of  the  heart ;  not  in  such  things 
which  deck  the  body,  but  in  that  which  dignifieth  the  mind, 
shining  and  blazing  more  bright  than  pearl  or  stone,  be  it 
never  so  precious. 

Again,  the  said  author,  further  proceeding  in  the  same 
matter,  thus  testifieth,  that  he  knew  a  great  man's  daughter 
receiving  from  the  Lady  Mary,  before  she  was  Queen,  goodly 
apparel  of  tinsel,  cloth  of  gold  and  velvet,  laid  on  with 
parchment  lace  of  gold.  When  she  saw  it  she  said,  "  What 
shall  I  do  with  it  ?  " 

**  Marry  !  "  said  a  gentlewoman,  "  wear  it !  " 

"  Nay!  "  quoth  she,  "  that  were  a  shame  !  To  follow  my 
Lady  Mary,  against  GOD's  Word ;  and  leave  my  Lady 
Elizabeth,  which  followeth  GOD's  Word." 

Let  noble  Ladies  and  gentlewomen  here  learn  either  to 
give,  or  to  take  good  example  given  :  and  if  they  disdain  to 
teach  their  inferiors,  in  well  doing ;  yet,  let  it  not  shame 
them,  to  learn  of  their  betters. 

Likewise  also  at  the  coming  in  of  the  Scottish  Queen  [m 
I55i]>  when  all  the  other  Ladies  of  the  Court  flourished  in 
their  bravery,  with  their  hair  frounced  and  curled,  and  double 
curled ;  yet  she  altered  nothing ;  but  to  the  shame  of  them 
all,  kept  her  old  maidenly  shamefastness. 

Let  us  now  come  to  the  second  point,  declaring  how  she 
hath  been  trained  in  learning ;  and  that  not  vulgar  and 
common,  but  the  purest  and  the  best,  which  is  most  com- 
mended at  these  days,  as  the  Tongues,  Arts,  and  GOD's 
Word.  Wherein  she  so  exceedingly  profited,  as  the  foresaid 
author  doth  witness,  that  being  under  twenty  years  of  age 
[i.e.,  before  1554],  she  was  not,  in  the  best  kind  of  learning, 
inferior  to  those  that  all  their  life  time  had  been  brought  up 
in  the  Universities,  and  were  counted  jolly  fellows. 

And  that  you  may  understand  that  there  hath  not  been, 


^Sl]  Testimony  of  Aylmer  and  Castiglione.     2>Z7 

nor  is  in  her,  learning  only  without  nature,  and  knowledge 
without  tovvardness  to  practice  ;  I  will  tell  what  hath  been 
heard  of  her  first  schoolmaster  [John  Aylmer],  a  man  very 
honest  and  learned :  who  reported  of  her,  to  a  friend  of  his,  that 
"  He  learned  every  day  more  of  her,  than  she  of  him."  Which 
when  it  seemed  to  him  a  mystery,  as  indeed  it  was,  and  he 
therefore  desired  to  know  his  meaning  therein,  he  thus 
expounded  it :  "I  teach  her  words,"  quoth  he,  "  and  she,  me 
things.  I  teach  her  the  tongues  to  speak  ;  and  her  modestly 
and  maidenly  life  teacheth  me  words  to  do.  For,"  saith  he, 
"  I  think  she  is  the  best  inclined  and  disposed  of  any  in  all 
Europe." 

It  seemed  to  me  a  goodly  commendation  of  her,  and  a 
witty  saying  of  him. 

Likewise  [Castiglione]  an  Italian,  which  taught  her  his 
tongue  (although  that  nation  lightly  praise  not  out  of  their 
own  country),  said  once  to  the  said  party,  that  "  He  found  in 
her  two  qualities,  which  are  never  lightly  yokefellows  in  one 
woman ;  which  were  a  singular  wit,  and  a  marvellous  meek 
stomach." 

If  time  and  leisure  would  serve  to  peruse  her  whole  life 
past,  many  other  excellent  and  memorable  examples  of  her 
princely  qualities  and  singular  virtues  might  here  be  noted ; 
but  none,  in  my  mind,  more  worthy  of  commendation,  or  that 
shall  set  forth  the  fame  of  her  heroical  and  princely  renown 
more  to  all  posterity,  than  the  Christian  patience,  and  incre- 
dible clemency  of  her  nature  showed  in  her  afflictions,  and 
towards  her  declared  enemies.  Such  was  then  the  wicked- 
ness and  rage  of  that  time,  wherein  what  dangers  and 
troubles  were  among  the  inferior  subjects  of  this  realm  of 
England,  may  be  easily  gathered  when  such  a  Princess,  of 
that  Estate,  being  a  King's  daughter,  a  Queen's  sister,  and 
Heir  Apparent  to  the  Crown,  could  not  escape  without  her 
cross. 

And  therefore,  as  we  have  hitherto  discoursed  [of]  the  afflic- 
tions and  persecutions  of  the  other  poor  members  of  Christ, 
comprehended  in  this  History  before  ;  so  likewise,  I  see  no 
cause  why  the  communion  of  Her  Grace's  afflictions  also, 
among  the  other  saints  of  Christ,  ought  to  be  suppressed  in 
silence:  especially  seeing  the  great  and  marvellous  workings  ot 
GOD's  glory,  chiefly  in  this  Story,  appeareth  above  all  the  rest. 

Y  I 


^\  S  R  A  ,17 


338      Edward  VI. 's  love  for  Elizabeth.  \J-f°el[ 

And  though  I  should,  through  ingratitude  or  silence,  pass 
over  the  same  ;  yet  the  thing  itself  is  so  manifest,  that  what 
Englishman  is  he  which  knoweth  not  the  afflictions  of  Her 
Grace  to  have  been  far  above  the  condition  of  a  King's 
daughter :  for  there  was  no  more  behind,  to  make  a  very 
Iphigenia  of  her,  but  her  offering  up  upon  the  altar  of  the 
scaffold. 

In  which  her  storms  and  tempests,  with  what  patience 
Her  Highness  behaved  herself,  although  it  be  best  known  to 
them  who,  then  being  her  adversaries,  had  the  minding  [im- 
prisoning] of  her.  Yet  this  will  I  say,  by  the  way,  that  then 
she  must  needs  be  in  her  affliction,  marvellous  patient :  which 
sheweth  herself  now,  in  this  prosperity,  to  be  utterly  without 
desire  of  revenge ;  or  else  she  would  have  given  some  token, 
ere  this  day,  of  remembrance,  how  she  was  handled. 

It  was  no  small  injury  that  she  suffered,  in  the  Lord  Pro- 
tector's days,  by  certain  venomous  vipers  I  But  to  let  that 
pass  1  was  it  no  wrong,  think  you  !  or  small  injury  that  she 
sustained,  after  the  death  of  King  Edward,  when  they  sought 
to  defeat  her  and  her  sister  from  their  natural  inheritance 
and  right  to  the  Crown  ? 

But  to  let  that  pass  likewise  !  and  to  come  more  near  to 
the  late  days  of  her  sister.  Queen  Mary.  Into  what  fear, 
what  trouble  of  mind,  and  what  danger  of  death  was  she 
brought  ? 

First,  with  great  solemnity,  with  bands  of  harnessed  men 
[i.e.,  in  arms  and  armour]  (Happy  was  he  that  might  have 
the  carrying  of  her  !)  to  be  fetched  up,  as  the  greatest  traitor 
in  the  world ;  clapped  in  the  Tower  :  and,  again,  to  be  tossed 
from  thence,  from  prison  to  prison,  from  post  to  pillar.  At 
length,  also  prisoner  in  her  own  house  ;  and  guarded  with  a 
sort  [number]  of  cutthroats,  which  ever  gaped  for  the  spoil  of 
the  same,  that  they  might  have  been  fingering  of  somewhat. 

Which  Story,  if  I  should  set  forth  at  large,  through  all  the 
particulars  and  circumstances  of  the  same,  and  as  the  just  oc- 
casion of  the  history  requireth  ;  peradventure,  it  would  move 
offence  to  some,  being  yet  alive.  Yet  notwithstanding,  I 
intend,  by  the  grace  of  Christ,  therein  to  use  such  brevity 
and  moderation  as  may  be  to  the  glory  of  GOD,  the  discharge 
of  the  Story,  the  profit  of  the  reader,  and  hurt  to  none :  sup- 
pressing the  names  of  some,  whom  here,  although  I  could 


^- ,^63 ]  She  is  arrested  at  Ashridge.  339 

recite,  yet  I  thought  not  to  be  more  cruel  in  hurting  their 
name,  than  the  Queen  hath  been  in  pardoning  their  hfe. 

Therefore,  now  to  enter  into  the  description  of  the  matter. 
First,  to  declare  her  undeserved  troubles ;  and  then,  the 
most  happy  deliverance  out  of  the  same,  this  is  the  Story. 


N  THE  beginning  of  Queen  Mary's  reign,  mention 

is  made  before,  how  the  Lady  Elizabeth,  and  the 

Lord  Courtney  were  charged  with  false  suspicion 

of  [being  being  concerned  in]  Sir  Thomas  Wyatt's 

rising  [tji  January,  1554,  see  p.  207  s^q.] 

Whereupon,  Queen  Mary,  whether  for  that  surmise,  or  for 
what  other  cause  I  know  not,  being  offended  with  the  said  Lady 
Elizabeth  her  sister,  at  that  time  lying  in  her  house  at  Ash- 
ridge [near  Great  Berkhampstead],  sent  to  her  two  Lords  [or 
rather  William,  Lord  Howard,  Sir  Edward  Hastings, 
afterwards  Lord  HASTINGS  of  Loughborough ;  and  Sir 
Thomas  Cornwallis],  and  Sir  John  Williams,  after- 
wards Lord  [Williams]  of  Thame,  with  their  retinue,  and 
troop  of  horsemen,  to  the  number  of  250,  who  at  their  sudden 
and  unprovided  [unexpected]  coming  [on  the  nth  February,  1554] , 
found  her  at  the  same  time,  sore  sick  in  bed,  and  very  feeble 
and  weak  of  body. 

Whither,  when  they  came ;  ascending  up  to  Her  Grace's 
Privy  Chamber,  willed  there,  one  of  her  Ladies  whom  they 
met,  to  declare  unto  Her  Grace  that  "  There  were  certain 
Lords  come  from  the  Court,  which  had  a  message  from  the 
Queen." 

Her  Grace  having  knowledge  thereof,  was  right  glad  of 
their  coming :  howbeit,  being  then  very  sick,  and  the  night 
far  spent,  which  was  at  ten  of  the  clock,  requested  them  by 
the  messenger,  that  they  would  resort  thither  in  the  morning. 

To  this,  they  answered,  and  by  the  said  messenger  sent 
word  again,  that  "They  must  needs  see  her ;  and  would  do 
so,  in  what  case  soever  she  were  in."  Whereat,  the  Lady 
being  aghast,  went  to  shew  Her  Grace  their  words  ;  but  they 
hastily  following  her,  came  rushing  as  soon  as  she,  into  Her 
Grace's  chamber,  unbidden. 

At  whose  so  sudden  coming  into  her  bedchamber,  Her 
Grace  being  not  a  little  amazed,  said  unto  them,  **  My  Lords  I 


340  Brought  in  a  litter  to  L o n d o n.  p- ^^63; 

is  the  haste  such,  that  it  might  not  have  pleased  you  to  come 
to-morrow,  in  the  morning  ?  " 

They  made  answer,  that  "  They  were  right  sorry  to  see  Her 
Grace  in  that  case." 

"  And  I,"  quoth  she,  "  am  not  glad  to  see  you  here,  at  this 
time  of  the  night  !  " 

Whereunto,  they  answered  that  "  They  came  from  the 
Queen  to  do  their  message  and  duty  ;  which  was  to  this 
effect,  that  the  Queen's  pleasure  was  that  she  should  be  at 
London,  the  7th  [?  12th]  day  of  that  present  month." 

Whereunto,  she  said,  '*  My  Lords !  no  creature  [can  be] 
more  glad  than  I,  to  come  to  Her  Majesty  ;  being  right  sorry 
that  I  am  not  in  case  at  this  time,  like  to  wait  on  her ;  as 
you  yourselves,  my  Lords  !  do  see  and  can  well  testify  !  " 

"  Indeed,  we  see  it  true,"  quoth  they,  "that  you  do  say; 
for  which  we  are  very  sorry  :  albeit  we  let  you  to  understand 
that  our  Commission  is  such,  and  so  straineth  us,  that  we 
must  needs  bring  you  with  us,  either  quick  or  dead." 

Whereat  she  being  amazed,  sorrowfully  said  that  "  Their 
commission  was  very  sore  !  but  yet,  notwithstanding,  she 
hoped  it  to  be  otherwise,  and  not  so  straight." 

"  Yes,  verily  !  "  they  answered. 

Whereupon  the  Lords  calling  for  two  physicians.  Doctor 
Owen  and  Doctor  Wendif,  demanded  of  themi,  "  Whether 
she  might  be  removed  from  thence,  with  life  or  not  ?  "  whose 
answer  and  judgement  was  this,  "That  there  was  no  impedi- 
men  to  their  judgement  to  the  contrary  ;  but  that  she  might 
travel  without  danger  of  life." 

In  conclusion,  they  willed  her  to  prepare  against  the 
morning,  at  nine  of  the  clock,  to  go  with  them,  declaring 
that  "  they  had  brought  with  them,  the  Queen's  litter  for 
her." 

After  much  talk,  the  Lords  declaring  how  there  was  no 
prolonging  of  times  and  days,  so  departed  to  their  chamber; 
being  entertained  and  cheered  as  appertained  to  their 
Honours. 

On  the  next  morrow  [12th  February],  at  the  time  pre- 
scribed, they  had  her  forth  as  she  was,  very  faint  and  feeble ; 
and  in  such  case  as  she  was  ready  to  swoon  three  or  four 
times  between  them.  What  should  I  speak  here  that  [which] 
cannot  well  be  expressed  !     What  a  heavy  house  there  was 


J-,^^^;]        Shut   up   at   the    Court.         341 

to  behold  the  unreverent  and  doleful  dealing  of  the  Lords  ; 
but  especially  the  careful  fear  and  captivity  of  their  innocent 
Lady  and  mistress. 

Now  to  proceed  in  their  journey.  From  Ashridge,  all  sick 
in  the  litter,  she  came  to  Redborne  ;  where  she  was  guarded 
all  night. 

From  thence,  to  St.  Albans,  to  Sir  Ralph  Rowlet's 
house;  where  she  tarried  that  night  all  heavy,  both  feeble  in 
body,  and  comfortless  in  mind. 

From  that  place,  they  passed  to  Master  Dodd's  house,  at 
Mimms  [near  Potters'  Bar] ;  where  they  also  remained  that 
night. 

And  so  from  thence,  she  came  to  Highgate :  where  she, 
being  very  sick,  tarried  that  night  and  the  next  day  :  during 
which  time  of  her  abode,  there  came  many  pursuivants  and 
messengers  from  the  Court  unto  the  Lords ;  but  what  about, 
I  cannot  tell. 

From  that  place,  she  was  conveyed  to  the  Court ;  where 
by  the  way  came  to  meet  her,  many  gentlemen  to  accompany 
Her  Highness,  which  were  very  sorry  to  see  her  in  that  case: 
but  especially  a  great  multitude  of  people  that  were  standing 
by  the  way ;  who  then  flocking  about  her  litter,  lamented 
and  greatly  bewailed  her  estate. 

Now  when  she  came  to  the  Court,  Her  Grace  was  there 
straightways  shut  up,  and  kept  as  close  prisoner  for  a 
fortnight,  seeing  neither  Queen,  nor  Lord,  nor  friend  at  that 
time  ;  but  only  then,  the  Lord  Chamberlain,  Sir  John  Gage, 
and  the  Vice-Chamberlain,  which  were  attendant  upon  the 
doors. 

About  which  time,  5ir  William  St.  Lo  was  called  before 
the  Council ;  to  whose  charge  was  laid,  that  he  knew  of 
Wyatt's  rebellion  :  which  he  stoutly  denied,  protesting  that 
he  was  a  true  man,  both  to  God  and  his  Prince,  defying  all 
traitors  and  rebels.  But  being  straitly  examined,  was,  in 
conclusion,  committed  to  the  Tower. 

The  Friday  before  Palm  Sunday  [16th  March],  [Stephen 
Gardiner]  the  Bishop  of  Winchester,  with  nineteen  others 
of  the  Council  (who  shall  be  here  nameless,  as  I  have 
promised)  came  unto  Her  Grace,  from  the  Queen's  Majesty  ; 
and  burdened  [accused]  her  with  Wyatt's  conspiracy :  which 


;42    Examined   by   the   Council.  [J- ^ 


Fojt. 
563. 


she  utterly  denied,  affirming  that  "  she  was  altogether  guilt- 
less therein." 

They  being  not  contented  with  this,  charged  Her  Grace 
with  the  business  made  by  Sir  Peter  Carew  and  the  rest  of 
the  Gentlemen  of  the  West  Country ;  which  she  also  utterly 
denying,  cleared  her  innocency  therein. 

In  conclusion,  after  long  debating  of  matters,  they  declared 
unto  her,  that  "  It  was  the  Queen's  will  and  pleasure  that  she 
should  go  unto  the  Tower,  while  the  matter  were  further 
tried  and  examined." 

Whereat,  she  being  aghast,  said  that  "  She  trusted  the 
Queen's  Majesty  would  be  a  more  gracious  Lady  unto  her  ; 
and  that  Her  Highness  would  not  otherwise  conceive  of  her, 
but  that  she  was  a  true  woman."  Declaring  furthermore  to 
the  Lords,  that  "  She  was  innocent  in  all  those  matters, 
wherein  they  had  burdened  her,  and  desired  them  therefore 
to  be  a  further  mean  to  the  Queen  her  sister,  that  she,  being 
a  true  woman  in  thought,  word,  and  deed,  towards  Her 
Majesty,  might  not  be  committed  to  so  notorious  and  doleful 
a  place  "  :  protesting  that  she  would  request  no  mercy  at 
her  hand,  if  she  should  be  proved  to  have  consented  unto 
any  such  kind  of  matter  as  they  laid  unto  her  charge.  And 
therefore,  in  fine,  desired  their  Lordships  to  think  of  her  what 
she  was;  and  that  she  might  not  so  extremely  be  dealt 
withal  for  her  truth. 

Whereunto,  the  Lords  answered  that  "  There  was  no 
remedy.  For  that  the  Queen's  Majesty  was  fully  determined 
that  she  should  go  unto  the  Tower"  ;  wherewith  the  Lords 
departed,  with  their  caps  hanging  over  their  eyes  [this  was 
a  purposed  sign  of  disrespect] . 

But  not  long  after,  within  the  space  of  an  hour  or  a  little 
more,  came  four  of  the  foresaid  Lords  of  the  Council,  with 
the  Guard,  who  warding  the  next  chamber  to  her,  secluded 
all  her  Gentlemen  and  yeomen.  Ladies  and  gentlewomen  ; 
saving  that  for  one  Gentleman  Usher,  three  Gentlewomen, 
and  two  Grooms  of  her  Chamber,  were  appointed  in  their 
rooms,  three  other  men,  and  three  waiting  women  of  the 
Queen's,  to  give  attendance  upon  her  ;  that  none  should  have 
access  to  her  Grace. 

At  which  time,  there  were  a  hundred  of  Northern  soldiers, 
in  white  coats,  watching  and  warding  about  the  gardens  all 


■^■1^63.]  Ordered  to  be  sent  to  the  Tower. 


343 


that  night :  a  great  fire  being  made  in  the  midst  of  the  Hall; 
and  two  certain  Lords  watching  there  also  with  their  Band 
and  company. 

Upon  Saturday,  being  Palm  Sunday  Eve  [lyth  March],  two 
certain  Lords  of  the  Council,  whose  names  here  also  we  do 
omit  [hit  who  were  the  Marquis  of  Winchester  and  the  Earl 
of  Sussex],  came  and  certified  Her  Grace  that  "forthwith 
she  must  go  unto  the  Tower !  the  barge  being  prepared  for 
her,  and  the  tide  now  ready,  which  tarrieth  for  nobody." 

In  heavy  mood.  Her  Grace  requested  the  Lords,  that  "  She 
might  tarry  another  tide ;  "  trusting  that  the  next  would  be 
more  joyous  and  better  [because  in  the  day  time]. 

But  one  of  the  Lords  [i.e.,  Winchester]  replied  that 
'*  Neither  tide  nor  time  was  to  be  delayed  !  " 

And  when  Her  Grace  requested  him,  that  she  might  be 
suffered  to  write  to  the  Queen's  Majesty,  he  answered  that 
**  He  durst  not  permit  that ;  "  adding  that,  **  in  his  judge- 
ment it  would  rather  hurt  than  profit  Her  Grace  in  so  doing." 

But  the  other  Lord,  who  was  the  Earl  of  Sussex,  more 
courteous  and  favourable,  kneeling  down,  told  Her  Grace 
that  "  She  should  have  liberty  to  write,  and,  as  he  was  a  true 
man,  he  would  deliver  it  to  the  Queen's  Highness ;  and 
bring  an  answer  of  the  same,  whatsoever  came  thereof." 

Whereupon  she  wrote ;  albeit  she  could  not,  nor  might 
not  speak  with  her;  to  her  great  discomfort,  being  no  offender 
against  Her  Majesty. 

[  The  actual  letter  written  by  the  Princess,  at  this  moment,  is  in  the  State 

Paper  Office.     Domestic,  Mary,  Vol.  IV.  No.  2. 

The  Lady  Elizabeth  to  the  Queen. 

If  any  ever  did  try  this  old  saying,  that  A  Kinefs  word  was  more  than 
another  man^s  oath,  I  most  humbly  beseech  your  Majesty  to  verify  it  in 
me  ;  and  to  remember  your  last  promise,  and  my  last  demand,  that  "  I  be 
not  condemned  without  answer  and  due  proof,"  which  it  seems  that  I  now 
am :  for,  without  cause  proved,  I  am,  by  your  Council,  from  you,  com- 
manded to  go  to  the  Tower,  a  place  more  wonted  for  a  false  traitor  than  a 
true  subject,  which,  though  I  know  I  desire  it  not,  yet,  in  the  face  of  all 
this  realm,  [itl  appears  proved.  While  I  pray  to  GOD  I  may  die  the 
shamefuUest  death  that  ever  any  died  afore,  if  I  may  mean  any  such  thing  I 
and  to  this  present  hour  I  protest  before  GOD  (who  shall  judge  my  truth, 
whatsoever  malice  shall  devise),  that  I  never  practised,  counselled,  nor 
consented  to  anything  that  might  be  prejudicial  to  your  person  any  way, 
Qr  dangerous  to  the  State  by  any  means.     And  therefore,  I  humbly  be? 


344     Her  passionate,  touching  letter.    [J' 


Fox. 
1563- 


seech  your  Majesty  to  let  me  answer  afore  yourself  and  not  suffer  me  to 
trust  to  your  Councillors  ;  yea,  and  that  afore  I  go  to  the  Tower,  if  it  be 
possible,  if  not,  before  1  be  further  condemned.  Howbeit,  I  trust  assuredly 
your  Highness  will  give  me  leave  to  doit,  afore  I  go  ;  that  thus  shamefully, 
I  may  not  be  cried  out  on,  as  I  now  shall  be :  yea,  and  without  cause  ! 

Let  conscience  move  your  Highness  to  take  some  better  way  with  me 
than  to  make  me  be  condemned  in  all  men's  sight  afore  my  desert  known  ! 
Also  I  most  humbly  beseech  your  Highness  to  pardon  this  my  boldness, 
which  innocency  procures  me  to  do ;  together  with  hope  of  your  natural 
kindness  which  I  trust  will  not  see  me  cast  away,  without  desert  :  which 
what  it  is,  I  would  desire  no  more  of  GOD  but  that  you  truly  knew ;  but 
which  thing,  I  think  and  believe  you  shall  never  by  report  know  ;  unless 
by  yourself  you  hear. 

I  have  heard  of  many,  in  my  time,  cast  away  for  want  of  coming  to 
the  presence  of  their  Prince  ;  and,  in  late  days,  I  heard  my  Lord  of 
Somerset  say  that  "If  his  brother  [The  Adtniral  Thomas  Lord 
Seymour]  had  been  suffered  to  speak  with  him,  he  had  never  suffered  ; 
but  persuasions  were  made  to  him  so  great  that  he  was  brought  in  belief 
that  he  could  not  live  safely  if  the  Admiral  lived,  and  that  made  him  give 
consent  to  his  death."  Though  these  persons  are  not  to  be  compared  to 
your  Majesty  ;  yet,  I  pray  GOD,  as  evil  persuasions  persuade  not  one 
sister  against  the  other !  and  all  for  that  they  have  heard  false  report,  and 
not  hearken  to  the  truth  not  known. 

Therefore,  once  again,  kneeling  with  humbleness  of  heart,  because  I 
am  not  suffered  to  bow  the  knees  of  my  body  ;  I  humbly  crave  to  speak 
with  your  Highness  :  which  I  would  not  be  so  bold  as  to  desire,  if  I  knew 
not  myself  most  clear,  as  I  know  myself  most  true. 

And  as  for  the  traitor  Wyatt,  he  might  peradventure,  write  me  a  letter ; 
but,  on  my  faith,  I  never  received  any  from  him.  And  as  for  the  copy  ot 
the  letter  sent  to  the  French  King,  I  pray  GOD  may  confound  me  eternally 
if  ever  I  sent  him  word,  message,  token,  or  letter,  by  any  means  !  And  to 
this  truth,  I  will  stand  in  to  my  death. 

Your  Highness's  most  faithful  subject,  that  hath  been  from  the  begin- 
ning, and  will  be  to  my  end,  ELIZABETH, 

1  humbly  crave  but  only  one  word  of  answer  from  yourself.  1 

And  thus  the  tide  [season]  and  time  passed  away  for  that 
time,  till  the  next  day,  being  Palm  Sunday,  when,  about  nine 
of  the  clock,  these  two  came  again,  declaring  that  "  it  was 
time  for  Her  Grace  to  depart." 

She  answered,  "  If  there  be  no  remedy,  I  must  be  con- 
tented ;  "  willing  the  Lords  to  go  on  before. 

And  being  come  forth  into  the  garden,  she  did  cast  up  her 
eyes  towards  the  window ;  thinking  to  have  seen  the  Queen, 
which  she  could  not.  Whereat  she  said,  "  She  marvelled 
much,  what  the  Nobility  of  the  realm  meant  ;  which,  in  that 
sort,  would  suffer  her  to  be  led  forth  into  captivity,  the 
LORD  knew  whither!  for  she  did  not." 


'•j^j;]        ISSHUT     UP     IN     THE     ToWER.        345 

After  all  this,  she  took  her  barge,  with  the  two  aforesaid 
Lords,  three  of  the  Queen's  Gentlewomen,and  three  of  her  own, 
her  Gentleman  Usher,  and  two  of  her  Grooms  :  lying  and 
hovering  upon  the  water,  an  hour;  for  that  they  could  not  shoot 
tlie  Bridge  [the  tide  used  to  rush  through  the  narrow  spaces  of 
old  London  bridge,  with  the  force  of  a  mill-race]  :  the  bargemen 
being  very  unwilling  to  shoot  the  same  so  soon  as  they  did, 
because  of  the  danger  thereof.  For  the  stern  of  the  boat 
struck  upon  the  ground,  the  fall  was  so  big,  and  the  water 
was  so  shallow. 

Then  Her  Grace  desired  of  the  Lords,  that  "  She  might 
not  land  at  the  stairs  where  all  traitors  and  offenders 
customably  used  to  land"  [called  the  Traitors  Gate], 

They  answered  that  "  it  was  past  their  remedy ;  for  that 
otherwise  they  had  in  commandment." 

"Well,"  said  she,  "if  it  be  so,  my  Lords  !  I  must  needs 
obey  it  :  protesting  before  all  your  Honours,  that  here  now 
steppeth  as  true  a  subject  as  ever  was,  towards  the  Queen's 
Highness.  And  before  thee,  O  GOD  !  I  speak  it ;  having 
none  other  friends,  but  only  Thee  !  " 

The  Lords  declared  unto  her  that  "there  was  no  time  then 
to  try  the  truth." 

"  You  have  said  well,  my  Lords  !  "  quoth  she,  **  I  am 
sorry  that  I  have  troubled  you !  " 

So  then  they  passed  on  [i.e.,  through  the  Traitor^ s  Gate],  and 
went  into  the  Tower :  where  were  a  great  company  of  har- 
nessed men,  and  armed  soldiers  warding  on  both  sides: 
whereat  she  being  amazed,  called  the  Lords  to  her,  and 
demanded  "  the  cause,  why  those  poor  men  stood  there  ?  " 

They  declared  unto  her,  that  "  it  was  the  use  and  order  of 
the  place  so  to  do." 

"And  if  it  be,"  quoth  she,  "for  my  cause ;  I  beseech  you 
that  they  may  be  dismissed." 

Whereat,  the  poor  men  kneeled  down,  and  with  one  voice, 
desired  GOD  to  preserve  Her  Grace;  who,  the  next  day, 
were  released  of  their  cold  coats. 

After  this,  passing  a  little  further,  she  sat  down  upon  a 
cold  stone,  and  there  rested  herself. 

To  whom,  the  Lieutenant  [Lord  Chandos,  s^^ /».  I76jthen 
being,  said,  "Madam,  you  were  best  to  come  out  of  the  rain! 
for  you  sit  unwholesomely." 


346  Lord  Sussex,  again  her  friend.  [■^• 


Fox. 
1563- 


She  then  replying,  answered  again,  "  Better  sitting  here, 
than  in  a  worse  place  !  For,  GOD  knoweth  !  I  know  not 
whither  you  will  bring  me  !  " 

With  that,  her  Gentleman  Usher  wept.  She  demanded  of 
him,  "  What  he  meant  so  uncomfortably  to  use  her,  seeing 
she  took  him  to  be  her  comforter,  and  not  her  dismayer : 
especially  for  that  she  knew  her  truth  to  be  such,  that  no 
man  should  have  cause  to  weep  for  her."  But  forth  she 
went  into  the  prison. 

The  doors  were  locked  and  bolted  upon  her ;  which  did 
not  a  little  discomfort  and  dismay  Her  Grace.  At  what 
time,  she  called  to  her  gentlewoman  for  her  book  [i.e.,  her 
Bible],  desiring  GOD,  "Not  to  suffer  her  to  build  her 
foundation  upon  the  sands,  but  upon  the  rocks  !  whereby  all 
blasts  of  blustering  weather  should  have  no  power  against 
her." 

After  the  doors  were  thus  locked,  and  she  close  shut  up  ; 
the  Lords  had  great  conference  how  to  keep  ward  and  watch, 
every  man  declaring  his  opinion  in  that  behalf,  agreeing 
straightly  and  circumspectly  to  keep  her :  while  that  one  of 
them,  I  mean  the  Lord  of  Sussex,  swearing,  said,  "  My 
Lords  !  let  us  take  heed  !  and  do  no  more  than  our  Com- 
mission will  bear  us!  whatsoever  shall  happen  hereafter. 
And,  further,  let  us  consider  that  she  was  the  King  our 
Master's  daughter!  and  therefore  let  us  use  such  dealing, 
that  we  may  answer  unto  it  hereafter,  if  it  shall  so  happen  ! 
For  just  dealing,"  said  he,  "  is  always  answerable." 

Whereunto  the  other  Lords  agreed  that  it  was  well  said  of 
him  :  and  thereupon  departed. 

It  would  make  a  pitiful  and  strange  story,  here  by  the  way, 
to  touch  and  recite  what  examinations  and  rackings  of  poor 
men  there  were,  to  find  out  the  knife  that  should  cut  her 
throat !  what  gaping  among  the  Lords  of  the  Clergy  to  see 
the  day,  wherein  they  might  wash  their  goodly  white  rochets 
in  her  innocent  blood  ?  But  especially  the  Bishop  of  Win- 
chester, Stephen  Gardiner,  then  Lord  Chancellor,  and 
ruler  of  the  rost. 

Who  then,  within  few  days  after  [March,  1554],  came  unto 
her,  with  divers  other  of  the  Council,  and  examined  her  of 
of  the  talk  that  was  at  Ashridge,  betwixt  her  and  Sir  James 
A  Croft   concerning  her  removing  from  thence   to    Don- 


J-,^63."]    ^S    CONFRONTED    WITH    SiR   JaMES    A    CrOFT.      347 

nington  Castle,  requiring  her  to  declare,  "What  she  meant 
thereby?" 

At  the  first,  she,  being  so  suddenly  taken,  did  not  well 
remember  any  such  house  :  but  within  a  while,  well  advising 
herself,  she  said,  "Indeed,  I  do  now  remember  that  I  have 
such  a  place  :  but  I  never  lay  in  it,  in  all  my  life.  And  as 
for  any  that  hath  moved  me  thereunto,  I  do  not  remember." 

Then  to  enforce  the  matter,  they  brought  forth  Sir  James 
A  Croft. 

The  Bishop  of  Winchester  demanded  of  her,  "What  she 
said  to  that  man  ?  " 

She  answered  that,  "  She  had  little  to  say  to  him,  or  to 
the  rest  that  were  then  prisoners  in  the  Tower.  But  my 
Lords  !  "  quoth  she,  "you  do  examine  every  mean  prisoner 
of  me  !  wherein,  methinks,  you  do  me  great  injury  !  If  they 
have  done  evil,  and  offended  the  Queen's  Majesty,  let  them 
answer  to  it  accordingly.  I  beseech  you,  my  Lords  !  join  not 
me  in  this  sort  with  any  of  these  offenders  !  And  as  con- 
cerning my  going  unto  Donnington  Castle,  I  do  remember 
Master  Hoby  and  mine  Officers,  and  you  Sir  James  a  Croft  ! 
had  such  talk  :  but  what  is  that  to  the  purpose,  my  Lords ! 
but  that  I  may  go  to  my  own  houses  at  all  times?" 

The  Lord  of  Arundel,  kneeling  down,  said,  "  Your  Grace 
saith  true  !  and  certainly  we  are  very  sorry  that  we  have  so 
troubled  you  about  so  vain  matters." 

She  then  said,  "My  Lords,  you  did  sift  me  very  narrowly  ! 
But  well  I  am  assured,  you  shall  do  no  more  to  me,  than 
GOD  hath  appointed  :  and  so,  GOD  forgive  you  all !  " 

At  their  departing,  Sir  James  a  Croft  kneeled  down, 
declaring  that  "He  was  sorry  to  see  the  day  in  which  he 
should  be  brought  as  a  witness  against  Her  Grace."  "  But, 
I  assure  your  Grace,"  said  he,  "  I  have  been  marvellously 
tossed  and  examined  touching  your  Highness  ;  which,  the 
Lord  knoweth  !  is  strange  to  me.  For  I  take  GOD  to 
record !  before  all  your  Honours  !  I  do  not  know  anything 
of  that  crime  that  you  have  laid  to  my  charge  !  and  will 
thereupon  take  my  death,  if  I  should  be  driven  to  so  straight 
a  trial." 


348  Sir  J.  Gage's  threat  to  her  Gentlemen,  p^^^^ 

That  day  or  thereabouts,  divers  of  her  own  OfBcers,  who 
had  made  provision  for  her  diet,  brought  the  same  to  the 
TK      .„,  „„f  utter  [outer]    gate    of  the   Tower:    the    common 

1  nese  were  not  ,,,."  ..  .  ,., 

the  Officers  of  rascal  soldiers  receivmg  it :  which  was  no  small 
such  ^' went  in  grief  unto  the  Gentlemen,  the  bearers  thereof, 
white  and  green,  whcrefore  they  required  to  speak  with  [Sir 
John  Gage]  the  Lord  Chamberlain,  being  then  Constable  of 
the  Tower :  who,  coming  before  his  presence,  declared  unto 
his  Lordship  that  "  they  were  much  afraid  to  bring  Her 
Grace's  diet,  and  to  deliver  it  unto  such  common  and 
desperate  persons  as  they  were,  which  did  receive  it ;  be- 
seeching His  Honour  to  consider  Her  Grace,  and  to  give 
such  order  that  her  viands  might  at  all  times  be  brought  in 
by  them  which  were  appointed  thereunto." 

"  Yea,  sirs  !  "  said  he,  "  who  appointed  you  this  office  ?  " 

They  answer,  "  Her  Grace's  Council  !  " 

"  Council!  "  quoth  he,  "  there  is  none  of  them  which  hath 
to  do,  either  in  that  case,  or  anything  else  within  this  place  ; 
and,  I  assure  you  !  for  that  she  is  a  prisoner,  she  shall  be 
served  with  the  Lieutenant's  men,  as  the  other  prisoners  are." 

Whereat  the  Gentlemen  said  that  "  They  trusted  for  more 
favour  at  his  hands !  considering  her  personage,"  saying 
that  "  They  mistrusted  not,  but  that  the  Queen  and  her 
Council  would  be  better  to  Her  Grace  than  so  !  "  and  there- 
with shewed  themselves  to  be  offended  at  the  ungrateful 
[harsh]  words  of  the  Lord  Chamberlain,  towards  their  Lady 
and  Mistress. 

At  this,  he  sware,  by  GOD  !  stroking  himself  on  the  breast ; 
that  *'  If  they  did  either  frown  or  shrug  at  him  ;  he  would  set 
them  where  they  should  see  neither  sun  nor  moon  !  " 

Thus  taking  their  leave,  they  desired  GOD  to  bring  him 
into  a  better  mind  towards  Her  Grace,  and  departed  from  him. 

Upon  the  occasion  whereof  [there  being  always  a  fear  oj 
poisoned  food],  Her  Grace's  Officers  made  great  suit  unto  the 
Queen's  Council,  that  some  might  be  appointed  to  bring  her 
diet  unto  her;  and  that  it  might  no  more  be  delivered  in  to 
the  common  soldiers  of  the  Tower :  which  being  reasonably 
considered,  was  by  them  granted.  Thereupon  were  appointed 
one  of  her  Gentlemen,  her  Clerk  of  the  Kitchen,  and  her  two 
Purveyors,  to  bring  in  her  provisions  once  a  day.  All  which 
was   done.      The   warders   ever  waiting  upon  the  bringers 


J-JjJ     Her  Cook  is  too  much  for  Sir  John.     349 

thereof  (and  the  Lord  Chamberlain  himself,  being  always 
with  them),  circumspectly  and  narrowly  watched  and 
searched  what  they  brought ;  and  gave  heed  that  they  should 
have  no  talk  with  any  of  Her  Grace's  waiting  servants;  and 
so  warded  them  both  in  and  out. 

At  the  said  suit  of  her  Officers,  were  sent,  by  the  command- 
ment of  the  Council,  to  wait  upon  Her  Grace,  two  Yeomen 
of  her  Chamber,  one  of  her  Robes,  two  of  her  Pantry  and 
Ewry,  one  of  her  Buttery,  another  of  her  Cellar,  two  of  her 
Kitchen,  and  one  of  her  Larder :  all  which  continued  with 
her,  the  time  of  her  trouble. 

Here  the  Constable  (being  at  the  first  not  very  well  pleased 
with  the  coming  in  of  such  a  company  against  his  will)  would 
have  had  his  men  still  to  have  served  with  Her  Grace's  men: 
which  her  servants,  at  no  hand,  would  suffer;  desiring  his 
Lordship  to  be  contented,  for  "  that  order  was  taken  that  no 
stranger  should  come  within  their  offices." 

At  which  answer,  being  sore  displeased,  he  brake  out  into 
these  threatening  words :  "  Well,"  said  he,  "  I  will  handle 
you  well  enough  !  " 

Then  went  he  into  the  kitchen,  and  there  would  needs 
have  his  meat  roasted  with  Her  Grace's  meat ;  and  said 
*'  His  cook  should  come  thither,  and  dress  it." 

To  that.  Her  Grace's  Cook  answered,  "  My  Lord  !  I  will 
never  suifer  any  stranger  to  come  about  her  diet,  but  her 
own  sworn  men,  so  long  as  I  live !  " 

He  said,  "They  should!" 

But  the  Cook  said,  "  His  Lordship  should  pardon  him  for 
that  matter !  " 

Thus  did  he  trouble  her  poor  servants  very  stoutly  :  though 
afterward  he  were  otherwise  advised,  and  they  were  more 
courteously  used  at  his  hands.  And  good  cause  why  !  For 
he  had  good  cheer,  and  fared  of  the  best ;  and  Her  Grace 
paid  well  for  it. 

Wherefore  he  used  himself  afterwards  more  reverently 
towards  Her  Grace. 

After  this  sort,  having  lain  a  whole  month  there,  in  close 
prison  ;  and  being  very  evil  at  ease  therewithal ;  she  sent 
[in  April]  for  the  Lord  Chamberlain  and  Lord  Chandos 
[see  p.2,4S]^o  come  and  speak  with  her. 

Who  coming,  she  requested  them  that  "  She  might  have 


350      The  Princess  may  walk  in  a  garden,    p^s^ 

liberty  to  walk  in  some  place,  for  that  she  felt  herself  not 
well." 

To  the  which,  they  answered  that  "  They  were  right  sorry 
that  they  could  not  satisfy  Her  Grace's  request ;  for  that 
they  had  commandment  to  the  contrary,  which  they  durst 
not  in  any  wise  break." 

Furthermore,  she  desired  of  them,  "  If  that  could  not  be 
granted;  that  she  might  walk  but  intothe  'Queen's  Lodgings.'" 

"  No,  nor  that  1  "  they  answered,  "  could,  by  any  means, 
be  obtained,  without  a  further  suit  to  the  Queen  and  her 
Council." 

"  Well,"  said  she,  "my  Lords  !  if  the  matter  be  so  hard 
that  they  must  be  sued  unto,  for  so  small  a  thing  ;  and  that 
friendship  be  so  strait,  God  comfort  me  ! " 

And  so  they  departed  :  she  remaining  in  her  old  dungeon 
still ;  without  any  kind  of  comfort,  but  only  GOD. 

The  next  day  after,  the  Lord  Chandos  came  again  unto 
Her  Grace,  declaring  unto  her  that  "  He  had  sued  unto  the 
Council  for  further  liberty.  Some  of  them  consented  there- 
unto. Divers  others  dissented,  for  that  there  were  so  many 
prisoners  in  the  Tower.  But  in  conclusion,  they  did  all 
agree  that  Her  Grace  might  walk  into  those  '  Lodgings '  ; 
so  that  he  and  the  Lord  Chamberlain,  and  three  of  the 
Queen's  Gentlewomen  did  accompany  her  :  and  the  windows 
were  shut,  and  she  not  suffered  to  look  out  at  any  of  them." 
Wherewith,  she  contented  herself;  and  gave  him  thanks  for 
his  goodwill  in  that  behalf. 

Afterwards,  there  was  liberty  granted  to  Her  Grace  to  walk 
in  a  little  garden,  the  doors  and  gates  being  shut  up ;  which, 
notwithstanding,  was  as  much  discomfort  unto  her,  as  the 
walk  in  the  garden  was  pleasant  and  acceptable.  At  which 
times  of  her  walking  there,  the  prisoners  on  that  side  straightly 
were  commanded  not  to  speak,  or  look  out  at  the  windows 
into  the  garden,  till  Her  Grace  were  gone  out  again  :  having 
in  consideration  thereof,  their  keepers  waiting  upon  them  for 
that  time. 

Thus  Her  Grace,  with  this  small  liberty,  contented  herself 
in  GOD,  to  whom  be  praise  therefore. 

During  this  time,  there  used  a  little  boy,  the  child  of  a 
man  in  the  Tower,  to  resort  to  their  chambers,  and  many 


^'i^S  ^^^  LITTLE  Flower  Boy  of  the  Tower.  351 

times  to  bring  Her  Grace  flowers ;  which  likewise  he  did  to 
the  other  prisoners  that  were  there.  Whereupon  naughty 
and  suspicious  heads  thinking  to  make  and  wring  out  some 
matter  thereof,  called,  on  a  time,  the  child  unto  them,  pro- 
mising him  figs  and  apples,  and  asking,  *'  When  he  had  been 
with  the  Earl  of  Devonshire  ?  "  not  ignorant  of  the  child's 
wonted  frequenting  unto  him. 

The  boy  answered  that  "  He  would  go  by-and-by  thither." 

Further  they  demanded  of  him,  "  When  he  was  with  the 
Lady  Elizabeth  ?  " 

He  answered,  *'  Every  day !  " 

Furthermore  they  examined  him,  "  What  the  Lord  Devon- 
shire sent  by  him  to  Her  Grace  ?  " 

The  child  said,  "  I  will  go  [and]  know  what  he  will  give  to 
carry  to  her."  Such  was  the  discretion  of  the  child,  being 
yet  but  three  years  of  age. 

"This  same  is  a  crafty  boy!"  quoth  the  Lord  Chamber- 
lain ;  **  what  say  you,  my  Lord  Chandos  ?  " 

**  I  pray  you,  my  Lord  !  give  me  the  figs  ye  promised  me  ! " 

**  No,  marry,"  quoth  he,  "thou  shalt  be  whipped  if  thou 
come  any  more  to  the  Lady  Elizabeth,  or  the  Lord 
Courtney ! " 

The  boy  answered,  "  I  will  bring  the  Lady,  my  Mistress, 
more  flowers !  " 

Whereupon  the  child's  father  was  commanded  to  permit 
the  boy  no  more  to  come  into  their  chambers. 

And  the  next  day,  as  Her  Grace  was  walking  in  the  garden, 
the  child,  peeping  in  at  a  hole  in  the  door,  cried  unto  her, 
saying,  "Mistress!  I  can  bring  you  no  more  flowers!" 
Whereat,  she  smiled,  but  said  nothing;  understanding 
thereby,  what  they  had  done. 

Wherefore,  afterwards,  the  Lord  Chamberlain  rebuked  his 
father  highly  ;  commanding  him  to  put  him  out  of  the  house. 

"  Alas,  poor  infant !  "  quoth  the  father. 

"  It  is  a  crafty  knave !  "  quoth  the  Lord  Chamberlain. 
"  Let  me  see  him  here  no  more  !  " 

The  5th  day  of  May  [1554],  the  Constable  was  discharged 
of  his  office  of  the  Tower ;  one  Sir  Henry  Bedingfield  being 
placed  in  his  room.  A  man  unknown  to  Her  Grace,  and 
therefore  the  more  feared  :  which  so  sudden  [a]  mutation 
was  unto  her,  no  little  amaze. 


352     Sent  from  the  Tower  to  Woodstock.     {J'^^ll'. 

He  brought  with  him  a  hundred  soldiers  in  blue  coats  ; 
wherewith  she  was  marvellously  discomforted  ;  and  demanded 
of  such  as  were  about  her,  "  Whether  the  Lady  Jane's  scaf- 
fold were  taken  away  or  not  ?  "  fearing,  by  reason  of  their 
coming,  least  she  should  have  played  her  part. 

To  whom,  answer  was  made,  that  "  The  scaffold  was  taken 
away ;  and  that  Her  Grace  needed  not  to  doubt  [fear]  any 
such  tyranny,  for  GOD  would  not  suffer  any  such  treason 
against  her  person." 

Wherewith,  being  contented,  but  not  altogether  satisfied, 
she  asked,  "What  Sir  H.  Bedingfield  was  ?  and  whether  he 
was  of  that  conscience  or  not,  that  if  her  murdering  were 
secretly  committed  to  his  charge,  he  would  see  the  execution 
thereof?" 

She  was  answered  that  "  They  were  ignorant  what  manner 
of  man  he  was."  Howbeit  they  persuaded  her  that  GOD 
would  not  suffer  such  wickedness  to  proceed. 

"  Well !  "  quoth  she,  "GOD  grant  it  be  so  !  For  Thou  !  O 
GOD  !  art  the  withdrawer  and  mollifier  of  all  such  tyrannous 
hearts  and  acts !  and  I  beseech  Thee !  to  hear  me  thy 
creature  !  which  am  Thy  servant  and  at  Thy  commandment ! 
trusting  by  Thy  grace  ever  so  to  remain." 

About  which  time,  it  was  spread  abroad,  that  Her  Grace 
should  be  carried  from  thence  ;  by  this  new  jolly  captain  and 
his  soldiers;  but  whither,  it  could  not  be  learned.  Which 
was  unto  Her  Grace  a  great  grief,  especially  for  that  such  a 
kind  of  company  was  appointed  to  her  guard :  requesting 
rather  to  continue  there  still,  than  to  be  led  thence  with  such 
a  rascal  company. 

At  last,  plain  answer  was  made  by  the  Lord  Chandos, 
that  "  There  was  no  remedy  ;  but  from  thence  she  must  needs 
depart  to  the  Manor  of  Woodstock,  as  he  thought." 

Being  demanded  of  her,  "  For  what  cause  ?  " 

"  For  that,"  quoth  he,  "  the  Tower  is  like[ly]  further  to  be 
furnished." 

Whereat  she,  being  more  greedy,  as  far  as  she  durst,  de- 
manded, "  wherewith  ! " 

He  answered,  "  With  such  matter  as  the  Queen  and 
Council  were  determined  in  that  behalf:  whereof  he  had  no 
knowledge."     And  so  departed. 


Jj*563;]  I-ORD  Williams,  her  staunch  friend.  353 

In  conclusion,  the  i6th  day  of  May  she  was  removed  from 
the  Tower :  the  Lord  Treasurer  [the  Marquis  of  Winchester] 
heing  then  there,  for  the  lading  of  her  carts,  and  discharging 
the  Place  of  the  same. 

Where  Sir  Henry  Bedingfield,  being  appointed  her 
goaler,  did  receive  her  with  a  company  of  rakehells  to  guard 
her ;  besides  the  Lord  of  Derby's  Band  [servants]  wafting  in 
the  country  about,  for  the  moonshine  in  the  water[!].  Unto 
whom,  at  length  came,  my  Lord  [Williams]  of  Thame, 
joined  in  Commission,  with  the  said  Sir  Henry  for  the  safe 
guiding  of  her  to  prison.  And  they  together  conveyed  Her 
Grace  to  Woodstock,  as  hereafter  followeth. 

The  first  day  [16th  May],  they  conducted  her  to  Richmond, 
where  she  continued  all  night :  being  restrained  of  her  own 
men,  which  were  laid  out  in  chambers  ;  and  Sir  Henry 
Bedingfield  his  soldiers  appointed  in  their  rooms,  to  give 
attendance  on  her  person. 

Whereat  she,  being  marvellously  dismayed,  thinking  verily 
some  secret  mischief  a  working  towards  her,  called  her  Gen- 
tleman Usher,  and  desired  him  with  the  rest  of  his  company 
to  pray  for  her,  "For  this  night,"  quoth  she,  ''I  think  to  die." 

Whereat  he  being  stricken  to  the  heart,  said,  "  GOD 
forbid  that  any  such  wickedness  should  be  pretended  [in- 
tended] against  your  Grace  !  " 

So  comforting  her  as  well  as  he  could,  he  at  last  burst  out 
in  tears ;  and  went  from  her  down  into  the  court  where  were 
walking  the  Lord  [Williams]  of  Thame,  and  Sir  Henry 
Bedingfield;  and  he  staying  aside  the  Lord  of  Thame,  who 
had  proffered  to  him  much  friendship,  desire  to  speak  with 
him  a  word  or  two. 

Unto  whom,  he  familiarly  said,  **  He  should  with  all  his 
heart." 

Which  when  Sir  Henry  standing  by,  heard,  he  asked, 
"  What  the  matter  was  ?  " 

To  whom  the  Gentleman  Usher  answered,  "  No  great 
matter,  sir,  but  to  speak  with  my  Lord  a  word  or  two  !  " 

Then  when  the  Lord  of  Thame  came  to  him  he  spake  in 
this  wise,  "  My  Lord  1  you  have  always  been  my  good  Lord, 
and  so  I  beseech  you  to  remain.  Why  I  come  to  you  at  this 
time,  is  to  desire  your   Honour,  unfeignedly  to  declare  unto 

Z  I 


354     Sir  H.   Bedingfield  grunts!     l^'fsll 

me,  whether  any  danger  is  meant  unto  my  Mistress  this  night 
or  not  ?  that  I  and  my  poor  fellows  may  take  such  part  as  [it] 
shall  please  GOD  to  appoint.  For  certainly  we  will  rather 
die,  than  she  should  secretly  and  innocently  miscarry." 

"  Marry,"  said  the  Lord  of  Thame,  "  GOD  forbid  that 
any  such  wicked  purpose  should  be  wrought !  and  rather  than 
it  should  be  so,  I,  with  my  men,  are  ready  to  die  at  her  feet  also." 

And  so,  GOD  be  praised !  they  passed  that  doubtful  night, 
with  no  little  heaviness  of  heart. 

The  next  day  [lyth  May]  passing  over  the  water  [i.e.,  the 
Thames]  at  Richmond,  going  towards  Windsor ;  Her  Grace 
espied  certain  of  her  poor  servants  standing  on  the  other  side, 
which  were  very  desirous  to  see  her.  Whom,  when  she 
beheld,  turning  to  one  of  her  men  standing  by,  said,  "  Yonder, 
I  see  certain  of  my  men  ;  go  to  them  !  and  say  these  words 
from  me,  Tanquam  ovis  !  " 

So,  she  passing  forward  to  Windsor,  was  lodged  there  that 
night,  in  the  Dean  of  Windsor's  house  :  a  place  indeed  more 
meet  for  a  priest,  than  a  Princess. 

And  from  thence  [on  i8th  May]  Her  Grace  was  guarded  and 
brought  the  next  night,  to  Master  Dormer's  house ;  where 
much  people  standing  by  the  way,  some  presented  to  her  one 
gift,  and  some  another.  So  that  Sir  Henry  was  greatly 
moved  thereat,  and  troubled  the  poor  people  very  sore,  for 
shewing  their  loving  hearts  in  such  a  manner  ;  calling  them 
"  Rebels  !  "  and  "  Traitors  !  "  with  such  like  vile  words. 

Besides,  as  she  passed  through  the  villages,  the  townsmen 
rang  the  bells,  as  being  joyful  of  her  coming  ;  thinking  verily 
it  had  been  otherwise  than  it  was  indeed  :  and  as  the  sequel 
proved  after,  to  the  poor  men.  For  immediately  the  said 
Sir  Henry  hearing  the  same,  sent  his  soldiers  hither:  who 
apprehended  some  of  the  ringers,  setting  them  in  the  stocks, 
and  otherwise  uncourteously  misused  some  others  for  their 
good  wills. 

On  the  morrow  [igth  May]  Her  Grace  passed  from  Master 
Dormer's,  where  was,  for  the  time  of  her  abode,  a  straight 
watch  kept;  came  to  the  Lord  of  Thame  his  house  [at  Thame] 
where  she  lay  all  the  next  night ;  being  very  princely  enter- 
tained, both  of  Knights  and  Ladies,  gentlemen  and  gentle- 
women. Whereat  Sir  Henry  Bedingfield  gronted  [grunted] 


J-fj^f]    AND  IS  MOCKED  AT  FOR  HIS  COARSENESS.     355 

and  was  highly  offended,  saying  unto  them  that  "  They  could 
not  tell  what  they  did,  and  were  not  able  to  answer  to  their 
doings  in  that  behalf;  letting  them  to  understand  that  she 
was  the  Queen's  Majesty's  prisoner,  and  no  otherwise ;  ad- 
vising them  therefore  to  take  heed,  and  beware  of  after  claps  ! " 

Whereunto,  the  Lord  of  Thame  answered  him  in  this  wise, 
that  '*  He  was  well  advised  of  [in]  his  doings,  being  joined  in 
Commission  as  well  as  he,"  adding  with  warrant,  that  '*  Her 
Grace  might,  and  should,  in  his  house,  be  merry." 

After  this.  Sir  Henry  went  up  into  a  chamber,  where  were 
appointed  for  Her  Grace,  a  chair,  two  cushions,  and  a  foot- 
carpet,  very  fair  and  prince-like ;  wherein  presumptuously  he 
sat,  calling  for  Barwick,  his  man,  to  pull  off  his  boots:  which 
as  soon  as  it  was  known  among  the  ladies  and  gentles,  every 
one  musing  thereat,  did  laugh  him  to  scorn  ;  and  observed  his 
indiscreet  manners  in  that  behalf,  as  they  might  very  well. 

When  supper  was  done,  he  called  my  Lord,  and  willed  him 
that  all  the  Gentlemen  and  Ladies  should  withdraw  them- 
selves ;  every  one  to  his  lodging  :  marvelling  much  that  he 
would  permit  there  such  a  company  ;  considering  so  great  a 
charge  was  committed  to  him. 

*' Sir  Henry  !"  quoth  my  Lord,  "content  yourself!  All 
shall  be  voided,  your  men  and  all." 

"  Nay,  my  soldiers,"  quoth  Sir  Henry,  "shall  watch  all 
night." 

The  said  Lord  of  Thame  answered,  "  It  shall  not  need." 

"Well,"  said  he,  "need  or  need  not,  they  shall  do  so," 
mistrusting,  belike,  the  company  ;  which,  GOD  knoweth,  was 
without  cause. 

The  next  day  [20ih  May]  Her  Grace  took  her  journey  from 
thence,  to  Woodstock  ;  where  she  was  enclosed,  as  before 
in  the  Tower  of  London  ;  the  soldiers  guarding  and  warding 
both  within  and  without  the  walls,  every  day  to  the  number 
of  three  score,  and,  in  the  night,  without  the  walls  forty; 
during  the  time  of  her  imprisonment  there. 

At  length,  she  had  gardens  appointed  for  her  walks,  which 
were  very  comfortable  to  Her  Grace.  Always  when  she  did 
recreate  herself  therein,  the  doors  were  fast  locked  up,  in  as 
straight  a  manner  as  they  were  in  the  Tower ;  there  being  at 
the  least  five  or  six  locks  between  her  lodging  and  her  walks  ; 
Sir  Henry  himself  keeping  the  keys,  trusted  no  man  therewith. 


356  The  joke  of  the  stray  Welsh  goat,  p'.^l' 

Whereupon  she  called  him  "  her  gaoler  :  "  Lnd  he,  kneeling 
down,  desired  Her  Grace  not  to  call  him  so,  for  he  was 
appointed  there  to  be  one  of  her  Officers. 

"From  such  Officers,"  quoth  she,  "good  Lord,  deliver  me!" 

And  now,  by  way  of  digression,  or  rather  of  refreshing  the 
reader  (if  it  be  lawful  in  so  serious  a  story  to  recite  a  matter 
incident,  and  yet  not  impertinent  to  the  same)  occasion 
here  moveth  or  rather  enforceth  me  to  touch  briefly  what 
happened  in  the  same  place  and  time,  by  a  certain  merry  con- 
ceited man,  being  then  about  Her  Grace.  Who  (noting  the 
straight  and  strange  keeping  of  his  Lady  and  Mistress  by  the 
said  Sir  Henry  Bedingfield,  with  so  many  locks  and  doors, 
with  such  watch  and  ward  about  her,  as  was  strange  and 
wonderful)  spied  a  goat  in  the  ward  where  Her  Grace  was ; 
and  (whether  to  refresh  her  oppressed  mind,  or  to  notify  her 
straight  handling  by  Sir  Henry  ;  or  else  both),  he  took  it  up 
on  his  neck,  and  followed  Her  Grace  therewith,  as  she  was 
going  to  her  lodging.  Who,  when  she  saw  it,  asked  him, 
"  What  he  would  do  with  him  ?  "  willing  him  to  let  it  alone. 

Unto  whom,  the  said  party  answered,  "  No,  by  Saint 
Mary!  if  it  like  your  Grace!  will  I  not  1  For  I  cannot  tell 
whether  he  be  one  of  the  Queen's  friends  or  not.  I  will,  GOD 
willing !  carry  him  to  Sir  Henry  Bedingfield,  to  know  what 
he  is." 

So,  leaving  Her  Grace,  went,  with  the  goat  on  his  neck, 
and  carried  it  to  Sir  Henry  Bedingfield  ;  who,  when  he  saw 
him  coming  with  it,  asked  him  half  angrily,  "  What  he  had 
there  ?  " 

Unto  whom  the  party  answered,  saying,  "  Sir!  I  cannot 
tell  what  he  is.  I  pray  you,  examine  him  !  for  T  found  him 
in  the  place  where  my  Lady's  Grace  was  walking,  and  what 
talk  they  have  had,  I  cannot  tell.  For  I  understand  him  not, 
but  he  should  seem  to  me  to  be  some  stranger  •-  and  I  think 
verily  a  Welshman,  for  he  hath  a  white  frieze  coat  on  his 
back.  And  forasmuch  as  I  being  the  Queen's  subject,  and 
perceiving  the  strait  charge  committed  to  you  of  her  keeping, 
that  no  stranger  should  have  access  to  her,  without  sufficient 
license  :  I  have  here  found  a  stranger  (what  he  is,  I  cannot 
tell)  in  the  place  where  Her  Grace  was  walking ;  and,  there- 
fore, for  the  necessary  discharge  of  my  duty,  I  thought  it 


J-,^6*-]  Sir  Henry  nervous  as  to  pens  and  paper.    357 

good  to  bring  the  said  stranger  to  you  to  examine,  as  you  see 
cause."     And  so  he  set  him  down. 

At  which  his  words,  Sir  Henry  Bedingfield  seemed  much 
displeased,  and  said,  "  Well !  well  !  you  will  never  leavethis 
gear,  I  see."     And  so  they  departed. 

Now  to  return  to  the  matter  from  whence  we  have  digressed. 

After  Her  Grace's  being  there  a  time  [i.e.,  about  a  year], 
she  made  suit  to  the  Council,  that  she  might  be  suffered  to 
write  to  the  Queen  ;  which,  at  last,  was  permitted  to  Her 
Grace.  So  that  Sir  Henry  Bedingfield  brought  her  pen, 
ink,  and  paper;  and  standing  by  her,  while  she  wrote,  which 
he  very  straitly  observed  ;  always,  she  being  weary,  would 
carry  away  her  letters,  and  bring  them  again  when  she  called 
for  them. 

In  the  finishing  thereof,  he  would  have  been  messenger  to 
the  Queen  of  the  same;  whose  request  Her  Grace  denied, 
saying,  "One  of  her  own  men  should  carry  them  ;  and  that 
she  would  neither  trust  him,  nor  none  of  his  thereabouts." 

Then  he  answering  again,  said,  "  None  of  them  durst  be  so 
bold,"  he  trowed,  "  to  carry  her  letters,  being  in  her  present 
case !  " 

"  Yes,"  quoth  she,  "  I  am  assured  I  have  none  so  dishonest 
that  would  deny  my  request  in  that  behalf;  but  will  be  as 
willing  to  serve  me  now  as  before." 

"  Well,"  said  he,  "  my  Commission  is  to  the  contrary  ;  and 
may  not  suffer  it." 

Her  Grace,  replying  again,  said,  "  You  charge  me  very 
often  with  your  Commission  !  I  pray  GOD  you  may  justly 
answer  the  cruel  dealing  ye  deal  with  me  !  " 

Then  he  kneeling  down,  desired  Her  Grace  to  think  and 
consider  how  he  was  a  servant,  and  put  in  trust  there  by  the 
Queen  to  serve  Her  Majesty  :  protesting  that  if  the  case  were 
hers,  he  would  as  willingly  serve  Her  Grace,  as  now  he  did 
the  Queen's  Highness. 

For  the  which  answer,  Her  Grace  thanked  him,  desiring 
GOD  that  she  might  never  have  need  of  such  servants  as  he 
was  :  declaring  further  to  him  that  his  doings  towards  her 
were  not  good  or  answerable,  but  more  than  all  the  friends 
he  had,  would  stand  by;  for  in  the  end,  she  plainly  told  him, 
they  would  forsake  him. 


35 S  The  Princess  is  a  prisoner  at  [J- ,^63; 

To  whom,  Sir  Henry  replied,  and  said  that  "  There  was 
no  remedy  but  his  doings  must  be  answered  ;  and  so  they 
should,  trusting  to  make  a  good  account  thereof." 

The  cause  which  moved  Her  Grace  so  to  say,  was  for  that 
he  would  not  permit  her  letters  to  be  carried,  four  or  five  days 
after  the  writing  thereof.  But,  in  fine,  he  was  content  to  send 
for  her  Gentleman  from  the  town  of  Woodstock,  demanding 
of  him,  "  Whether  he  durst  enterprise  the  carriage  of  Her 
Grace's  letters  to  the  Queen  or  not  ?  " 

And  he  answered,  "  Yea,  sir  !  That  I  dare,  and  will,  with  all 
my  heart." 

Whereupon,  Sir  Henry,  half  against  his  stomach,  took 
them  to  him,  to  the  effect  aforesaid. 

Then,  about  the  8th  of  June  [1555]  came  down  Doctor 
Owen  and  Doctor  Wendif,  sent  by  the  Queen  to  Her  Grace, 
for  that  she  was  sickly ;  who  ministering  to  her,  and  letting 
her  blood,  tarried  there,  and  attended  on  Her  Grace  five  or  six 
days  :  who  being  well  amended,  they  returned  again  to  the 
Court,  making  their  good  report  to  the  Queen  and  Council, 
of  Her  Grace's  behaviour  and  humbleness  towards  the  Queen's 
Highness  ;  which  Her  Majesty  hearing,  took  very  thankfully. 
But  the  Bishops  thereat  repined,  looked  black  in  the  mouth, 
and  told  the  Queen,  they  "  marvelled  she  submitted  not  her- 
self to  Her  Majesty's  mercy,  considering  that  she  had  offended 
Her  Highness." 

Wily  champions,  ye  may  be  sure  !  and  friends  at  a  need ! 
GOD  amend  them  ! 

About  this  time,  Her  Grace  was  requested  by  a  secret  friend, 
"  to  submit  herself  to  the  Queen's  Majesty  ;  which  would  be 
very  well  taken,  and  to  her  great  quiet  and  commodity." 

Unto  whom,  she  answered  that  "  She  would  never  submit 
herself  to  them  whom  she  had  never  offended  !  For,"  quoth 
she,  "if  I  have  offended,  and  am  guilty;  I  then  crave  no  mercy, 
but  the  law  !  which  I  am  certain  I  should  have  had,  ere  this, 
if  it  could  be  proved  by  me.  For  I  know  myself,  I  thank 
GOD  !  to  be  out  of  the  danger  thereof,  wishing  that  I  were 
as  clear  out  of  the  peril  of  my  enemy  ;  and  then  I  am  sure  I 
should  not  be  so  locked  and  bolted  up  within  walls  and  doors  as 
I  am.   GOD  give  them  a  better  mind  !  when  it  pleaseth  Him." 


^■fsfis-]  ^'^^O^STOCK    FOR    MORE    THAN    A    YEAR.     359 

About  this  time  [i.e.,  after  the  Queen's  marriage  on  ^rd  July 
1554]  was  there  a  great  consulting  among  the  Bishops  and 
gentlemen,  touching  a  marriage  for  Her  Grace  :  which  some 
of  the  Spaniards  wished  to  be  with  some  stranger,  that  she 
might  go  out  of  the  realm  with  her  portion.  Some  saying 
one  thing,  and  some  another. 

A  Lord  [Lord  Paget]  being  there,  at  last  said  that  "  the 
King  should  never  have  any  quiet  common  wealth  in  Eng- 
land; unless  her  head  were  stricken  from  the  shoulders." 

Whereunto  the  Spaniards  answered,  saying,  "  GOD  forbid 
that  their  King  and  Master  should  have  that  mind  to  consent 
to  such  a  mischief!  "  This  was  the  courteous  answer  of  the 
Spaniards  to  the  Englishmen  speaking,  after  that  sort,  against 
their  own  country. 

From  that  day,  the  Spaniards  never  left  off  their  good  per- 
suasions to  the  King,  that  the  like  honour  he  should  never 
obtain  as  he  should  in  delivering  the  Lady  Elizabeth's 
Grace  out  of  prison :  whereby,  at  length,  she  was  happily 
released  from  the  same. 

Here  is  a  plain  and  evident  example  of  the  good  nature  and 
clemency  of  the  King  and  his  Councillors  towards  Her  Grace. 
Praised  be  GOD  therefore  !  who  moved  their  hearts  therein. 

Then  hereupon,  she  was  sent  for,  shortly  after,  to  come  to 
Hampton  Court. 

In  her  imprisonment  at  Woodstock,  these  verses  she  wrote 
with  her  diamond,  in  a  glass  window. 

Much  suspected  by  me, 
Nothing  proved  can  be, 
Quoth  Elizabeth  the  prisoner. 

[In  the  Second  Edition  of  his  Actes,  &c.,  published  in  1 570  under  the  fresh 
title  of  Ecclesiastical  History,  p.  2,294;  John  Fox  gives  the  following 
additional  information  of  the  Woodstock  imprisonment. 

And  thus  much  touching  the  troubles  of  Lady  Elizabeth 
at  Woodstock. 

Whereunto  this  is  more  to  be  added,  that  during  the  same 
time  the  Lord  [Williams]  of  Thame  had  laboured  for  the 
Queen,  and  became  surety  for  her,  to  have  her  from  Wood- 
stock to  his  house,  and  had  obtained  grant  thereof.  But 
(through  the  procurement  either  of  Master  Bedingfield,  or 
by  the  doing  of  [the  Bishop  of]   Winchester,  her  mortaj 


360  After  Mary's  marriage,  is  delivered  P'l^i- 

enemy),  letters  came  over  night,  to  the  contrary :  whereby 
her  journey  was  stopped. 

Thus,  this  worthy  Lady,  oppressed  with  continual  sorrow, 
could  not  be  permitted  to  have  recourse  to  any  friends  she 
had;  but  still  in  the  hands  of  her  enemies,  was  left  desolate, 
and  utterly  destitute  of  all  that  might  refresh  a  doleful  heart, 
fraught  full  of  terror  and  thraldom.  Whereupon  no  marvel, 
if  she  hearing,  upon  a  time,  out  of  her  garden  at  Woodstock, 
a  certain  milkmaid  singing  pleasantly,  wished  herself  to  be  a 
milkmaid,  as  she  was  :  saying  that  "  Her  case  was  better,  and 
life  more  merry  than  hers,  in  that  state  she  was.] 

Sir  Henry  Bedingfield  and  his  soldiers,  with  the  Lord 
[Williams]  of  Thame,  and  Sir  Ralph  Chamberlain  guard- 
ing and  waiting  upon  her,  the  first  night  [July  1555]  from 
Woodstock,  she  came  to  Rycot. 

The  next  night  to  IVIaster  Dormer's;  and  so  to  Cole- 
brook,  where  she  lay  all  that  night  at  the  George.  By  the 
way,  coming  to  the  said  Colebrook,  certain  of  her  gentle- 
men and  yeomen,  to  the  number  of  three  score  met  Her 
Grace,  much  to  all  their  comforts  :  which  had  not  seen  Her 
Grace  of  long  season  before,  neither  could  :  but  were  com- 
manded, in  the  Queen's  name,  immediately  to  depart  the 
town,"  to  Her  Grace's  no  little  heaviness  and  theirs,  who 
could  not  be  suffered  once  to  speak  with  from  them.  So 
that  night  all  her  men  were  taken  her,  saving  her  Gentleman 
Usher,  three  gentlewomen,  two  Grooms,  and  one  of  her 
Wardrobe  ;  the  Soldiers  watching  and  warding  round-about 
the  house,  and  she  shut  up  close  within  her  prison. 

The  next  day  Her  Grace  entered  Hampton  Court  on  the 
backside,  unto  the  Prince's  Lodgings.  The  doors  being  shut 
to  her ;  and  she,  guarded  with  soldiers  as  before,  lay  there  a 
fortnight  at  the  least,  ere  ever  any  had  recourse  unto  her. 

At  length,  came  the  Lord  William  Howard,  who  mar- 
vellously honourably  used  Her  Grace:  whereat  she  took 
much  comfort,  and  requested  him  to  be  a  means  that  she 
might  speak  with  some  of  the  Council. 

To  whom,  not  long  after  came  the  Bishop  of  Winchester, 
the  Lord  of  Arundel,  the  Lord  of  Shrewsbury,  and  Secre- 
tary Petre  ;  who,  with  great  humility,  humbled  themselves 
to  Her  Grace. 


J-^j.]      FROM     PRISON     AT     WoODSTOCK.       36 1 

She  again  likewise  saluting  them,  said,  "  My  Lords !  I  am 
glad  to  see  you  !  For,  methinks,  I  have  been  kept  a  great 
while  from  you,  desolately  alone.  Wherefore  I  would  desire 
you  to  be  a  means  to  the  King's  and  Queen's  Majesties,  that 
I  may  be  delivered  from  prison,  wherein  I  have  been  kept  a 
long  space,  as  to  you,  my  Lords,  is  not  unknown  !  " 

When  she  had  spoken,  Stephen  Gardiner,  the  Bishop  of 
Winchester  kneeled  down,  and  requested  that  "  She  would 
submit  herself  to  the  Queen's  Grace ;  and  in  so  doing  he  had 
no  doubt  but  that  Her  Majesty  would  be  good  unto  her." 

She  made  answer  that  "rather  than  she  would  do  so,  she 
would  lie  in  prison  all  the  days  of  her  life:"  adding  that 
"  she  craved  no  mercy  at  Her  Majesty's  hand,  but  rather 
desired  the  law,  if  ever  she  did  offend  her  Majesty  in  thought, 
word,  or  deed.  And  besides  this,  in  yielding,"  quoth  she, 
"  I  should  speak  against  myself,  and  confess  myself  to  be  an 
offender,  which  I  never  was  towards  Her  Majesty;  by  occasion 
whereof,  the  King  and  Queen,  might  ever  hereafter  conceive 
an  ill  opinion  of  me :  and,  therefore,  I  say,  my  Lords !  it 
were  better  for  me  to  lie  in  prison  for  the  truth,  than  to  be 
abroad  and  suspected  of  my  Prince." 

And  so  they  departed,  promising  to  declare  her  message  to 
the  Queen. 

On  the  next  day  [July  1555]  the  Bishop  of  Winchester 
came  again  unto  Her  Grace,  and  kneeling  down,  declared  that 
"  The  Queen  marvelled  that  she  should  so  stoutly  use  herself, 
not  confessing  to  have  offended ;  so  that  it  should  seem  the 
Queen's  Majesty  wrongfully  to  have  imprisoned  Her  Grace." 

"  Nay,"  quoth  my  Lady  Elizabeth,  "it  may  please  her 
to  punish  me,  as  she  thinketh  good." 

"  Well,"  quoth  Gardiner,  "  Her  Majesty  willeth  me  to 
tell  you,  that  you  must  tell  another  tale  ere  that  you  be  set 
at  liberty." 

Her  Grace  answered  that  "  She  had  as  lief  be  in  prison 
with  honesty  and  truth,  as  to  be  abroad  suspected  of  Her 
Majesty.  And  this  that  I  have  said,  I  will  stand  to.  For  I 
will  never  belie  myself!  " 

The  Lord  of  Winchester  again  kneeled  down,  and  said, 
"  Then  your  Grace  hath  the  vantage  of  me  and  the  other 
Lords,  for  your  long  and  wrong  imprisonment." 

"  What  vantage  I  have,"  quoth  she,  "  you  know  ;  taking 


362      The  Queen   sees   her,  at  night.      pi^?*; 

GOD  to  record,  I  seek  no  vantage  at  your  hands,  for  your  so 
dealing  with  me.     But  GOD  forgive  you,  and  me  also  !  " 

With  that,  the  rest  kneeled,  desiring  Her  Grace  that  "all 
might  be  forgotten,"  and  so  departed,  she  being  fast  locked 
up  again. 

A  sevennight  after  [July  1555],  the  Queen's  Majesty  sent 
for  Her  Grace,  at  ten  of  the  clock  in  the  night,  to  speak  with 
her.  For  she  had  not  seen  her  in  two  years  before.  Yet  for 
all  that,  she  was  amazed  at  the  so  sudden  sending  for, 
thinking  it  had  been  worse  for  her,  than  afterwards  proved  ; 
and  desired  her  gentlemen  and  gentlewomen  to  "pray  for  her ! 
for  that  she  could  not  tell  whether  ever  she  should  see  them 
again  or  not." 

At  which  time,  coming  in  with  Sir  Henry  Bedingfield  and 
Mistress  Clarencius  [p.  332],  Her  Grace  was  brought  into 
the  garden,  unto  a  stairs'  foot,  that  went  into  the  Queen's 
Lodging ;  Her  Grace's  gentlewomen  waiting  upon  her,  her 
Gentleman  Usher  and  his  grooms  going  before  with  torches. 
Where  her  gentlemen  and  gentlewomen  being  all  commanded 
to  stay,  saving  one  woman;  Mistress  Clarencius  conducted 
her  to  the  Queen's  bedchamber,  where  Her  Majesty  was. 

At  the  sight  of  whom,  Her  Grace  kneeled  down,  and 
desired  GOD  to  "preserve  Her  Majesty!  not  mistrusting,  but 
that  she  should  try  herself  as  true  a  subject  towards  Her 
Majesty  as  ever  any  did,"  and  desired  Her  Majesty  even  so 
to  judge  of  her;  and  said  "she  should  not  find  her  to  the 
contrary;  whatsoever  false  report  otherwise  had  gone  of  her." 

To  whom,  the  Queen  answered,  "You  will  not  confess 
your  offence  ;  but  stand  stoutly  in  your  truth  !  I  pray  GOD  1 
it  may  so  fall  out." 

"  If  it  do  not,"  quoth  she,  "  I  request  neither  favour  nor 
pardon  at  your  Majesty's  hands." 

"  Well,"  said  the  Queen,  "  you  stiffly  still  persevere  in 
your  truth  !  Belike,  you  will  not  confess  but  that  you  have 
wrongly  punished  !  " 

"  I  must  not  say  so,  if  it  please  your  Majesty !  to  you  !  " 

"  Why,  then,"  said  the  Queen,  "  belike  you  will  to  others." 

"  No,  if  it  please  your  Majesty !  "  quoth  she,  "  I  have 
borne  the  burden,  and  must  bear  it.  I  humbly  beseech  your 
Majesty  to  have  a  good  opinion  of  me,  and  to  think  me  to  be 
your  true  subject ;  not  only  from  the  beginning,  hitherto  ;  but 
for  ever,  as  long  as  life  lasteth." 


J-^j]     Elizabeth  in  charge  of  Sir  T.  Pope.      363 

And  so  they  departed  [separated],  with  very  few  comfortable 
words  of  the  Queen  in  English.  But  what  she  said  in 
Spanish,  GOD  knoweth  !  It  is  thought  that  King  Philip 
was  there,  behind  a  cloth  [tapestry],  and  not  shewn;  and  that 
he  shewed  himself  a  very  friend  in  that  matter,  &c. 

Thus  Her  Grace  departing,  went  to  her  lodging  again  ;  and 
the  sevennight  after,  was  released  of  Sir  Henry  Beding- 
FiELD,  "  her  gaoler,"  as  she  termed  him,  and  his  soldiers. 

So  Her  Grace,  set  at  liberty  from  imprisonment,  went  into 
the  country,  and  had  appointed  to  go  with  her,  Sir  Thomas 
Pope,  one  of  Queen  Mary's  Councillors  ;  and  one  of  her 
Gentleman  Ushers,  Master  Gage  ;  and  thus  straitly  was  she 
looked  to,  all  Queen  Mary's  time. 

And  this  is  the  discourse  of  Her  Highness's  imprisonment. 

Then  there  came  to  Lamheyre,  Master  Jerningham,  and 
Norris,  Gentleman  Usher,  Queen  Mary's  men ;  who  took 
away  from  Her  Grace,  Mistress  Asheley  to  the  Fleet,  and 
three  others  of  her  gentlemen  to  the  Tower;  which  thing  was 
no  little  trouble  to  Her  Grace,  saying,  that  "  she  thought 
they  would  fetch  all  away  at  the  end."  But  God  be  praised  ! 
shortly  after  was  fetched  away  Gardiner,  through  the  merci- 
ful providence  of  the  LORD's  goodness,  by  occasion  of  whose 
opportune  decease  [i^th  November,  1555],  the  life  of  this  so  ex- 
cellent Prince  that  is  the  wealth  of  England,  was  preserved. 

After  the  death  of  this  Gardiner  ;  followed  the  death  also, 
and  dropping  away  of  others,  her  enemies  ;  whereby,  by  little 
and  little,  her  jeopardy  decreased,  fear  diminished,  hope  of 
more  comfort  began  to  appear,  as  out  of  a  dark  cloud  ;  and 
though  as  yet  Her  Grace  had  no  full  assurance  of  perfect 
safety,  yet  more  gentle  entertainment  daily  did  grow  unto 
her,  till  the  same  day,  which  took  away  the  said  Queen  Mary, 
brought  in  the  same  her  foresaid  sister,  Lady  Elizabeth  in 
to  the  right  of  the  Crown  of  England.  Who,  after  so  long 
restrainment,  so  great  dangers  escaped,  such  blusterous 
storms  overblown,  so  many  injuries  digested  and  wrongs 
sustained  :  the  mighty  protection  of  our  merciful  GOD,  to 
our  no  little  safeguard,  hath  exalted  and  erected,  out  of  thrall, 
to  liberty ;  out  of  danger,  to  peace  and  rule ;  from  dread,  to 
dignity  ;  from  misery,  to  majesty  ;  from  mourning,  to  ruling; 
briefly,  of  a  prisoner,  hath  made  her  a  Prince ;  and  hath 


364     Elizabeth's  generosity  to  Sir  Henry.     [_^'f°6l 

placed  her  in  her  royal  throne,  being  placed  and  proclaimed 
Queen  with  as  many  glad  hearts  of  her  subjects,  as  ever  was 
any  King  or  Queen  in  this  realm  before,  or  ever  shall  be  (I 
think)  hereafter. 

In  whose  advancement,  and  this  her  princely  governance, 
it  cannot  sufficiently  be  expressed  what  felicity  and  blessed 
happiness  this  realm  hath  received,  in  receiving  her  at  the 
lord's  almighty  and  gracious  hand.  For  as  there  have 
been  divers  Kings  and  Rulers  over  this  realm,  and  I  have 
read  of  some ;  yet  could  I  never  find  in  English  Chronicles, 
the  like  that  may  be  written  of  this  our  noble  and  worthy 
Queen,  whose  coming  in  was  not  only  so  calm,  so  joyful,  so 
peaceable,  without  shedding  of  any  blood ;  but  also  her 
reigning  hitherto  (reign  now  four  years  and  more)  hath  been 
so  quiet,  that  yet  (the  LORD  have  all  the  glory  !)  to  this 
present  day,  her  Sword  is  a  virgin,  spotted  and  polluted  with 
no  drop  of  blood. 

In  speaking  whereof,  I  take  not  upon  me  the  part  of  the 
Moral,  or  of  the  Divine  Philosopher,  to  Judge  of  things  done  ; 
but  only  keep  me  within  the  compass  of  an  Historiographer, 
declaring  what  hath  been  before;  and  comparing  things  done, 
with  things  now  present,  the  like  whereof,  as  I  said,  is  not  to 
be  found  lightly  in  Chronicles  before.  And  this,  as  I  speak 
truly,  so  would  I  to  betaken  without  flattery;  to  be  left  to  our 
posterity,  ad  sempiternam  clenientice  illiiis  menioriam. 

In  commendation  of  which  her  clemency,  I  might  also  here 
add,  how  mildly  Her  Grace,  after  she  was  advanced  to  her 
Kingdom,  did  forgive  the  said  Sir  Henry  Bedingfield  ; 
suffering  him,  without  molestation,  to  enjoy  goods,  life,  lands, 
and  liberty.     But  I  let  this  pass. 

Thus  hast  thou,  gentle  Reader !  simply  but  truly  described 
unto  thee,  the  time,  first,  of  the  sorrowful  adversity  of  this 
our  most  Sovereign  Queen  that  now  is ;  also,  the  miraculous 
preserving  her  in  so  many  straights  and  distresses :  which  I 
thought  here  briefly  to  notify,  the  rather  for  that  the  won- 
drous works  of  the  LORD  ought  not  to  be  suppressed;  and 
that  also  Her  Majesty,  and  we  her  poor  subjects  likewise, 
having  thereby  a  present  matter  always  before  our  eyes,  be 
admonished  how  much  we  are  bound  to  His  Divine  majesty, 
and  also  to  render  thanks  to  Him  condignly  for  the  same. 


THE    PASSAGE 

of  our  most  dread  Sovereign 
\\  Lady^    ^jieen    Elizabeth^ 
through  the  City  of  Lon- 
don  to    Westminster^ 
the  day  before  her 
Coronation, 


Anno.     1558. 


Cum  privilegio. 


"1^ 


The  Receiving  of  the  Queens  Majesty, 


^~-~-—  HI.  iiiiTjir 


PoN  Saturday,  which  was  the  14th  day  of 
January,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  God, 
1558  [i.e.y  1559],  about  two  of  the  clock,  at 
after  noon,  the  most  noble  and  Christian 
Princess,  our  most  dread  Sovereign  Lady, 
Elizabeth,  by  the  grace  of  GOD,  Queen 
of  England,  France,  and  Ireland,  Defender 
of  the  Faith,  &c.,  marched  from  the  Tower, 
to  pass  through  the  City  of  London,  towards  Westminster: 
richly  furnished,  and  most  honourably  accompanied,  as  well 
with  Gentlemen,  Barons,  and  other  the  Nobility  of  this  realm, 
as  also  with  a  noble  train  of  goodly  and  beautiful  Ladies, 
richly  appointed. 

And  entering  the  City,  was  of  the  people  received  marvel- 
lous entirely,  as  appeared  by  the  assembly's  prayers,  wishes, 
welcomings,  cries,  tender  words,  and  all  other  signs :  which 
argue  a  wonderful  earnest  love  of  most  obedient  subjects 
towards  their  Sovereign.  And,  on  the  other  side,  Her  Grace, 
by  holding  up  her  hands,  and  merry  countenance  to  such  as 
stood  afar  off,  and  most  tender  and  gentle  language  to  those 
that  stood  nigh  to  Her  Grace,  did  declare  herself  no  less 
thankfully  to  receive  her  people's  good  will,  than  they  lov- 
ingly offered  it  unto  her. 

To  all  that  "  wished  Her  Grace  well !  "  she  gave  *'  Hearty 
thanks !  "  and  to  such  as  bade  "  GOD  save  Her  Grace  !  "  she 


368  The  Queen's  loving  behaviour,  [jan.'.sjg. 

said  again,  "GOD  save  them  all!"  and  thanked  with  all 
her  heart.  So  that,  on  either  side,  there  was  nothing  but 
gladness  !  nothing  but  prayer  !  nothing  but  comfort ! 

The  Queen's  Majesty  rejoiced  marvellously  to  see  that  so 
exceedingly  shewed  towards  Her  Grace,  which  all  good  Princes 
have  ever  desired ;  I  mean,  so  earnest  Love  of  Subjects,  so 
evidently  declared  even  to  Her  Grace's  own  person,  being 
carried  in  the  midst  of  them.  The  people,  again,  were  won- 
derfully ravished  with  the  loving  answers  and  gestures  of 
their  Princess  ;  like  to  the  which,  they  had  before  tried,  at  her 
first  coming  to  the  town,  from  Hatfield.  This  Her  Grace's 
loving  behaviour  preconceived  in  the  people's  heads,  upon 
these  considerations,  was  then  thoroughly  confirmed;  and 
indeed  implanted  a  wonderful  hope  in  them  touching  her 
worthy  government  in  the  rest  of  her  reign. 

For  in  all  her  Passage,  she  did  not  only  shew  her  most 
gracious  love  towards  the  people  in  general ;  but  also 
privately,  if  the  baser  personages  had  either  offered  Her 
Grace  any  flowers  or  such  like,  as  a  signification  of  their 
good  will ;  or  moved  to  her  any  suit,  she  most  gently  (to  the 
common  rejoicings  of  all  lookers  on,  and  private  comfort  of 
the  party)  stayed  her  chariot,  and  heard  their  requests.  So 
that,  if  a  man  should  say  well,  he  could  not  better  term  the 
City  of  London  that  time,  than  a  Stage  wherein  was  shewed 
the  wonderful  Spectacle  of  a  noble  hearted  Princess  towards 
her  most  loving  people ;  and  the  people's  exceeding  comfort 
in  beholding  so  worthy  a  Sovereign,  and  hearing  so  prince-like 
a  voice ;  which  could  not  but  have  set  the  enemy  on  fire, 
(since  the  virtue  is  in  the  enemy  always  commended)  much 
more  could  not  but  inflame  her  natural,  obedient,  and  most 
loving  people  ;  whose  weal  leaneth  only  upon  her  Grace,  and 
her  government. 

Thus,  therefore,  the  Queen's  Majesty  passed  from  the 
Tower  [see  as  to  her  former  dismal  visit  in  March,  1554,  '^^P-  345]' 
till  she  came  to  Fanchurch  [Fenchiirch]  :  the  people  on  each 
side,  joyously  beholding  the  view  of  so  gracious  a  Lady,  their 
Queen  ;  and  Her  Grace  no  less  gladly  noting,  and  observing 
the  same. 

Near  unto  Fanchurch,  was  erected  a  scaffold  richly  fur- 
nished;  whereon  stood  a  noise  of  instruments;  and  a  child, 


Jan.^s59•]  The  First  OF  THE  Five  Pageants.     369 

in  costly  apparel,  which  was  appointed  to  welcome  the  Queen's 
Majesty,  in  the  whole  City's  behalf. 

Against  which  place,  when  Her  Grace  came,  of  her  own 
will  she  commanded  the  chariot  to  be  stayed ;  and  that  the 
noise  might  be  appeased,  till  the  child  had  uttered  his  wel- 
coming Oration,  which  he  spake  in  English  metre,  as  here 
followeth. 

O  peerless  Sovereign  Queen  !  Behold,  what  this  thy  town 
Hath  thee  presented  with,  at  thy  First  Entrance  here ! 
Behold,  with  how  rich  hope,  she  leadeth  thee  to  thy  Crown  ! 
Behold,  with  what  two  gifts,  she  comforteth  thy  cheer ! 

The  First  is  Blessing  Tongues  !  which  many  a  "  Welcome  !  " 
say.  [sky ! 

Which  pray,  thou  may'st  do  well !  which  praise  thee  to  the 

Which  wish  to  thee  long  life !  which  bless  this  happy  day! 

Which  to  thy  Kingdom  "Heapes!"  [Hips!],  all  that  in 
tongues  can  lie. 

The  Second  is  True  Hearts !  which  love  thee  from  their  root ! 
Whose  Suit  is  Triumph  now,  and  ruleth  all  the  game, 
Which  Faithfulness  has  won,  and  all  untruth  driven  out ; 
Which  skip  for  joy,  when  as  they  hear  thy  happy  name ! 

Welcome,  therefore,  O  Queen !  as  much  as  heart  can  think. 
Welcome  again,  O  Queen !  as  much  as  tongue  can  tell. 
Welcome  to  joyous  Tongues,  and  Hearts  that  will  not  shrink ! 
"  GOD,  thee  preserve  !  "  we  pray;  and  wish  thee  ever  well ! 

At  which  words  of  the  last  line,  the  people  gave  a  great 
shout ;  wishing,  with  one  assent,  as  the  child  had  said. 

And  the  Queen's  Majesty  thanked  most  heartily,  both  the 
City  for  this  her  gentle  receiving  at  the  first,  and  also  the 
people  for  confirming  the  same. 

Here  was  noted  in  the  Queen's  Majesty's  countenance, 
during  the  time  that  the  child  spake,  besides  a  perpetual  at- 
tentiveness  in  her  face,  a  marvellous  change  in  look,  as  the 
child's  words  touched  either  her   person,    or   the    people's 

2  A  I 


370      Subject  of  the  First  Pageant  is  [Jan.^s59. 

Tongues  and  Hearts ;  so  that  she,  with  rejoicing  visage,  did 
evidently  declare  that  the  words  took  no  less  place  in  her 
mind,  than  they  were  most  heartily  pronounced  by  the  child, 
as  from  all  the  hearts  of  her  most  hearty  citizens. 

The  same  Verses  were  fastened  up  in  a  table  [painted  board. 
Table  is  the  Elizabethan  word  for  picture]  upon  the  scaffold ; 
and  the  Latin  thereof  likewise,  in  Latin  verses,  in  another 
table,  as  hereafter  ensueth. 

Urbs  tua  quce  ingressu  dederit  tibi  munera  prima, 

0  Regina !  parent  non  habitura,  vide  ! 
Ad  diadema  tuum,  te  spe  quam  divite  mittat, 

QucB  duo  letitice  det  tibi  dona,  vide  I 
Munus  habes  Primum,  Linguas  bona  multa  Precantes, 

QucB  te  qtium  laudant,  turn  pia  vota  sonant, 
Fcelicemque  diem  hunc  dicunt,  tibi  secula  longa 

Optant,  et  quicquid  denique  lingua  potest. 
Altera  dona  feres,  vera,  et  tui  Amantia  Corda, 

Quorum  gens  ludum  jam  regit  una  tuum  : 
In  quibus  est  infracta  fides,  falsumque  perosa, 

QucBque  tuo  audito  nomine  Iceta  salit. 
Grata  venis  igitur,  quantum  Cor  concipit  ullum  I 

Quantum  Lingua  potest  dicere,  grata  venis  ! 
Cordibus  infractis,  Linguisque  per  omnia  Icetis 

Grata  venis !  salvam  te  velit  esse  DE  US  ! 

Now  when  the  child  had  pronounced  his  oration,  and  the 
Queen's  Highness  so  thankfully  received  it ;  she  marched 
forward  towards  Gracious  [Gracechurch]  Street,  where,  at  the 
upper  end,  before  the  sign  of  the  Eagle,  the  city  had  erected 
a  gorgeous  and  sumptuous  Ark,  as  here  followeth. 

A  Stage  was  made  which  extended  from  one  side  of  the 
street  to  the  other,  richly  vawted  [vaulted]  with  battlements, 
containing  three  ports  [gates]  ;  and  over  the  middlemost  was 
advanced  three  several  stages,  in  degrees  [tiers].  Upon  the 
lowest  stage,  was  made  one  seat  royal ;  wherein  were  placed 
two  personages  representing  King  Henry  VIL,  and  Eliza- 
beth his  wife,  daughter  of  King  Edward  IV.  Both  of  these 
two  Princes  sitting  under  one  Cloth  of  Estate,  in  their  seats; 


Jan.\s59]      '^^^    UnION   OF    VoRK  AND    LANCASTER.        37 1 

no  otherwise  divided,  but  that  th[e]  one  of  them,  which  was 
King  Henry  VII.,  proceeding  out  of  the  House  of  Lancaster, 
was  enclosed  in  a  red  rose ;  and  the  other,  which  was  Queen 
Elizabeth,  being  heir  to  the  House  of  York,  enclosed  with 
a  white  rose  :  each  of  them  royally  crowned  and  decently  ap- 
parelled, as  pertaineth  to  Princes,  with  sceptres  in  their  hands, 
and  one  vawt  [vault]  surmounting  their  heads,  wherein  aptly 
were  placed  two  tables,  each  containing  the  title,  of  those  two 
Princes.  And  these  personages  were  so  set,  that  the  one  of 
them  joined  hands  with  the  other,  with  the  ring  of  matrimony 
perceived  on  the  finger. 

Out  of  the  which  two  roses  sprang  two  branches  gathered 
into  one  :  which  were  directed  upward  to  the  second  stage  or 
degree;  wherein  was  placed  one  representing  the  valiant  and 
noble  Prince,  Henry  VIII.,  who  sprang  out  of  the  former 
stock,  crowned  with  a  crown  imperial.  And  by  him  sate 
one  representing  the  right  worthy  Lady,  Queen  Anne  ;  wife 
to  the  said  Henry  VIII.,  and  mother  to  our  most  sovereign 
Lady,  Queen  Elizabeth  that  now  is.  Both  apparelled  with 
sceptres  and  diadems,  and  other  furniture  due  to  the  estate  of 
a  King  and  Queen :  and  two  tables  surmounting  their  heads, 
wherein  were  written  their  names  and  titles. 

From  their  seat  also,  proceeded  upwards  one  branch  directed 
to  the  third  and  uppermost  stage  or  degree,  wherein  likewise 
was  planted  a  seat  royal ;  in  the  which  was  set  one  repre- 
senting the  Queen's  most  excellent  Majesty,  Elizabeth,  now 
our  most  dread  Sovereign  Lady,  crowned  and  apparelled  as 
the  other  Princes  were. 

Out  of  the  forepart  of  this  pageant  was  made  a  standing 
for  a  child,  which,  at  the  Queen's  Majesty's  coming,  declared 
unto  her  the  whole  meaning  of  the  said  pageant. 

The  two  sides  of  the  same  were  filled  with  loud  noises  of  music. 

And  all  empty  places  thereof,  were  furnished  with  sentences 
concerning  Unity.  And  the  whole  pageant  was  garnished 
with  red  and  white  roses ;  and  in  the  forefront  of  the  same 
pageant,  in  a  fair  wreath,  was  written  the  name  and  title  of 
the  same,  which  was 

THE    UNITING    OF    THE    TWO 
HOUSES  OF  YORKAND  LANCASTER. 

Thispageant  wasgrounded  upon  the  Queen  Majesty's  name. 


172  The  Queen  will  preserve  concord  !  [jan.* 


an.  1559. 


For  like  as  the  long  war  between  the  two  Houses  of  York 
and  Lancaster  then  ended,  when  Elizabeth,  daughter  of 
Edward  IV.,  matched  in  marriage  with  Henry  VH.,  heir 
to  the  House  of  Lancaster;  so  since  that  the  Queen's 
Majesty's  name  was  Elizabeth,  and  forasmuch  as  she  is  the 
only  heir  of  Henry  VHL,  which  came  of  both  Houses  as  the 
knitting  up  of  concord :  it  was  devised  that  like  as  Eliza- 
beth was  the  first  occasion  of  concord ;  so  She,  another 
Elizabeth,  might  maintain  the  same  among  her  subjects. 
So  that  Unity  was  the  end,  whereat  the  whole  device  shot ;  as 
the  Queen's  Majesty's  name  moved  the  first  ground. 

This  pageant  now  against  the  Queen's  Majesty's  coming, 
was  addressed  [set  forth]  with  children  representing  the  fore- 
named  personages ;  with  all  furniture  due  unto  the  setting 
forth  of  such  a  well-meant  matter,  as  the  argument  declared, 
costly  and  sumptuously  set  forth,  as  the  beholders  can  witness. 

Now,  the  Queen's  Majesty  drew  near  unto  the  said  pageant, 
and  forasmuch  as  the  noise  was  great,  by  reason  of  the  press 
of  people,  so  that  she  could  scarce  hear  the  child  which  did 
interpret  the  said  pageant ;  and  her  chariot  was  passed  so 
far  forward  that  she  could  not  well  view  the  personages  re- 
presenting the  Kings  and  Queens  above  named  ;  she  required 
to  have  the  matter  opened  unto  her,  and  what  they  signified, 
with  the  End  of  Unity,  and  Ground  of  her  Name,  according  as 
is  before  expressed. 

For  the  sight  whereof,  Her  Grace  caused  her  chariot  to 
be  removed  back;  and  yet  hardly  could  she  see,  because  the 
children  were  set  somewhat  with  the  farthest  in. 

But  after  that  Her  Grace  understood  the  meaning  thereof, 
she  thanked  the  City,  praised  the  fairness  of  the  work,  and 
promised  that  "  She  would  do  her  whole  endeavour  for  the 
continual  preservation  of  concord! "  as  the  pageant  did  import. 

The  child  appointed  in  the  standing  above  named,  to  open 
the  meaning  of  the  said  pageant,  spake  these  words  unto  Her 
Grace. 

The  two  Princes  that  sit  under  one  Cloth  of  State  : 
The  Man  in  the  red  rose ;  the  Woman  in  the  white  : 
Henry  the  Seventh,  and  Queen  Elizabeth  his  mate, 
By  ring  of  marriage,  as  man  and  wife  unite. 


jaJ.sjg]  Latin  Sentences  concerning  Unity.  2,7Z 

Both  heirs  to  both  their  bloods  :  to  Lancaster,  the  King, 
The  Queen,  to  York  ;  in  one  the  two  Houses  do  knit. 
Of  whom,  as  Heir  to  both,  Henry  the  Eighth  did  spring. 
In  whose  seat,  his  true  Heir,  thou,  Queen  Elizabeth  1  dost 
sit! 

Therefore  as  civil  war  and  shed  of  blood  did  cease ; 
When  these  two  Houses  were  united  into  one  : 
So  now,  that  jar  shall  stint  and  quietness  increase. 
We  trust,  O  noble  Queen  !  thou  wilt  be  cause  alone  ! 

The  which  also  were  written  in  Latin  verses.  And  both 
drawn  in  two  tables  upon  the  forefront  of  the  said  pageant, 
as  hereafter  foUoweth. 

Hii  quos  jungit  idem  solium,  quos  annulus  idem : 

Hcec  albente  nitens,  ille  ruhente  rosa  : 
Septimus  Henricus  rex,  regina  Elizabetha, 

Scilicet  Hcsredes  gentis  uterque  sucb. 
HcBc  Eboracensis,  Lancastrius  ille  dederunt 

Connubio  e  geminis  quo  foret  una  domus. 
Excipit  hos  hcBves  Henricus  copida  regum 

OcTAVUS,  magni  regis  imago  potens. 
Regibus  hinc  succedis  avis  regique  parenti 

Patris  justa  H ceres  Elizabetha  tui. 

C  Sentences  placed  therein,  concerning 

Unity. 

NtdlcB  Concordes  animos  vires  domant. 
Qui  juncti  terrent,  dejuncti  timent. 
Discordes  animi  solvunt,  Concordes  ligant. 
A  ngentur  parva  pace,  magna  hello  cadunt. 
ConjunctcB  manus  fortius  tollunt  onus. 
Regno  pro  mcenibus  ceneis  civium  concordia. 
Qui  diu  pugnant,  diutius  lugent. 
Dissidentes  principes,  subditorum  lues. 


374   Subject  of  the  Second  Pageant  is  [jan.'.ssg 

Princeps  ad  pacem  natus,  non  ad  arma  datiiv. 
Filia  concordicB  copia,  neptis  qiiies. 
Dissentiens  respublica  hostibus  patet. 
Qui  idem  tenent,  diutius  tenent. 
Regnum  divisum  facile  dissolvitur. 
Civitas  concors  armis  frusira  tentatur. 
Omnium  gentium  consensus  firmat  fidcm, 
&c. 

These  Verses  and  other  pretty  Sentences  were  drawn  in 
void  places  of  this  pageant,  all  tending  to  one  end,  that  quiet- 
ness might  be  maintained  and  all  dissention  displaced  :  and 
that  by  the  Queen's  Majesty,  Heir  to  Agreement,  and  agree- 
ing in  name  with  her  which  tofore  had  joined  those  Houses, 
which  had  been  the  occasion  of  much  debate  and  Civil  War 
with  this  realm  (as  may  appear  to  such  as  well  search 
Chronicles  ;  but  be  not  to  be  touched  in  this  Treatise,  only 
declaring  Her  Grace's  Passage  through  the  City,  and  what 
provision  the  City  made  therefore). 

And  ere  the  Queen's  Majesty  came  within  hearing  of  this 
pageant,  as  also  at  all  the  other  pageants  ;  she  sent  certain  to 
require  the  people  to  be  silent,  for  Her  Majesty  was  disposed 
to  hear  all  that  should  be  said  unto  her. 

When  the  Queen's  Majesty  had  heard  the  child's  oration 
and  understood  the  meaning  of  the  pageant  at  large ;  she 
marched  forward  towards  Cornhill,  always  received  with  like 
rejoicing  of  the  people. 

And  there,  as  Her  Grace  passed  by  the  Conduit,  which  was 
curiously  trimmed  against  that  time,  adorned  with  rich 
banners,  and  a  noise  of  loud  instruments  upon  the  top  thereof: 
she  espied  the  second  pageant.  And  because  she  feared,  for 
the  people's  noise,  that  she  should  not  hear  the  child  which 
did  expound  the  same,  she  inquired  what  that  pageant  was, 
ere  that  she  came  to  it.  And  there  understood,  that  there 
was  a  child  representing  Her  Majesty's  person,  placed  in  a 
Seat  of  Government,  supported  by  certain  Virtues  which  sup- 
pressed their  contrary  Vices  under  their  feet :  and  so  forth, 
as,  in  the  description  of  the  said  pageant,  shall  hereafter 
appear. 


jan'1559]  The  Seat  of  Worthy  Governance.   375 

This  pageant,  standing  in  the  nether  end  of  Cornhill,  was 
extended  from  one  side  of  the  street  to  the  other;  and,  in  the 
same  pageant  was  devised  three  gates,  all  open  :  and  over  the 
middle  part  thereof  was  erected  one  Chair  or  Seat  royal,  with 
Cloth  of  Estate  to  the  same  appertaining,  wherein  was  placed 
a  child  representing  the  Queen's  Highness,  with  considera- 
tion had  for  place  convenient  for  a  table,  which  contained  her 
name  and  title. 

And  in  a  comely  wreath,  artificially  and  well  devised,  with 
perfect  sight  and  understanding  to  the  people,  in  the  front  of 
the  same  pageant,  was  written  the  name  and  title  thereof 
which  is 

THE  SEAT  OF  WORTHY  GOVERNANCE. 

Which  Seat  was  made  in  such  artificial  manner,  as  to  the 
appearance  of  the  lookers  on,  the  forepart  seemed  to  have  no 
stay ;  and  therefore,  of  force,  was  stayed  by  lively  [living] 
personages.  Which  personages  were  in  number  four,  stand- 
ing and  staying  the  forefront  of  the  same  Seat  royal,  each 
having  his  face  to  the  Queen  and  the  people ;  whereof  every 
one  had  a  table  to  express  their  effects.  Which  are  Virtues, 
namely,  Pure  Religion,  Love  of  Subjects,  Wisdom,  and 
Justice  ;  which  did  tread  their  contrary  Vices  under  their 
feet :  that  is  to  wit.  Pure  Religion  did  tread  upon  Igno- 
rance and  Superstition,  Love  of  Subjects  did  tread  upon 
Rebellion  and  Insolency,  Wisdom  did  tread  upon  Folly 
and  Vainglory,  Justice  did  tread  upon  Adulation  and 
Bribery.  Each  of  these  personages,  according  to  their 
proper  names  and  properties,  had  not  only  their  names  in 
plain  and  perfect  writing  set  upon  their  breasts,  easily  to  be 
read  of  all :  but  also  every  of  them  was  aptly  and  properly 
apparelled ;  so  that  his  apparel  and  name  did  agree  to 
express  the  same  person,  that  in  title  he  represented.  This 
part  of  the  pageant  was  thus  appointed  and  furnished. 

The  two  sides  over  the  two  side  ports  had  in  them  placed 
a  noise  of  instruments  [i.e.,  a  band  of  players]  ;  which,  imme- 
diately after  the  child's  speech,  gave  a  heavenly  melody. 

Upon  the  top  or  uppermost  part  of  the  said  pageant  stood 
the  Arms  of  England,  royally  portraitured  ;  with  the  proper 
beasts  to  uphold  the  same.     One  representing  the  Queen's 


TfjG    The  Virtues  trampling  on  the  Vices,  [jan.'iss. 

Highness  sat  in  this  Seat,  crowned  with  an  imperial  crown : 
and  before  her  seat  was  a  convenient  place  appointed  for  one 
child,  which  did  interpret  and  apply  the  said  pageant  as 
hereafter  shall  be  declared. 

Every  void  place  was  furnished  with  proper  Sentences 
commending  the  Seat  supported  by  the  Virtues;  and  defacing 
the  Vices,  to  the  utter  extirpation  of  rebellion,  and  to  ever- 
lasting continuance  of  quietness  and  peace. 

The  Queen's  Majesty  approaching  nigh  unto  this  pageant, 
thus  beautified  and  furnished  in  all  points,  caused  her 
chariot  to  be  drawn  nigh  thereunto,  that  Her  Grace  might 
hear  the  child's  oration,  which  was  this  : 

While  that  Religion  True  shall  Ignorance  suppress, 
And  with  her  weighty  foot,  break  Superstition's  head ; 
While  Love  of  Subjects  shall  Rebellion  distress. 
And  with  Zeal  to  the  Prince,  Insolency  down  tread ; 

While  Justice  can  Flattering  tongues  and  Bribery  deface  ; 
While  Folly  and  Vainglory,  to  Wisdom  yield  their  hands : 
So  long,  shall  Government  not  swerve  from  her  right  race, 
But  Wrong  decayeth  still,  and  Righteousness  upstands. 

Now  all  thy  subjects'  hearts,  O  Prince  of  peerless  fame ! 
Do  trust  these  virtues  shall  maintain  up  thy  throne  ! 
And  Vice  be  kept  down  still,  the  wicked  put  to  shame ; 
That  good  with  good  may  joy,  and  naught  with  naught  may 
moan  1 

Which  Verses  were  painted  upon  the  right  side  of  the 
same  pageant ;  and  in  Latin  thereof,  on  the  left  side,  in 
another  table,  which  were  these. 

QucB  subnixa  alte  solio  regina  superbo  est, 
Effigiem  sanctce  Principis  alma  refert, 

Quam  Civilis  Amor  fulcit,  Sapientia  firmat, 
Justicia  illustrat,  Religioque  beat 

Vana  Superstitio  et  crasscB  Ignorantia  frontis 


jaiiJx559-]  Seat  of  Governance  upheld  by  Virtues   2)11 

PresscB  sub  Piira  Rdigione  jacent. 
Regis  Amor  domat  Effra^nos,  animosque  rebelles 

Justus  Adulantes,  Donivorosque  terit. 
Cum  regit  Imperium  sapiens,  sine  luce  sedebunt 

Stultitia,  atque  hujus  nurnen  inanis  honor. 

Beside  these  Verses,  there  were  placed  in  every  void  room 
of  the  pageant,  both  in  English  and  Latin,  such  Sentences 
as  advanced  the  Seat  of  Governance  upholden  by  Virtue. 

The  ground  of  this  pageant  was  that,  like  as  by  Virtues 
(which  do  abundantly  appear  in  Her  Grace),  the  Queen's 
Majesty  was  established  in  the  Seat  of  Government ;  so  she 
should  sit  fast  in  the  same,  so  long  as  she  embraced  Virtue, 
and  held  Vice  under  foot.  For  if  Vice  once  got  up  the  head, 
it  would  put  the  Seat  of  Government  in  peril  of  falling. 

The  Queen's  Majesty,  when  she  had  heard  the  child,  and 
understood  the  pageant  at  full,  gave  the  City  also  thanks 
there ;  and  most  graciously  promised  her  good  endeavour  for 
the  maintenance  of  the  said  virtues,  and  suppression  of  vices. 

And  so  marched  on,  till  she  came  against  the  Great 
Conduit  in  Cheap ;  which  was  beautified  with  pictures  and 
sentences  accordingly,  against  Her  Grace's  coming  thither. 

Against  Soper  Lane's  end  was  extended  from  the  one  side 
of  the  street  to  the  other,  a  pageant  which  had  three  gates, 
all  open. 

Over  the  middlemost  whereof,  were  erected  three  several 
stages,  whereon  sat  eight  children,  as  hereafter  followeth. 
On  the  uppermost,  one  child ;  on  the  middle,  three ;  on  the 
lowest,  four;  each  having  the  proper  name  of  the  Blessing 
that  he  did  represent,  written  in  a  table,  and  placed  above 
his  head. 

In  the  forefront  of  this  pageant,  before  the  children  which 
did  represent  the  Blessings,  was  a  convenient  standing  cast 
out  for  a  child  to  stand,  which  did  expound  the  said  pageant 
unto  the  Queen's  Majesty ;  as  was  done  in  the  other  before. 
Every  of  these  children  were  appointed  and  apparelled 
according  to  the  Blessing,  which  he  did  represent. 

And  on  the  forepart  of  the  said  pageant  was  written,  in  fair 
letters,  the  name  of  the  said  pageant,  in  this  manner  following. 


T,yS    Subject  of  the  Third  Pageant  is    [jan'iss?. 

THE   EIGHT   BEATITUDES,  EXPRESSED 

IN    THE   FIFTH   CHAPTER   OF   THE 

GOSPEL   OF   SAINT    MATTHEW, 

APPLIED  TO  OUR  SOVEREIGN 

LADY  QUEEN  ELIZABETH. 

Over  the  two  side  posts  was  placed  a  noise  of  instruments. 

And  all  void  places  in  the  pageant  were  furnished  with 
pretty  Sayings  commending  and  touching  the  meaning  of  the 
said  pageant ;  which  were  the  Promises  and  Blessings  of 
Almighty  GOD  made  to  His  people. 

Before  the  Queen's  Highness  came  into  this  pageant,  she 
required  the  matter  somewhat  to  be  opened  unto  her;  that  Her 
Grace  might  the  better  understand  what  should,  afterward, 
by  the  child,  be  said  unto  her.  Which  was  so,  that  the  City 
had  there  erected  the  pageant  with  eight  children,  represent- 
ing the  Eight  Blessings  touched  in  the  Fifth  Chapter  of 
St.  Matthew;  whereof  every  one,  upon  just  considerations, 
was  applied  unto  Her  Highness.  And  that  the  people 
thereby  put  Her  Grace  in  mind,  that  as  her  good  doings 
before,  had  given  just  occasion  why  that  these  Blessings 
might  fall  upon  her;  that  so,  if  Her  Grace  did  continue  in 
her  goodness,  as  she  had  entered,  she  should  hope  for  the 
fruit  of  these  Promises,  due  unto  them  that  do  exercise 
themselves  in  the  Blessings. 

Which  Her  Grace  heard  marvellously  graciously,  and 
required  that  the  chariot  might  be  removed  towards  the 
pageant,  that  she  might  perceive  the  child's  words :  which 
were  these,  the  Queen's  Majesty  giving  most  attentive  ear, 
and  requiring  that  the  people's  noise  might  be  stayed. 

Thou  hast  been  eight  times  blest!  O  Queen  of  worthy  fame  ! 
By  Meekness  in  thy  spirit,  when  care  did  thee  beset ! 
By  Mourning  in  thy  grief!  by  Mildness  in  thy  blame  1 
By  Hunger  and  by  Thirst,  and  justice  couldst  none  get ! 

By  Mercy  showed,  not  felt  !  by  Cleanness  of  thy  heart! 
By  seeking  Peace  always  !  by  Persecution  wrong  !      [smart ! 
Therefore,  trust  thou  in  GOD  !    since   He  hath  helped  thy 
That,  as  His  Promise  is,  so  He  will  make  thee  strong! 


jan.'issgl  ^-^-^  Beatitudes  applied  to  the  Queen.  379 

When  these  words  were  spoken,  all  the  people  wished  that 
"As  the  child  had  spoken,  so  GOD  would  strengthen  Her 
Grace  against  all  her  adversaries  1 "  whom  the  Queen's 
Majesty  did  most  gently  thank,  for  their  so  loving  wish. 

These  Verses  were  painted  on  the  left  side  of  the  said 
pageant ;  and  other,  in  Latin,  on  the  other  side,  which  were 
these  : 

Qui  lugent  hilares  fient,  qui  initia  gestant 

Pectora,  niuUa  soli  jugera  culta  metent. 
jfusHtiam  esuriens  sitiensve  replehitnr,  ipsiuii 

Fas  homini  piiro  corde  videre  DE  UM. 
Quern  alterius  miseret  Dominus  miserebitur  hujiis, 

Pacificus  qnisqnis,  filius  ille  DEI  est. 
Propter  justiti am  qiiisquis  patietur  hahetque 

Demissam  mentem,  ccelica  regna  capit. 
Huic  hominum  generi  terram,  mare,  sidera  vovit 

Omnipotens,  horum  quisque  beatus  erit. 

Besides  these,  every  void  place  in  the  pageant  was  fur- 
nished with  Sentences  touching  the  matter  and  ground  of  the 
said  pageant. 

When  all  that  was  to  be  said  in  this  pageant  was  ended  ; 
the  Queen's  Majesty  passed  on  forward  in  Cheap  side. 

At  the  Standard  in  Cheap,  which  was  dressed  fair  against 
the  time,  was  placed  a  noise  of  trumpets,  with  banners  and 
other  furniture. 

The  Cross,  likewise,  was  also  made  fair  and  well  trimmed. 
And  near  unto  the  same,  upon  the  porch  of  Saint  Peter's 
Church  door,  stood  the  Waits  of  the  City ;  which  did  give  a 
pleasant  noise  with  their  instruments,  as  the  Queen's  Majesty 
did  pass  by.  Who,  on  every  side,  cast  her  countenance,  and 
wished  well  to  all  her  most  loving  people. 

Soon  after  that  Her  Grace  passed  the  Cross,  she  had  espied 
the  pageant  erected  at  the  Little  Conduit  in  Cheap  ;  and 
incontinent  required  to  know  what  it  might  signify.  And  it 
was  told  Her  Grace,  that  there  was  placed  Time. 

'*  Time  !  "  quoth  she,  "  and  Time  hath  brought  me  hither!  " 


380     The  City's  noble  gift  to  tpie  Queen,  [jan/1559. 

And  so  forth  the  whole  matter  was  opened  to  Her  Grace,  as 
hereafter  shall  be  declared  in  the  description  of  the  pageant. 
But  when  in  the  opening,  Her  Grace  understood  that  the 
Bible  in  English,  should  be  delivered  unto  her  by  Truth 
(which  was  therein  represented  by  a  child),  she  thanked  the 
City  for  that  gift,  and  said  that  she  would  oftentimes  read 
over  that  book ;  commanding  Sir  John  Parrat,  one  of  the 
knights  which  held  up  her  canopy,  to  go  before,  and  to  re- 
ceive it  :  but  learning  that  it  should  be  delivered  unto  Her 
Grace,  down  by  a  silken  lace,  she  caused  him  to  stay. 

And  so  passed  forward  till  she  came  against  the  Aldermen, 
in  the  high  end  of  Cheap,  tofore  the  Little  Conduit ;  where 
the  Companies  of  the  City  ended,  which  began  at  Fanchurch 
[Fenchurch  Street]  and  stood  along  the  streets,  one  by  another, 
enclosed  with  rails  hanged  with  cloths,  and  themselves  well 
apparelled  with  many  rich  furs,  and  their  Livery  Hoods 
upon  their  shoulders,  in  comely  and  seemly  manner  ;  having 
before  them  sundry  persons  well  apparelled  in  silks  and 
chains  of  gold,  as  Whifflers  and  Guarders  of  the  said  Com- 
panies :  besides  a  number  of  rich  hangings  (as  well  of 
tapestry,  arras,  cloths  of  gold,  silver,  velvet,  damask,  satin, 
and  other  silks)  plentifully  hanged  all  the  way,  as  the 
Queen's  Highness  passed  from  the  Tower  through  the  City. 
Out  at  the  windows  and  penthouses  of  every  house  did  hang 
a  number  of  rich  and  costly  banners  and  streamers,  till  Her 
Grace  came  to  the  upper  end  of  Cheap. 

And  there  by  appointment,  the  Right  Worshipful  Master 
Ranulph  Cholmeley,  Recorder  of  the  City,  presented  to 
the  Queen's  Majesty,  a  purse  of  crimson  satin,  richly 
wrought  with  gold  ;  wherein  the  City  gave  unto  the  Queen's 
Majesty  a  thousand  marks  in  gold  [=  £666  =  about  £^,000 
now] ;  as  Master  Recorder  did  declare  briefly  unto  the  Queen's 
Majesty.  [Compare  the  similar  usual  gift  to  her  Mother 
25  years  before,  in  this  Vol.  p.  i6|.  Whose  words  tended  to 
this  end,  that  "The  Lord  Mayor, his  brethren  and  commonalty 
of  the  City,  to  declare  their  gladness  and  good  will  towards 
the  Queen's  Majesty,  did  present  Her  Grace  with  that  gold ; 
desiring  Her  Grace  to  continue  their  good  and  gracious 
Queen,  and  not  to  esteem  the  value  of  the  gift,  but  the  mind 
of  the  givers." 


jan/issJ  ^^^  Queen's  noble  Speech  to  the  City.    381 

The  Queen's  Majesty,  with  both  her  hands  took  the 
purse,  and  answered  to  him  again  marvellously  pithily ;  and 
so  pithily  that  the  standers  by,  as  they  embraced  entirely  her 
gracious  answer,  so  they  marvelled  at  the  couching  thereof : 
which  was  in  words  truly  reported  these.  "  I  thank  my 
Lord  Mayor,  his  brethren,  and  you  all  !  And  whereas  your 
request  is,  that  I  should  continue  your  good  Lady  and  Queen  : 
be  ye  ensured  that  I  will  be  as  good  unto  you,  as  ever  Queen 
was  to  her  people  !  No  will  in  me  can  lack!  neither,  do  I 
trust,  shall  there  lack  any  power  !  And  persuade  yourselves 
that,  for  the  safety  and  quietness  of  you  all,  I  will  not  spare, 
if  need  be,  to  shed  my  blood  !     GOD  thank  you  all  !  " 

Which  answer  of  so  noble  a  hearted  Princess,  if  it  moved 
a  marvellous  shout  and  rejoicing,  it  is  nothing  to  be  mar- 
velled at ;  since  both  the  heartiness  thereof  was  so  wonder- 
ful, and  the  words  so  jointly  knit. 

When  Her  Grace  had  thus  answered  the  Recorder,  she 
marched  towards  the  Little  Conduit ;  where  was  erected  a 
pageant,  with  square  proportion,  standing  directly  before  the 
same  Conduit,  with  battlements  accordingly.  And  in  the 
same  pageant  were  advanced  two  hills  or  mountains  of  con- 
venient height. 

The  one  of  them,  being  on  the  north  side  of  the  same 
pageant,  was  made  cragged,  barren,  and  stony  ;  in  the  which 
was  erected  one  tree,  artificially  made,  all  withered  and 
dead,  with  branches  accordingly.  And  under  the  same 
tree,  at  the  foot  thereof,  sat  one,  in  homely  and  rude 
apparel,  crookedly,  and  in  mourning  manner,  having  over 
his  head  in  a  table,  written  in  Latin  and  English,  his  name, 
which  was 

RUINOSA    RESPUBLICA, 

A    DECAYED    COMMON    WEAL. 

And  upon  the  same  withered  tree,  were  fixed  certain  tables 
wherein  were  written  proper  Sentences,  expressing  the  causes 
of  the  Decay  of  the  Common  weal. 

The  other  hill,  on  the  south  side,  was  made  fair,  fresh, 
green,  and  beautiful ;  the  ground  thereof  full  of  flowers  and 
beauty.  And  on  the  same  was  erected  also  one  tree,  very 
fresh  and  fair ;  under  which,  stood  upright  one  fresh  personage, 


382  Subject  of  the  Fourth  Pageant  is  [jan/issg. 

well  apparelled  and  appointed ;  whose  name  also  was  writ- 
ten, both  in  English  and  in  Latin,  which  was 

RESPU  BLICA    BENE    IN  STITUTA  , 
A     FLOURISHING     COMMON     WEAL. 

And  upon  the  same  tree  also,  were  fixed  certain  tables  con- 
taining Sentences,  which  expressed  the  causes  of  a  Flourishing 
Common  weal. 

In  the  middle,  between  the  said  hills,  was  made  arti- 
ficially, one  hollow  place  or  cave,  with  door  and  lock 
enclosed  ;  out  of  which,  a  little  before  the  Queen's  Highness's 
coming  thither,  issued  one  personage,  whose  name  was 
Time  (apparelled  as  an  old  man,  with  a  scythe  in  his  hands, 
having  wings  artificially  made),  leading  a  personage,  of  less 
stature  than  himself,  which  was  finely  and  well  apparelled, 
all  clad  in  white  silk;  and  directly  over  her  head  was  set 
her  name  and  title,  in  Latin  and  English,  Temporis  FiLiA, 
The  Daughter  of  Time. 

Which  two,  so  appointed,  went  forward,  towards  the  south 
side  of  the  pageant. 

And  on  her  breast  was  written  her  proper  name,  Veritas, 
Truth  ;  who  held  a  book  in  her  hand,  upon  the  which  was 
written,  Verhum  Veritatis,  The  Word  of  Truth. 

And  out  of  the  south  side  of  the  pageant,  was  cast  a 
standing  for  a  child,  which  should  interpret  the  same  pageant. 

Against  whom,  when  the  Queen's  Majesty  came,  he  spake 
unto  Her  Grace  these  words  : 

This  old  man  with  the  scythe,  old  Father  Time  they  call : 
And  her,  his  daughter  Truth,  which  holdeth  yonder  book; 
Whom  he  out  of  his  rock  hath  brought  forth  to  us  all. 
From  whence,  these  many  years,  she  durst  not  once  outlook. 

The  ruthful  wight  that  sitteth  under  the  barren  tree, 
Resembleth  to  us  the  form  when  Common  weals  decay ; 
But  when  they  be  in  state  triumphant,  you  may  see 
By  him  in  fresh  attire,  that  sitteth  under  the  bay. 


jan.'i559-]^  RUINOUS  Common  Weal,  &  its  opposite.  383 

Now   since    that   Time   again,   his   daughter  Truth   hath 

brought ; 
We  trust,  0  worthy  Queen  !  thou  wilt  this  Truth  embrace  ! 
And  since  thou  understandest  the  good  estate  and  nought ; 
We  trust  Wealth  thou  wilt  plant,  and  Barrenness  displace ! 

But  for  to  heal  the  sore,  and  cure  that  is  not  seen, 
Which  thing  the  Book  of  Truth  doth  teach  in  writing  plain  ; 
She  doth  present  to  thee,  the  same,  O  worthy  Queen ! 
For  that,  that  words  do  fly,  but  writing  doth  remain. 

When  the  child  had  thus  ended  his  speech,  he  reached 
his  book  towards  the  Queen's  Majesty;  which,  a  little  before. 
Truth  had  let  down  unto  him  from  the  hill  :  which  by  Sir 
John  Parrat  was  received,  and  delivered  unto  the  Queen. 

But  she,  as  soon  as  she  had  received  the  book,  kissed  it ; 
and  with  both  her  hands  held  up  the  same,  and  so  laid 
it  upon  her  breast ;  with  great  thanks  to  the  City  therefore. 
And  so  went  forward  toward  Paul's  Churchyard. 

The  former  matter,  which  was  rehearsed  unto  the  Queen's 
Majesty,  was  written  in  two  tables,  on  either  side  the 
pageant,  eight  verses  :  and  in  the  midst,  these  in  Latin. 

Ille,  vides,  falcem  IcBva  qui  sustinet  uncam, 

Tempus  is  est,  cui  stat  filia  Vera  comes  ; 
Hanc  pater  exesa  deductam  rupe  reponit 

In  hicem,  quam  non  viderat  ante  diu. 
Qui  sedet  a  IcBva  cultu  male  tristis  inepto, 

Quern  duris  crescens  cautibus  orbis  obit 
Nos  monet  effigice,  qua  sit  Respublica  quando 

Corruit,  at  contra  quando  beata  viget, 
Ille  docet  juvenis  forma  spectandus  amictu 

Scitus,  et  cBterna  laurea  fronde  virens. 

The  Sentences,  written  in  Latin  and  English  upon  both 
the  trees,  declaring  the  causes  of  both  estates,  were  these : 


384    The  connection  of  the  Pageants,  [jan.'issg. 

IE    Causes   of   a    Ruinous   Common 
Weal   are    these. 

Want  of  the  Fear  of  GOD.  Civil  disagreement. 

Disobedience  to  rulers.  Flattering  of  Princes. 

Blindness  of  guides.  Unmercifulness  in  rulers. 

Bribery  in  magistrates.  Unthankfulness  in  subjects. 
Rebellion  in  subjects. 

C    Causes   of   a  Flourishing 
Common    weal. 

Fear  of  GOD.  Obedient  subjects. 

A  wise  Prince.  Lovers  of  the  Common  Weal. 

Learned  rulers.  Virtue  rewarded. 

Obedience  to  officers.  Vice  chastened. 

The  matter  of  this  pageant  dependeth  of  them  [i.e.,  the 
pageants]  that  went  before.  For,  as  the  first  declared  Her 
Grace  to  come  out  of  the  House  of  Unity ;  the  second,  that 
she  is  placed  in  the  Seat  of  Government,  stayed  with  virtues 
to  the  suppression  of  vice  ;  and  therefore  in  the  third,  the 
Eight  Blessings  of  Almighty  GOD  might  well  be  applied 
unto  her  :  so  this  fourth  now,  is  to  put  Her  Grace  in  remem- 
brance of  the  state  of  the  Common  Weal,  which  Time,  with 
Truth  his  daughter,  doth  reveal :  which  Truth  also,  Her 
Grace  hath  received ;  and  therefore  cannot  but  be  merciful 
and  careful  for  the  good  government  thereof. 

From  thence,  the  Queen's  Majesty  passed  towards  Paul's 
Churchyard. 

And  when  she  came  over  against  Paul's  School,  a  child 
appointed  by  the  vSchoolmaster  thereof,  pronounced  a  certain 
Oration  in  Latin,  and  certain  Verses  :  which  also  were  there 
written,  as  follows. 

Philosophus  tile  divinus  Plato,  inter  mnlta  prcBclare  ac  sa- 
pienter  dicta,  hoc  posteris  proditum  reliquit,  Reinpiihlicam  illam 
felicissimam  fore,  cui  Princeps  sophice  studiosa,  virtutihusque 
ornata  contigerit.  Quern  si  vere  dixisse  censeamus  {ut  quideni 
verissime)  cur  non  terra  Britannica  plauderet  ?  cur  non  popidus 


jan/iss9-]  ^^^^  Latin  Speech  AT  St.  Paul's  School.  385 

gaudiam  atqtie  IcBtitiam  agitaret  ?  immo,  cur  non  hunc  diem  alho 
{quod  aiunt)  lapillo  notaret  ?  quo  Princeps  talis  nobis  adest, 
qualem  priores  non  viderunt,  qualemque  posteritas  hand  facile 
cernere  poterit,  dotibus  quum  animi,  turn  corporis  undique  feli- 
cissima.  Casti  quidem  corporis  dotes  ita  apertce  sunt,  ut  oratione 
non  egeant.  Animi  vera  tot  tantceque,  ut  ne  verbis  quidem 
exprimi  possint.  Hcbc  nempe  Regibus  summis  orta,  morum  atque 
animi  nobilitate  genus  exitperat.  Hujus  pectus  Christi  religionis 
amore  flagrat.  Hcec  gcfitem  Britannicum  virtutibus  illustrabit, 
clipeoque  justitice  teget.  Hcsc  Uteris  GrcBcis  et  Latinis  eximia, 
ingenioque  prcepollens  est.  Hac  imperante,  pietas  vigebit,  Anglia 
florebit,  Aurea  Secula  redibunt.  Vos  igitur  Angli,  tot  commoda 
accepturi,  Elizabetham  Reginam  nostram  celeb  err  imam  ab  ipso 
Christo  hujus  regni  imperio  destinatam,  honore  debito  prose- 
quimini.  Hujus  imperiis  animo  libentissimo  subditi  estote,  vosque 
tali  principe  dignos  prcebete.  Et  quoniam,  pueri  non  viribus 
sed  precibus  officium  prestare  possunt,  nos  Alumni  hujus  Scholce 
ab  ipso  COLETO,  olim  Templi  Paulini  Decano,  extructcB,  teneras 
palmas  ad  ccelum  tendentes  Christum  Opt.  Maxi.  precaturi 
sumuSf  ut  tuiim  celsitudinem  annos  Nestoreos  summo  cum 
honore  Anglis  imperitare  facial^  matremque  pignoribus  charts 
beatam  reddat.     Amen. 

Anglia  nunc  tandem plaudas,  IcBtare,  re  stdta^ 

Presto  jam  vita  est,  prasidiumque  tibi. 
En  tua  spes  venit  tua  gloria,  lux,  decus  omne 

Venit  jam  solidam  quce  tibi  prestat  opem. 
Succurretque  tuis  rebus  quce  pessum  abiere, 

Perdita  qucB  fuerant  hcBc  reparare  volet 
Omnia  florebunt,  redeunt  nunc  aurea  secla. 

In  melius  surgent  quce  cecidere  bona. 
Debes  ergo  illi  totam  te  reddere  fidam, 

Cujus  in  accessu  commoda  tot  capies. 
Salve  igitur  dicas,  imo  de  pectore  summo, 

Elizabeth  Regni  non  dubitanda  salus, 
Virgo  venit,  veniatque  optes  comitata  deinceps. 
2B  T 


386  The  Queen  passes  out  at  Ludgate.  Ljan^ss,^ 

Pignoribus  charts,  Iceta  parens  veniat. 
Hoc  DE  US  omnipotens  ex  alto  donet  Olympo, 
Qui  calum  et  terram  condidit  atque  regit. 

Which  the  Queen's  Majesty  most  attentively  hearkened 
unto.  And  when  the  child  had  pronounced,  he  did  kiss  the 
Oration,  which  he  had  there  fair  written  in  paper,  and  delivered 
it  unto  the  Queen's  Majesty,  which  most  gently  received  the 
same. 

And  when  the  Queen's  Majesty  had  heard  all  that  was 
there  offered  to  be  spoken  ;  then  Her  Grace  marched  toward 
Ludgate :  where  she  was  received  with  a  noise  of  instru- 
ments ;  the  forefront  of  the  Gate  being  finely  trimmed  against 
Her  Majesty's  coming. 

From  thence,  by  the  way,  as  she  went  down  toward  Fleet 
Bridge,  one  about  Her  Grace,  noted  the  City's  charge,  that 
*'  there  was  no  cost  spared." 

Her  Grace  answered,  that  "  She  did  well  consider  the  same, 
and  that  it  should  be  remembered  !  "  An  honourable  answer, 
worthy  a  noble  Prince  :  which  may  comfort  all  her  subjects, 
considering  there  can  be  no  point  of  gentleness  or  obedient 
love  shewed  towards  Her  Grace ;  which  she  doth  not  most 
tenderly  accept,  and  graciously  weigh. 

In  this  manner,  the  people  on  either  side  rejoicing.  Her 
Grace  went  forward  towards  the  Conduit  in  Fleet  Street, 
where  was  the  fifth  and  last  pageant,  erected  in  the  form 
following. 

From  the  Conduit,  which  was  beautified  with  painting,  unto 
the  north  side  of  the  street,  was  erected  a  Stage  embattled 
with  four  towers,  and  in  the  same,  a  square  plat  rising  with 
degrees. 

Upon  the  uppermost  degree  was  placed  a  Chair  or  royal 
Seat;  and  behind  the  same  Seat,  in  curious  artificial  manner, 
was  erected  a  tree  of  reasonable  height,  and  so  far  advanced 
above  the  seat  as  it  did  well  and  seemly  shadow  the  same, 
without  endamaging  the  sight  of  any  part  of  the  pageant. 
And  the  same  tree  was  beautified  with  leaves  as  green  as  Art 
could  devise,  being  of  a  convenient  greatness  and  containing 
thereupon  the  fruit  of  the  date  tree ;  and  on  the  top  of  the 


jan^ssg] Subject  of  the  Fifth  Pageant.  ^Sy 

same  tree,  in  a  table  was  set  the  name  thereof,  which  was, 
A  Palm  Tree. 

And  in  the  aforesaid  Seat  or  Chair  was  a  seemly  and  meet 
personage,  richly  apparelled  in  Parliament  robes,  with  a 
sceptre  in  her  hand,  as  a  Queen ;  crowned  with  an  open  crown  : 
whose  name  and  title  were  in  a  table  fixed  over  her  head  in 
this  sort,  Deborah,  The  Judge  and  Restorer  of  Israel.   Judic.  4. 

And  the  other  degrees,  on  either  side,  were  furnished  with 
six  personages  ;  two  representing  the  Nobility,  two  the  Clergy, 
and  two  the  Comminalty.  And  before  these  personages,  was 
written  in  a  table, 

DEBORAH,    WITH    HER    ESTATES, 

CONSULTING    FOR    THE    GOOD 

GOVERNMENT    OF    ISRAEL. 

At  the  feet  of  these,  and  the  lowest  part  of  the  pageant, 
was  ordained  a  convenient  room  for  a  child  to  open  the 
meaning  of  the  pageant. 

When  the  Queen's  Majesty  drew  near  unto  this  pageant ; 
and  perceived,  as  in  the  others,  the  child  ready  to  speak : 
Her  Grace  required  silence,  and  commanded  her  chariot  to  be 
removed  nigher  that  she  might  plainly  hear  the  child  speak ; 
which  said,  as  hereafter  followeth  : 

Jabin,  of  Canaan  King,  had  long,  by  force  of  arms, 
Oppressed  the  Israelites  ;  which  for  GOD's  People  went : 
But  GOD  minding,  at  last,  for  to  redress  their  harms  ; 
The  worthy  Deborah,  as  Judge  among  them  sent. 

In  war,  She,  through  GOD's  aid,  did  put  her  foes  to  flight. 
And  with  the  dint  of  sword  the  band  of  bondage  brast  ; 
In  peace.  She,  through  GOD's  aid,  did  always  maintain  right 
And  judged  Israel,  till  forty  years  were  past. 

A  worthy  precedent,  O  worthy  Queen !  thou  hast  I 

A  worthy  woman,  Judge!  a  woman  sent  for  Stay! 

And  that  the  like  to  us,  endure  always  thou  may'st ; 

Thy  loving  subjects  will,  with  true  hearts  and  tongues,  pray  ! 


388  Blue  Coat  Boys  at  St.  Dunstan's. [jan.-. 


559- 


Which  verses  were  written  upon  the  pageant:  and  the  same 
in  Latin  also. 

Quando  DEI  populuni  Canaan,  rex  pressit  J  A  BIN, 

Mittitur  a  magno  Debora  magna  DEO  : 
QucB  populum  eriperet,  sanctum  servaret  Judan, 

Milite  qucB  patrio  fy anger ethostis  opes. 
HcBc  Domino  mandante  DEO  lectissima  fecit 

Fcemina,  et  adversos  contudit  ense  viros. 
HcBC  quafer  denos  populuni  correxerat  annos 

Judicio,  hello  strenna,  pace  gravis. 
Sic,  O  sic,  popidum,  belloque  et  pace,  guberna! 

Debora  sis  Anglis,  Elizabetha  tuis ! 

The  void  places  of  the  pageant  were  filled  with  pretty 
Sentences  concerning  the  same  matter. 

The  ground  of  this  last  pageant  was,  that  forasmuch  as 
the  next  pageant  before,  had  set  before  Her  Grace's  eyes  the 
Flourishing  and  Desolate  States  of  a  Common  Weal;  she 
might  by  this,  be  put  in  remembrance  to  consult  for  the  worthy 
Government  of  her  people  ;  considering  GOD,  ofttimes,  sent 
women  nobly  to  rule  among  men,  as  Deborah  which  governed 
Israel  in  peace,  the  space  of  forty  years  ;  and  that  it  behoveth 
both  men  and  women  so  ruling,  to  use  advice  of  good  counsel. 

When  the  Queen's  Majesty  had  passed  this  pageant ;  she 
marched  towards  Temple  Bar. 

But  at  St.  Dunstan's,  where  the  children  of  the  Hospital 
[i.e.,  Christ's  Hospital,  now  known  as  the  Blue  Coat  School,  see 
P-  394] >  were  appointed  to  stand  with  their  Governors  ;  Her 
Grace  perceiving  a  child  offered  to  make  an  oration  unto  her, 
stayed  her  chariot;  and  did  cast  up  her  eyes  to  heaven,  as  who 
should  say,  "  I  here  see  this  merciful  work  towards  the  poor  ; 
whom  I  must,  in  the  midst  of  my  royalty,  needs  remember." 
And  so,  turned  her  face  towards  the  child,  which,  in  Latin, 
pronounced  an  Oration  to  this  effect. 

That  after  the  Queen's  Highness  had  passed  through 
the  City;  and  had  seen  so  sumptuous,  rich,  and  noble 
spectacles  of  the  citizens,    which  declared  their  most 


Tan.'is59-]     The  everlasting  Spectacle  of  Mercy.    389 

hearty   receiving   and  most  joyous  welcoming  of   Her 
Grace  into  the  same  :  this  one  Spectacle  yet  rested  and 
remained  ;    which   was    the    everlasting    Spectacle   of 
Mercy  unto  the  poor  members  of  Almighty  GOD,  fur- 
thered by  that  famous   and  most   noble    Prince,   King 
Henry  VHL,  Her  Grace's  Father;  erected  by  the  City 
of  London  ;  and  advanced  by  the  most  godly,  virtuous, 
and  gracious  Prince,  King  Edward  VI.,  Her  Grace's  dear 
and  loving  brother.     Doubting  nothing  of  the  mercy  of 
the  Queen's  most  gracious  clemency  :  by  the  which  they 
may  not  only  be  relieved  and  helped,  but  also  stayed 
and   defended ;  and   therefore   incessantly,    they  would 
pray  and  cry  unto  Almighty  GOD  for  the  long  life  and 
reign  of  Her  Highness,  with  most  prosperous   victory 
against  her  enemies. 
The  child,  after  he  had  ended  his  Oration,  kissed  the  paper 
wherein  the  same  was  written,  and  reached  it  to  the  Queen's 
Majesty;   who  received  it  graciously  both  with   words  and 
countenance,  declaring  her  gracious  mind  towards  their  relief. 

From  thence,  Her  Grace  came  to  Temple  Bar,  which  was 
dressed  iinely,  with  the  two  images  of  Gotmagot  the  Albion, 
and  CoRiNEUS  the  Briton  ;  two  giants  big  in  stature,  furnished 
accordingly :  which  held  in  their  hands,  even  above  the  gate, 
a  table,  wherein  was  written,  in  Latin  verses,  the  effect  of  all 
the  pageants  which  the  City  before  had  erected.  Which 
Verses  are  these  : 

Ecce  sub  aspectu  jam  contemplaberis  uno 

O  Princeps  populi  sola  columna  tui ! 
Quicquid  in  immensa  passim  perspexeris  uybe 

QucB  cepere  omnes  nnus  hie  arcus  habet. 
Primus,  te  solio  regni  donavit  aviti, 

H ceres  quippe  tui  vera  parentis  eras. 
Siippressis  vitiis,  domina  virtute,  SecunduSf 

Firmavit  sedem  regia  virgo  tuam. 
Tertius,  ex  omni posuit  te  parte  beatam 

Si,  qua  ccepisti  pergere  velle,  velis. 
Quarto,  quid  verum,  Respublica  Lapsa  quid  esset, 

Quce  Florens  staret  te  docuere  tui. 


390  The  Verses  above  Temple  Bar.  [jan^ssg. 

Qiiinto,  magna  loco  monnitte  Debora,  missam 

Ccelitus  in  regni  gaudia  longa  tui. 
Perge  ergo  Regina !  tuce  spes  unica  gentis  I 

HcBC  Postrema  urbis  suscipe  Vota  tucE. 
*'  Vive  diu !  regnaque  diu !  virtutibus  orna 

Rem  patriam,  et  populi  spem  tueare  tui ! 
Sic,  0  sic  petitur  ccelum  !     Sic  itur  in  astra  ! 

Hoc  virtutis  opus,  ccetera  mortis  erunt ! " 

Which  Verses  were  also  written  in  English  metre,  in  a 
lesse[r]  table,  as  hereafter  followeth. 

Behold  here,  in  one  view,  thou  mayst  see  all  that  plain ; 
O  Princess,  to  this  thy  people,  the  only  stay! 
What  eachwhere  thou  hast  seen  in  this  wide  town ;  again, 
This  one  Arch,  whatsoever  the  rest  contained,  doth  say. 

The  First  Arch,  as  true  Heir  unto  thy  Father  dear, 
Did  set  thee  in  thy  Throne,  where  thy  Grandfather  sat  I 
The  Second,  did  confirm  thy  Seat  as  Princess  here ; 
Virtues  now  bearing  sway,  and  Vices  beat  down  flat  I 

The  Third,  if  that  thou  wouldst  go  on  as  thou  began, 
Declareth  thee  to  be  blessed  on  every  side  ! 
The  Fourth  did  open  Truth,  and  also  taught  thee  when 
The  Common  Weal  stood  well,  and  when  it  did  thence  slide  ! 

The  Fifth,  as  Deborah,  declared  thee  to  be  sent 
From  heaven,  a  long  comfort  to  us  thy  subjects  all ! 
Therefore,  go  on,  O  Queen  !  (on  whom  our  hope  is  bent) 
And  take  with  thee,  this  wish  of  thy  Town  as  final  1 

"  Live  long  !  and  as  long,  reign  !  adorning  thy  country 
With  virtues  ;  and  maintain  thy  people's  hope  of  thee! 
For  thus,  thus  heaven  is  won  !  thus,  must  thou  pierce  the  sky  1 
This  is  by  virtue  wrought !     All  other  must  needs  die!  '* 


jati'iss?]  '^"^  City's  farewell  !  Hope  and  Pra  yer.  391 

On  the  south  side  \i.e.,  of  Fleet  Street,  at  Temple  Bar]  was 
appointed  by  the  City,  a  noise  of  singingchildren;  and  one  child 
richly  attired  as  a  Poet,  which  gave  the  Queen's  Majesty 
her  Farewell,  in  the  name  of  the  whole  City,  by  these  words. 

As  at  thine  Entrance  first,  O  Prince  of  high  renown  ! 
Thou  wast  presented  with  Tongues  and  Hearts  for  thy  fair ; 
So  now,  sith  thou  must  needs  depart  out  of  this  Town, 
This  City  sendeth  thee  firm  Hope  and  earnest  Prayer  1 

For  all  men  hope  in  thee,  that  all  virtues  shall  reign  ; 
For  all  men  hope  that  thou,  none  error  wilt  support ; 
For  all  men  hope  that  thou  wilt  Truth  restore  again. 
And  mend  that  is  amiss ;  to  all  good  men's  comfort ! 

And  for  this  Hope,  they  pray  thou  mayst  continue  long 
Our  Queen  amongst  us  here,  all  vice  for  to  supplant ! 
And  for  this  Hope,  they  pray  that  GOD  may  make  thee  strong. 
As  by  His  grace  puissant,  so  in  His  truth  constant ! 

Farewell !  O  worthy  Queen  !  and  as  our  hope  is  sure, 
That  into  Error's  place,  thou  wilt  now  Truth  restore  ! 
So  trust  we  that  thou  wilt  our  sovereign  Queen  endure 
And  loving  Lady  stand,  from  henceforth,  evermore  ! 

While  these  words  were  in  saying,  and  certain  wishes 
therein  repeated  for  the  maintenance  of  Truth,  and  rooting 
out  of  Error  ;  she,  now  and  then,  held  up  her  hands  to  heaven- 
ward, and  willed  the  people  to  say  "  Amen  !  " 

When  the  child  had  ended,  she  said,  "  Be  ye  well  assured, 
I  will  stand  your  good  Queen  !  " 

At  which  saying,  Her  Grace  departed  forth,  through  Temple 
Bar  towards  Westminster,  with  no  less  shooting  [i.e.,  firing 
of  guns]  and  crying  of  the  people,  than,  when  she  entered  the 
City,  with  a  great  noise  of  ordnance  which  the  Tower  shot  off, 
at  Her  Grace's  entrance  first  into  Tower  Street. 

The  child's  saying  was  also,  in  Latin  verses,  written  in  a 
table  which  was  hanged  up  there. 


392    The  City,  of  itself,  beautified  itself,  [jan.'iss^. 

O  Regina  potcns  !  quuui  primant  urbem  ingredereris 

Dona  tibi,  Lingtias  Jidaque  Corda  dedit. 
Discedenti  etiam  tibi  nunc  duo  munera  mittit, 

Omina  plena  Spei,  votaque  plena  Precum. 
Qnippe  tuis  Spes  est,  in  te  quod  provida  virtus 

Rexerit,  errori  nee  locus  ullus  erit. 
Quippe  tuis  Spes  est,  quod  ut  veruni  omne  reduces 

Solatura  bonas,  dum  mala  tollis,  opes. 
Hac  Spe  freti  orant,  longum  ut  Regina  gubernes, 

Et  regni  excindas  crimina  cuncta  tui. 
Hac  Spe  freti  orant,  divina  ut  gratia  fortem, 

Et  vercB  fidei  te  velit  esse  basin. 
Jam,  Regina,  vale  !  et  sicut  nos  spes  tenet  una, 

Quod  vero  indueto,  perditus  error  erit. 
Sic  quoque  speramus  quod  eris  Regina  benigna 

Nobis  per  regni  tempora  longa  tui  ! 

Thus  the  Queen's  Highness  passed  through  the  City !  which, 
without  any  foreign  person,  of  itself,  beautified  itself;  and  re- 
ceived Her  Grace  at  all  places,  as  hath  been  before  mentioned, 
with  most  tender  obedience  and  love,  due  to  so  gracious  a 
Queen,  and  sovereign  Lady. 

And  Her  Grace  likewise,  of  her  side,  in  all  Her  Grace's 
Passage,  shewed  herself  generally  an  Image  of  a  worthy  Lady 
and  Governor ;  but  privately  these  especial  points  were  noted 
in  Her  Grace,  as  signs  of  a  most  Prince-like  courage,  whereby 
her  loving  subjects  may  ground  a  sure  hope  for  the  rest  of 
her  gracious  doings  hereafter. 


393 


Certain   Notes  of  the  ^eens    Majesty's 

great  mercy^  clemency^  and  wisdom 

used  in   this  Passage. 

Rout  the  nether  end  of  Cornhill,  toward  Cheap, 
one  of  the  Knights  about  Her  Grace,  had  espied 
an  ancient  Citizen  which  wept,  and  turned  his 
head  back.  And  therewith  said  this  Gentleman, 
"  Yonder  is  an  Alderman, "  for  so  he  termed  him, 
"which  weepeth, and  turneth  his  face  backward  !  How  may  it 
be  interpreted  that  he  doth  so  ?  For  sorrow  !  or  for  gladness  ?  " 
The  Queen's  Majesty  heard  him  ;  and  said,  *'  I  warrant 
you,  it  is  for  gladness  !  "  A  gracious  interpretation  of  a  noble 
courage,  which  would  turn  the  doubtful  to  the  best.  And 
yet  it  was  well  known,  that  (as  Her  Grace  did  confirm  the 
same)  the  party's  cheer  was  moved,  for  very  pure  gladness 
for  the  sight  of  Her  Majesty's  person  ;  at  the  beholding 
whereof,  he  took  such  comfort,  that  with  tears  he  expressed 
the  same. 

In  Cheapside,  Her  Grace  smiled ;  and  being  thereof  de- 
manded the  cause,  answered,  "  For  that  she  had  heard  one 
say,  Remember  old  King  Henry  VIII !  "  A  natural  child  ! 
which  at  the  very  remembrance  of  her  father's  name  took  so 
great  a  joy  ;  that  all  men  may  well  think  that  as  she  rejoiced 
at  his  name  whom  this  Realm  doth  hold  of  so  worthy  memory, 
so,  in  her  doings,  she  will  resemble  the  same. 

When  the  City's  charge  without  partiality,  and  only  the 
City,  was  mentioned  unto  Her  Grace  ;  she  said,  "  It  should 
not  be  forgotten  !  "  Which  saying  might  move  all  natural 
Englishmen  heartily  to  shew  due  obedience  and  entireness  to 
their  so  good  a  Queen,  which  will,  in  no  point,  forget  any 
parcel  of  duty  lovingly  shewed  unto  her. 


394    The  poor  woman's  branch  of  rosemary,  [jan/1559. 

The  answer  which  Her  Grace  made  unto  Master  Recorder 
of  London,  as  the  hearers  know  it  to  be  true  and  with  melting 
hearts  heard  the  same,  so  may  the  reader  thereof  conceive 
what  kind  of  stomach  and  courage  pronounced  the  same. 

What  more  famous  thing  do  we  read  in  ancient  histories 
of  old  time,  than  that  mighty  Princes  have  gently  received 
presents  offered  them  by  base  and  low  personages.  If  that 
be  to  be  wondered  at,  as  it  is  passingly !  let  me  see  any  writer 
that  in  any  one  Prince's  life  is  able  to  recount  so  many  pre- 
cedents of  this  virtue,  as  Her  Grace  shewed  in  that  one 
Passage  through  the  City.  How  many  nosegays  did  Her 
Grace  receive  at  poor  women's  hands  ?  How  ofttimes  stayed 
she  her  chariot,  when  she  saw  any  simple  body  offer  to  speak 
to  Her  Grace  ?  A  branch  of  rosemary  given  to  Her  Grace, 
with  a  supplication,  by  a  poor  woman,  about  Fleet  Bridge, 
was  seen  in  her  chariot  till  Her  Grace  came  to  Westminster  ; 
notwithstanding  the  marvellous  wondering  of  such  as  knew 
the  presenter,  and  noted  the  Queen's  most  gracious  receiving 
and  keeping  the  same. 

What  hope  the  poor  and  needy  may  look  for,  at  Her 
Grace's  hand ;  she,  as  in  all  her  journey  continually,  so  in  her 
hearkening  to  the  poor  children  of  Christ's  Hospital,  with 
eyes  cast  up  unto  heaven,  did  fully  declare ;  as  that  neither 
the  wealthier  estate  could  stand  without  consideration  had  to 
the  poverty,  neither  the  poverty  be  duly  considered  unless 
they  were  remembered,  as  commanded  to  us  by  GOD's  own 
mouth. 

As  at  her  first  Entrance,  she,  as  it  were,  declared  herself 
prepared  to  pass  through  a  City  that  most  entirely  loved  her ; 
so  she,  at  her  last  Departing,  as  it  were,  bound  herself  by 
promise  to  continue  good  Lady  and  Governor  unto  that  City, 
which,  by  outward  declaration,  did  open  their  love  to  their  so 
loving  and  noble  Prince,  in  such  wise  as  she  herself  wondered 
thereat. 

But  because  Princes  be  set  in  their  Seat  by  GOD's  appoint- 
ment, and  therefore  they  must  first  and  chiefly  render  the 
glory  of  Him  from  whom  their  glory  issueth  ;  it  is  to  be 
noted  in  Her  Grace,  that,  forasmuch  as  GOD  hath  so 
wonderfully  placed  her  in  the  Seat  of  Government  over  this 
realm;  she  in  all  doings,  doth  shew  herself  most  mindful  of 


Jan.';s.^9]      ElIZABETH    RENDERS    THANKS    TO    GOD.        395 

His  goodness  and  mercy  shewed  unto  her.     And  amongst  all 
other,  two  principal  signs  thereof  were  noted  in  this  Passage. 
First,  in  the  Tower  :  where  Her  Grace,  before  she  entered 
her  chariot,  lifted  up  her  eyes  to  heaven,  and  said  : 

O  LORD  !  Almighty  and  everlasting  GOD  !  I  give  Thee 

most  hearty  thanks,  that  as  Thou  hast  been  so  merciful 

unto  me,  as  to  spare  me  to  behold  this  joyful  day !    And  I 

acknowledge  that  Thou  hast  dealt  as  wonderfully  and 

mercifully  with  me,  as  Thou  didst  with  thy  true  and 

faithful  servant  Daniel,  the  prophet ;  whom  thou  de- 

liveredst  out  of  the  den,  from  the  cruelty  of  the  greedy 

and  raging  lions :  even  so,  was  I  overwhelmed,  and  only 

by  Thee  !  delivered.  To  Thee !  therefore,  only,  be  thanks, 

honour,  and  praise  for  ever !     Amen. 

The  second  was,  the  receiving  of  the  Bible,  at  the  Little 

Conduit,  in  Cheap.     For  when  Her  Grace  had  learned  that 

the  Bible  in  English,  should  there  be  offered ;  she  thanked 

the  City  therefore,  promised  the  readingthereof  most  diligently, 

and  incontinent  commanded  that  it  should  be  brought.     At 

the  receipt  whereof,  how  reverently,  she  did,  with  both  her 

hands,  take  it !  kiss  it !  and  lay  it  on  her  breast !  to  the  great 

comfort  of  the  lookers  on ! 

GOD  will  undoubtedly  preserve  so  worthy  a  Prince;  which, 
at  His  honour,  so  reverently  taketh  her  beginning.  For  this 
saying  is  true,  and  written  in  the  Book  of  Truth  :  **  He  that 
first  seeketh  the  Kingdom  of  GOD,  shall  have  all  other  things 
cast  \into  him." 

Now,  therefore,  all  English  hearts,  and  her  natural  people 
must  needs  praise  GOD's  mercy,  which  hath  sent  them  so 
worthy  a  Prince  ;  and  pray  for  Her  Grace's  long  continuance 
amongst  us. 

3|mpr(nteD  at  lonnon  in  fleet  Street 

toitbin  Cemple  TBar,  at  tbe  0ign  of  tbe 

^antj  anD  ^tat,  tip  Eicbarti  Cot* 

till,  t{)e  xxiil  nap  of  3lanuarp» 

[1559] 


596 


Rev.  William   Harrison,  B.D. 

Canon  of  Windsor,  and  Rector  of 

Rad  winter. 

Elizabeth  arms  England^  which  Mary 
had  left  defenceless, 

[Book  II.,  Chap.  i6  oi  Description  of  England,  in  Holinshed's  Chronicle.  Ed.  i587[-8]. 
Reprinted  by  F.  J.  Furnivall,  M.A.,  for  New  SJuxkspere  Society,  p.  278,  Ed.  1877.] 

Ow  well,  and  how  strongly  our  country  hath  been 
furnished,  in  times  past,  with  armour  and  artil- 
lery, it  lieth  not  in  me,  as  of  myself  to  make 
rehearsal. 
Yet  that  it  lacked  both,  in  the  late  time  of 
Queen  Mary  ;  not  only  the  experience  of  mine  elders,  but 
also  the  talk  of  certain  Spaniards,  not  yet  forgotten,  did 
leave  some  manifest  notice. 

Upon  the  first,  I  need  not  stand :  for  few  will  deny  it. 
For  the  second,  I  have  heard  that  when  one  of  the  greatest 
Peers  of  Spain  [evidently  in  Queen  Mary's  reign]  espied  our 
nakedness  in  this  behalf,  and  did  solemnly  utter  in  no 
obscure  place,  that  "  It  should  be  an  easy  matter,  in  short 
time,  to  conquer  England;  because  it  wanted  armour!"  his 
words  were  then  not  so  rashly  uttered,  as  they  were  politicly 
noted. 

For,  albeit,  that,  for  the  present  time,  their  efficacy  was 
dissembled;  and  semblance  made  as  though  he  spake  but 
merrily :  yet  at  the  very  Entrance  of  this  our  gracious  Queen 
unto  the  possession  of  the  Crown,  they  were  so  providently 
called  to  remembrance,  and  such  speedy  reformation  sought, 
of  all  hands,  for  the  redress  of  this  inconveniency,  that  our 
country  was  sooner  furnished  with  armour  and  munition 
from  divers  parts  of  the  main  [the  Continent],  besides  great 


Rev.  W.  Harrison,  B.D.j£)g^.^Y   OF   THE    EnGLISH   LONG   BOW.     397 

plenty  that  was  forged  here  at  home,  than  our  enemies  could 
get  understanding  of  any  such  provision  to  be  made. 

By  this  policy  also,  was  the  no  small  hope  conceived  by 
Spaniards  utterly  cut  off;  who  (of  open  friends,  being  now 
become  our  secret  enemies  ;  and  thereto  watching  a  time 
wherein  to  achieve  some  heavy  exploit  against  us  and  our 
country)  did  thereupon  change  their  purposes :  whereby 
England  obtained  rest ;  that  otherwise  might  have  been 
sure  of  sharp  and  cruel  wars. 

Thus  a  Spanish  word  uttered  by  one  man  at  one  time, 
overthrew,  or,  at  the  least,  hindered  sundry  privy  practices 
of  many  at  another  time. 

In  times  past,  the  chief  force  of  England  consisted  in  their 
long  bows.  But  now  we  have  in  manner  generally  given  over 
that  kind  of  artillery,  and  for  long  bows  indeed,  do  practice 
to  shoot  compass  for  our  pastime ;  which  kind  of  shooting 
can  never  yield  any  smart  stroke,  nor  beat  down  our  enemies, 
as  our  countrymen  were  wont  to  do,  at  every  time  of  need. 
Certes,  the  Frenchmen  and  Reitters  [i.e.f  Reiters,  the  German 
or  Swiss  Lance-knights]  deriding  our  new  archery,  in  respect 
of  their  corslets,  will  not  let,  in  open  skirmish,  if  any  leisure 
serve,  to  turn  up  their  tails,  and  cry,  "  Shoot,  English  1" 
and  all  because  our  strong  shooting  is  decayed,  and  laid  in 
bed. 

But  if  some  of  our  Englishmen  now  lived,  that  served 
King  Edward  III.  in  his  wars  with  France  :  the  breech  of 
such  a  varlet  had  been  nailed  to  his  back  with  one  arrow; 
and  another  feathered  in  his  bowels,  before  he  should  have 
turned  about  to  see  who  shot  the  first. 

But  as  our  shooting  is  thus,  in  manner,  utterly  decayed 
among  us  one  way :  so  our  countrymen  wax  skilful  in  sundry 
other  points;  as  in  shooting  in  small  pieces,  the  caliver, 
and  handling  of  the  pike ;  in  the  several  uses  whereof,  they 
are  become  very  expert. 

Our  armour  differeth  not  from  that  of  other  nations ;  and 
therefore  consisteth  of  corslets,  almain  rivets,  shirts  of 
mail,  jacks  quilted  and  covered  with  leather,  fustian,  or 
canvas  over  thick  plates  of  iron  that  are  sewed  in  the  same. 
Of  which,  there  is  no  town  or  village  that  hath  not  her 
convenient  furniture.    The  said  armour  and  munition  like- 


398    1,172,674  FIGHTING  Englishmen.  [R^v. w. Hamson,  b.d. 

wise  is  kept  in  one  several  place  of  every  town,  appointed 
by  the  consent  of  the  whole  parish ;  where  it  is  always 
ready  to  be  had  and  worn  within  an  hour's  warning. 

Sometimes  also  it  is  occupied  [used],  when  it  pleaseth  the 
magistrate,  either  to  view  the  able  men  and  take  note  of  the 
well  keeping  of  the  same ;  or  finally  to  see  those  that  are  en- 
rolled, to  exercise  each  one  his  several  weapon  :  at  the  charge 
of  the  townsmen  of  each  parish,  according  to  his  appoint- 
ment. Certes  there  is  almost  no  village  so  poor  in  England, 
be  it  never  so  small,  that  hath  not  sufficient  furniture  in 
a  readiness  to  set  forth  three  or  four  soldiers  (as,  one  archer, 
one  gunner,  one  pike,  and  a  bill-man),  at  the  least.  No, 
there  is  not  so  much  wanting  as  their  very  liveries  [uniforms] 
and  caps ;  which  are  least  to  be  accounted  of,  if  any  haste 
required.  So  that  if  this  good  order  continue,  it  shall  be 
impossible  for  the  sudden  enemy  to  find  us  unprovided. 

As  for  able  men  for  service,  thanked  be  GOD  !  we  are 
not  without  good  store.  For  by  the  Musters  taken  in  1574 
and  1575,  our  number  amounted  to  1,172,674 ;  and  yet  they 
were  not  so  narrowly  taken,  but  that  a  third  part  of  this 
like  multitude  was  left  unbilled  and  uncalled. 

What  store  of  munition  and  armour,  the  Queen's  Majesty 
hath  in  her  storehouses,  it  lieth  not  in  me  to  yield  account ; 
sith  I  suppose  the  same  to  be  infinite.  And  whereas  it  was 
commonly  said,  after  the  loss  of  Calais,  that  England  would 
never  recover  the  store  of  ordnance  there  left  and  lost ;  the 
same  is  proved  false:  since  some  of  the  same  persons  do 
now  confess  that  this  land  was  never  better  furnished  with 
these  things  in  any  King's  days,  since  the  Conquest. 

The  names  of  our  greatest  ordnance  are  commonly 
these : 

Robinet,  whose  weight  is  200  lbs. ;  and  it  hath  i  J  inches 

within  the  mouth. 
Falconet,  weighing  500  lbs.,  and  his  wideness  is  2  inches 

within  the  mouth. 
Falcon  hath  800  lbs.,  and  2^  inches  within  the  mouth. 
Minion  poiseth  [weigheth]  1,100  lbs.,  and  hath  3^  inches 

within  the  mouth. 
Sucre  hath   1,500  lbs.,  and  is  3^  inches   wide   in   the 

mouth. 


Rev.  W.  Harrison.  B.D.-|   g  j  z  g  S,     &  C,    OF    A  R  T  I  L  L  E  R  Y.     399 

Demi-Culverin  weigheth  3,000  lbs.,  and  hath  4^  inches 

within  the  mouth. 
Culverin    hath    4,000  lbs.,    and    5I  inches    within    the 

mouth. 
Demi-Cannon,    6,000   lbs.,    and   6^   inches  within   the 

mouth. 
Cannon,  7,000  lbs.,  and  8  inches  within  the  mouth. 
E.  Cannon,  8,000  lbs.,  and  7  inches  within  the  mouth. 
Basilisk,  g,ooo  lbs.,  and  8|  inches  within  the  mouth. 

By  which  proportions,  also,  it  is  easy  to  come  by  the 
weight  of  every  shot,  how  many  scores  [i.e.,  of  yards]  it  doth 
fly  at  point  blank,  how  much  powder  is  to  be  had  to  the 
same,  and  finally  how  many  inches  in  height,  each  bullet 
ought  to  carry. 

The  names  of  the         u  jv         Weight  of       Scores  [of  yards]   Pounds  of       Height  of 
Great  Ordnance  the  Shot.  lbs.        of  carriage.         Powder.      Bullet.  Inches. 

Robinet       I  o    \  i 

Falconet 2  14     2  \\ 

Falcon     z\  16    2.\  7.\ 

Minion   4^  17     4^  3 

Sacre  5  18     5  3J 

Demi-Culverin 9  20    9  4 

Culverin    18  25     18  5J 

Demi-Cannon    30  38     28  6} 

Cannon   60  20     44  7^ 

E.  Cannon     42  20    20  6^ 

Basilisk 60  21     60  8^ 

As  for  the  Armouries  of  some  of  the  Nobility  (whereof  I 
also  have  seen  a  part),  they  are  so  well  furnished,  that  within 
some  one  Baron's  custody,  I  have  seen  three  score  or  a 
hundred  corslets  at  once ;  besides  calivers,  hand-guns,  bows, 
sheafs  of  arrows,  pikes,  bills,  pole-axes,  flasks,  touch-boxes, 
targets,  &c. :  the  very  sight  whereof  appalled  my  courage. 

Seldom  shall  you  see  any  of  my  countrymen,  above 
eighteen  or  twenty  years  old,  to  go  without  a  dagger  at  the 
least,  at  his  back  or  by  his  side;  although  they  be  aged 


400  Every  one  usually  carries  arms.  [^''''-  '^^-  }^^'°"'  ^-g 


588. 


burgesses  or  magistrates  of  any  city  who,  in  appearance,  are 
most  exempt  from  brabling  and  contention. 

Our  Nobility  commonly  wear  swords  or  rapiers,  with  their 
daggers ;  as  doth  every  common  serving  man  also  that  fol- 
loweth  his  lord  and  master. 


Finally,  no  man  travelleth  by  the  way,  without  his  sword 
or  some  such  weapon,  with  us ;  except  the  Minister,  who 
commonly  weareth  none  at  all,  unless  it  be  a  dagger  or 
hanger  at  his  side. 


The  True  Report 

of  the  burning  of  the  Steeple 

and  Church  of  Paul's 

in  London. 


yeremiah  xviii.  [7,  8.] 

I  will  speak  suddenly  against  a  Nation^  or  against  a  Kingdom, 

to  pluck  it  up,  and  to  root  it  out,  and  destroy  it.     But  if  that 

Nation   against  whom  I   have  pronounced,  turn   from  their 

wickedness  ;  I  will  repent  of  the  plague  that  I 

thought  to  bring  upon  them. 


Imprinted  at  London,  at  the 

West  end  of  Paul's  Church,  at 

the  sign  of  the  Hedgehog, 

by  William  Seres. 

Cum  privilegio  ad  tmprimendum  solum. 
Anno  i$6i,  i/ie  loth  of  June. 

2C  I 


403 


The   True  Report  of  the  burning  of 

the  Steeple  and  Church  of 

PauV s  in  London. 


N  Wednesday,  being  the  4th  day  of  June 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1561  (and  in  the 
3rd  year  of  the  reign  of  our  Sovereign 
Lady  ELIZABETH,  by  the  Grace  of  God, 
Queen  of  England  France  and  Ireland, 
Defender  of  the  Faith,  &c.),  between  one 
and  two  of  the  clock  at  afternoon,  was 
seen  a  marvellous  great  fiery  lightning ; 
and  immediately  ensued  a  most  terrible  hideous  crack  of 
thunder,  such  as  seldom  hath  been  heard ;  and  that,  by 
estimation  of  sense,  directly  over  the  city  of  London.  At 
which  instant,  the  corner  of  a  turret  of  the  Steeple  of  St 
Martin's  Church  within  Lud  Gate  was  torn ;  and  divers 
great  stones  casten  down  ;  and  a  hole  broken  through  the 
roof  and  timber  of  the  said  Church  by  the  fall  of  the  same 
stones. 

For  divers  persons  (in  time  of  the  said  tempest,  being  on 
the  river  of  Thames ;  and  others  being  in  the  fields  near 
adjoining  to  the  city)  affirmed  that  they  saw  a  long  and 
spear-pointed  flame  of  fire,  as  it  were,  run  through  the  top  of 
the  broche  \or  spire]  or  shaft  of  Paul's  Steeple  ;  from  the 
East,  westward.  And  some  of  the  parish  of  St  Martin's, 
then  being  in  the  street,  did  feel  a  marvellous  strong  air  or 
whirlwind,  with  a  smell  like  brimstone,  coming  from  Paul's 
Church ;  and  withal  heard  a  rush  of  the  stones  which  fell 
from  their  Steeple  into  the  Church. 


404  Paul's  Steeple  struck  by  lightning,  [xojunlisei 

Between  four  and  five  of  the  clock,  a  smoke  was  espied  by 
divers  to  break  out  under  the  bowl  of  the  said  shaft  of  Paul's  ; 
and  namely  \_particularly\  by  PETER  JOHNSON,  Principal 
Registrar  to  the  Bishop  of  LONDON ;  who  immediately 
brought  word  to  the  Bishop's  House. 

But,  suddenly  after,  as  it  were  in  a  moment,  the  flame 
brake  forth  in  a  circle,  like  a  garland,  round  about  the  broche, 
about  two  yards,  to  the  estimation  of  sight,  under  the  bowl 
of  the  said  shaft ;  and  increased  in  such  wise  that,  within  a 
quarter  of  an  hour,  or  little  more,  the  Cross  and  the  Eagle 
on  the  top  fell  down  upon  the  South  cross  He  [Ats/e]. 

The  Lord  Mayor  being  sent  for,  and  his  Bretheren  [the 
Aldermen],  came  with  all  speed  possible ;  and  had  a  short 
consultation,  as  in  such  a  case  might  be,  with  the  Bishop  of 
London  and  others,  for  the  best  way  of  remedy.  And 
thither  came  also  [Sir  NICHOLAS  Bacon]  the  Lord  Keeper 
of  the  Great  Seal,  and  [William  Paulet,  Marquis  of 
Winchester]  the  Lord  Treasurer :  who,  by  their  wisdom 
and  authority,  directed  as  good  order  as  in  so  great  confusion 
could  possibly  be. 

Some  there  were,  pretending  experience  in  wars,  that 
counselled  the  remnant  of  the  Steeple  to  be  shot  down  with 
cannons  ;  which  counsel  was  not  liked,  as  most  perilous  both 
for  the  dispersing  [of]  the  fire,  and  [the]  destruction  of  houses 
and  people. 

Others  (perceiving  the  Steeple  to  be  past  all  recovery ; 
considering  the  hugeness  of  the  fire,  and  the  dropping  of  the 
lead)  thought  best  to  get  ladders,  and  scale  the  Church  ;  and 
with  axes  to  hew  down  a  space  of  the  roof  of  the  Church  to 
stay  the  fire,  at  the  least  to  save  some  part  of  the  said 
Church :  which  was  concluded  [decided  tipon\  But  before 
the  ladders  and  buckets  could  be  brought,  and  things  put  in 
any  order  (and  especially  because  the  Church  was  of  such 
height  that  they  could  not  scale  it,  and  no  sufficient  number 
of  axes  could  be  had  :  the  labourers  also  being  troubled  with 
the  multitude  of  idle  gazers) ;  the  most  part  of  the  highest 
roof  of  the  Church  was  on  fire. 

First,  the  fall  of  the  Cross  and  Eagle  fired  the  South  cross 
He  [Az's/e] ;  which  He  was  first  consumed.     The  beams  and 


iojunli56i.]  The  Bishop  of  London's  Palace  saved.  405 

brands  of  the  Steeple  fell  down  on  every  side,  and  fired  the 
other  three  parts :  that  is  to  say,  the  Chancel  or  Quire,  the 
North  He,  and  the  body  of  the  Church.  So  that,  in  one 
hour's  space,  the  broche  [or  spire]  of  the  Steeple  was  burnt 
down  to  the  battlements ;  and  the  most  part  of  the  highest 
rt)of  of  the  Church  likewise  consumed. 


The  state  of  the  Steeple  and  Church  seeming  both 
desperate ;  my  Lord  Mayor  was  advised,  by  one  Master 
Winter  of  the  Admiralty  [i.e.  Admiral  Sir  William 
Winter],  to  convert  the  most  part  of  his  care  and  provision 
to  preserve  the  Bishop's  Palace  adjoining  to  the  north-west 
end  of  the  Church ;  lest  from  that  House,  being  large,  the 
fire  might  spread  to  the  streets  adjoining.  Whereupon  the 
ladders,  buckets,  and  labourers  were  commanded  thither ; 
and,  by  great  labour  and  diligence,  a  piece  of  the  roof  of  the 
North  He  was  cut  down,  and  the  fire  so  stayed  :  and,  by 
much  water,  that  part  quenched ;  and  the  said  Bishop's 
House  preserved. 

It  pleased  GOD  also,  at  the  same  time,  both  to  turn,  and 
calm,  the  wind  :  which  afore  was  vehement ;  and  continued 
still  high  and  great  in  other  parts  without  the  city. 

There  were  above  500  persons  that  laboured  in  carrying 
and  filling  water,  &c.  Divers  substantial  citizens  took  pains 
as  if  they  had  been  labourers  ;  so  did  also  divers  and  sundry 
Gentlemen,  whose  names  were  not  known  to  the  Writer 
hereof:  but  amongst  others,  the  said  Master  Winter,  and 
one  Master  Stranguish,  did  both  take  notable  pains  in 
their  own  persons ;  and  also  much  directed  and  encouraged 
others,  and  that  not  without  great  danger  to  themselves. 

In  the  evening,  came  the  Lord  Clinton,  [the]  Lord 
Admiral,  from  the  Court  at  Greenwich ;  whom  the  Queen's 
Majesty  (as  soon  as  the  rage  of  the  fire  was  espied  by  Her 
Majesty  and  others  in  the  Court,  of  the  pitiful  inclination 
and  love  that  her  gracious  Highness  did  bear  both  to  the 
said  Church  and  the  city)  sent  to  assist  my  Lord  Mayor,  for 
the  suppressing  of  the  fire  :  who,  with  his  wisdom  authority 
and  diligent  travail,  did  very  much  good  therein. 


4o6  The  fire  lasted  from  4  till  to  p.m.  [.ojun^^jg. 

About  ten  of  the  clock,  the  fierceness  of  the  fire  was  past, 
the  timber  being  fallen  and  lying  burning  upon  the  vaults  of 
stone  ;  the  vaults  yet  (GOD  be  thanked ! )  standing  un- 
perished.  So  as  only  the  timber  of  the  whole  Church  was 
consumed,  and  the  lead  molten  :  saving  the  most  part  of  the 
two  low  lies  of  the  Quire,  and  a  piece  of  the  North  He,  and 
another  small  piece  of  the  South  He  in  the  body  of  the 
Church. 

Notwithstanding  all  which,  it  pleased  the  merciful  GOD, 
in  his  wrath,  to  remember  his  mercy ;  and  to  enclose  the 
harm  of  this  most  fierce  and  terrible  fire  within  the  walls  of 
this  one  Church  :  not  extending  any  part  of  his  wrath  in  this 
fire  upon  the  rest  of  the  city,  which  to  all  reason  and  sense 
of  man  was  subject  to  utter  destruction.  For  in  the  whole 
city,  without  the  Church,  no  stick  was  kindled  surely.  Not- 
withstanding that,  in  divers  parts  and  streets,  and  within  the 
houses  both  adjoining  and  of  a  good  distance,  as  in  Fleet 
Street  and  Newgate  Market,  by  the  violence  of  the  fire, 
burning  coals  of  great  bigness  fell  down  almost  as  thick  as 
hailstones ;  and  flaws  of  lead  were  blown  abroad  into  the 
gardens  without  the  city,  like  flaws  of  snow  in  breadth : 
without  hurt  (GOD  be  thanked  ! )  to  any  house  or  person. 

Many  fond  talks  go  abroad  of  the  original  cause  of  this. 
Some  say,  It  was  negligence  of  plumbers :  whereas,  by  due 
examination,  it  is  proved  that  no  plumbers  or  other  work- 
men laboured  in  the  Church  for  six  months  before.  Others 
suspect  that  it  was  done  by  some  wicked  practice  of  wild 
fire  or  gunpowder :  but  no  just  suspicions  thereof,  by  any 
examination,  can  be  found  hitherto.  Some  suspect  Con- 
jurors and  Sorcerers,  whereof  there  is  also  no  great  likeli- 
hood :  and  if  it  had  been  wrought  that  way ;  yet  could  not 
the  Devil  have  done  it  without  GOD's  permission,  and  to 
some  purpose  of  his  unsearchable  judgments,  as  appeareth 
in  the  story  of  JOB. 

The  true  cause,  as  it  seemeth,  was  the  tempest,  by  GOD's 
sufferance.  For  it  cannot  be  otherwise  gathered,  but  that, 
at  the  said  great  and  terrible  thunderclap,  when  St  Martin's 
Steeple  was  torn,  the  lightning  (which  by  natural  order 
smiteth  the  highest)  did  first  smite  the  top  of  Paul's  Steeple; 


iojunli56i.]  Pilkington's  Sermon  at  Paul's  Cross.  407 

and  entering  in  at  the  small  holes,  which  have  always 
remained  open  for  building  scaffolds  to  the  works,  and  find- 
ing the  timber  very  old  and  dry,  did  kindle  the  same :  and 
so  the  fire  increasing,  grew  to  a  flame,  and  wrought  the 
effect  which  followed  ;  most  terrible  then  to  behold,  and  now 
most  lamentable  to  look  upon. 

On  Sunday  following,  being  the  8th  day  of  June  [1561], 
the  reverend  [Father]  in  GOD  [James  Pilkington]  Bishop 
of  Durham,  at  St  Paul's  Cross,  made  a  learned  and  fruitful 
Sermon  ;  exhorting  the  auditory  to  a  general  repentance, 
and  namely  [especially]  to  humble  obedience  to  the  laws  and 
Superior  Powers,  which  virtue  is  much  decayed  in  these  our 
days :  seeming  to  have  intelligence  from  the  Queen's  High- 
ness, that  Her  Majesty  intendeth  more  severity  of  laws  shall 
be  executed  against  persons  disobedient,  as  well  in  causes  of 
Religion  as  Civil ;  to  the  great  rejoicing  of  his  auditors. 

He  exhorted  also  his  audience  to  take  this  as  a  general 
warning  to  the  whole  realm,  and  namely  [especially]  to  the 
city  of  London,  of  some  greater  plague  to  follow  if  amend- 
ment of  life  in  all  [ejstates  did  not  ensue.  He  much 
reproved  those  persons  which  would  assign  the  cause  of  this 
wrath  of  GOD  to  any  particular  [e]state  of  men  ;  or  that 
were  diligent  to  look  into  other  men's  lives,  and  could  see 
no  faults  in  themselves :  but  wished  that  every  man  would 
descend  into  himself  and  say  with  David,  Ego  sum  qui 
peccavi.  "  I  am  he  that  hath  sinned."  And  so  forth  to  that 
effect,  very  godly. 

He  also  not  only  reproved  the  profanation  of  the  said 
Church  of  Paul's,  of  long  time  heretofore  abused  [m  PatiFs 
Walk]  by  walking,  jangling,  brawling,  fighting,  bargaining, 
&c.,  namely  [particularly]  in  Sermon  and  Service  time :  but 
also  answered  by  the  way  to  the  objections  of  such  evil- 
tongued  persons  which  do  impute  this  token  of  GOD's 
deserved  ire  to  alteration,  or  rather,  Reformation  of  Reli- 
gion ;  declaring  out  of  ancient  records  and  histories  the  like, 
yea,  and  greater  matters,  [that]  had  befallen  in  the  time  of 
superstition  and  ignorance. 

For,  in  the  ist  year  of  King  STEPHEN  [i  135-6  A.D.] 
not  only  the  said  Church  of  Paul's  was  burnt :  but  also  a 
great  part  of  the  city  :  that  is  to  say,  from  London  Bridge 


4o8     Previous    fires    in    London.   [ 


lo  June  1561, 


to  St  Clement's  [Church]  without  Temple  Bar,  was  by  fire 
consumed. 

And  in  the  days  of  King  HENRY  VI.,  the  Steeple  of  Paul's 
was  also  fired  by  lightning  :  although  it  was  then  stayed  by 
diligence  of  the  citizens  ;  the  fire  being  then,  by  likelihood, 
not  so  fierce. 

Many  other  such  like  common  calamities  he  rehearsed, 
which  happened  in  other  countries,  both  nigh  to  this  realm 
and  far  off,  where  the  Church  of  Rome  hath  most  authority. 
And  therefore  [he]  concluded  the  surest  way  to  be,  that 
every  man  should  judge  examine  and  amend  himself;  and 
embrace  believe  and  truly  follow  the  Word  of  GOD  ;  and 
earnestly  to  pray  to  GOD  to  turn  away  from  us  his  deserved 
wrath  and  indignation  ;  whereof  this  his  terrible  work  is  a 
most  certain  warning,  if  we  repent  not  unfeignedly. 

The  which  GOD  grant  may  come  to  pass  in  all  estates 
and  degrees,  to  the  glory  of  His  name,  and  to  our  endless 
comfort  in  Christ  our  Saviour.     Amen. 

GOD  save  the  Queen, 


409 


Rev.  John  Fox,  the  Marty rologist. 

A  false  fearful  Imagination  of fre  at 
Oxford  University, 

\Acts  and  Monutnents,  1576.     The  passages  in  brackets,  frotn  i$63  JEdiiion.] 

merry  and  pleasant  Narration,  touching  a  false  fearful 
Imagination  of  Fire  raised  among  the  Doctors  and 
Masters  of  Oxford  in  St.  Mary's  church,  at  the 
recantation  of  Master  Malary,  Master  of  Arts  of 
Cambridge. 

Itherto,  [gentle  reader,  we  have  remembered  a 
great  number  of  lamentable  and  bloody  tragedies 
of  such  as  have  been  slain  through  extreme  cruelty  : 
now  I  will  here  set  before  thee  again  a  merry  and 
comical  spectacle,  whereat  thou  mayest  now  laugh 
and  refresh  thyself,  which,  forasmuch  as  it  did  necessarily 
accord  with  our  present  enterprise,  I  have  not  thought  it 
good  to  pass  it  over  with  silence.] 

There  was  one  Master  Malary,  Master  of  Arts  of 
Cambridge,  Scholar  of  Christ's  College,  who,  for  the  like 
opinions  to  those  above  rehearsed,  holden  contrary  to  the 
Catholic  determination  of  holy  mother  Church  of  Rome;  that 
is,  for  the  right  truth  of  Christ's  gospel,  was  convented 
before  the  bishops :  and,  in  the  end,  sent  to  Oxford,  there 
openly  to  recant,  and  to  bear  his  faggot ;  to  the  terror  of  the 
students  of  that  University.  The  time  and  place  were 
appointed  that  he  should  be  brought  solemnly  into  St. 
Mary's  church  upon  a  Sunday;  where  a  great  number  of  the 
head  Doctors  and  Divines  and  others  of  the  University  were 


4IO  Mighty  audience  in  St.  Mary's  church,  [^'"^-g^ifs^e- 

together  assembled:  besides  a  great  multitude  of  citizens  and 
town  dwellers,  who  came  to  behold  the  sight.  Furthermore, 
because  that  solemnity  should  not  pass  without  some  effectual 
sermon  for  the  holding  up  of  the  mother  Church  of  Rome,  Dr. 
Smith,  Reader  then  of  the  Divinity  Lecture,  was  appointed 
to  make  the  sermon  at  this  recantation.  Briefly,  at  the 
preaching  of  this  sermon  there  was  assembled  a  mighty 
audience  of  all  sorts  and  degrees;  as  well  of  students  as 
others.  Few  almost  were  absent  who  loved  to  hear  or  see 
any  news  ;  insomuch  that  there  was  no  place  almost  in  the 
whole  church,  which  was  not  fully  replenished  with  concourse 
and  throng  of  people. 

All  things  thus  being  prepared  and  set  in  readiness,  cometh 
forth  poor  Malary  with  his  faggot  upon  his  shoulder.  Not 
long  after,  also,  proceedeth  the  Doctor  into  the  pulpit  to 
make  his  sermon;  the  purpose  and  argument  whereof  was 
wholly  upon  the  sacrament :  the  which  Doctor,  for  the 
more  confirmation  and  credit  to  his  words;  had  provided  the 
holy  catholic  cake  and  the  sacrament  of  the  altar,  there 
to  hang  by  a  string  before  him  in  the  pulpit.  Thus  the 
Doctor,  with  his  god-almighty,  entering  his  godly  sermon, 
had  scarce  proceeded  into  the  midst  thereof  (the  people 
giving  great  silence  with  all  reverence  unto  his  doctrine), 
but  suddenly  was  heard  in  the  church  the  voice  of  one 
crying  in  the  street,  "  Fire  !  fire !  "  The  party  who  thus 
cried  first  in  the  street,  was  called  Heuster. 

[The  occasion  of  this  exclamation  came  by  a  chimney  that 
was  on  fire  in  the  town,  wherein  the  fire,  having  taken  hold 
of  the  soot  and  dry  matter,  burned  out  at  the  top  of  the 
chimney  ;  and  so  caused  the  neighbours  to  make  an  outcry.] 

This  Heuster  coming  from  Allhallows  parish  saw  the 
chimney  on  fire,  and  so  passing  through  the  street  by  St. 
Mary's  church,  cried  "Fire!  fire!"  as  the  fashion  is  ;  meaning 
no  hurt. 

[Such  is  the  order  and  manner  amongst  the  Englishmen; 
much  diverse  and  contrary  to  that  which  is  used  among  the 
Germans.  For  whensoever  any  fire  happeneth  in  Germany,  by 
and  by,  the  bells  ringing  in  the  steeples  stir  up  the  people  to 
help.  Who  immediately  are  all  ready  in  armour ;  some  go  unto 
the  walls,  others  beset  the  ways,  and  the  residue  are  appointed 
to  quench  the  fire.     The  labour  is  diversely  divided  amongst 


^756^x^576:1  Fire!  Fire!     Where!  Where!    411 

them,  for  whilst  some  fetch  water  in  leather  buckets,  other 
some  cast  on  the  water,  some  climb  the  houses,  and  some  with 
hooks  pull  them  down ;  some  again  attend  and  keep  watch 
without,  riding  about  the  fields  :  so  that,  by  this  means,  there 
lacketh  neither  help  within,  neither  safeguard  without.  But 
the  like  is  not  used  here  in  England :  for  when  any  such 
thing  happeneth,  there  is  no  public  sign  or  token  given ;  but 
the  outcry  of  the  neighbours  doth  stir  up  all  the  others  to 
help.  There  is  no  public  or  civil  order  in  doing  of  things, 
neither  any  division  of  labour :  but  every  man,  running 
headlong  together,  catcheth  whatsoever  cometh  next  to  hand 
to  quench  the  fire.] 

This  sound  of  fire  being  heard  in  the  church,  first  of  them 
that  stood  outermost  next  to  the  church  door ;  so  increased 
and  went  from  one  to  another:  that  at  length  it  came  unto 
the  ears  of  the  Doctors,  and  at  last  to  the  Preacher  himself. 
Who,  as  soon  as  they  heard  the  matter,  being  amazed  with 
sudden  fear,  and  marvelling  what  the  matter  should  mean; 
began  to  look  up  into  the  top  of  the  church,  and  to  behold 
the  walls.  The  residue  seeing  them  look  up,  looked  up 
also.  Then  began  they,  in  the  midst  of  the  audience,  to  cry 
out  with  a  loud  voice,  "Fire!  fire!"  "Where?"  saith 
one  ;  **  Where  ?  "  saith  another.  **  In  the  church  ! "  saith 
one.  The  mention  of  the  church  was  scarcely  pronounced, 
when,  as  in  one  moment,  there  was  a  common  cry  amongst 
them,  "  The  church  is  on  fire  !  The  church  is  set  on  fire  by 
heretics !  "  &c.  And,  albeit  no  man  did  see  any  fire  at  all ; 
yet,  forasmuch  as  all  men  cried  out  so,  every  man  thought  it 
true  that  they  heard.  Then  was  there  such  fear,  concourse 
and  tumult  of  people  through  the  whole  church,  that  it 
cannot  be  declared  in  words,  as  it  was  indeed. 

And  as  in  a  great  fire  (where  fire  is  indeed),  we  see  many 
times  how  one  little  spark  giveth  matter  of  a  mighty  flame, 
setting  whole  stacks  and  piles  a  burning:  so  here,  upon  a 
small  occasion  of  one  man's  word,  kindled  first  a  general 
cry,  then  a  strong  opinion  running  in  every  man's  head 
within  the  church,  thinking  the  church  to  be  on  fire ;  where 
no  fire  was  at  all.  Thus  it  pleased  Almighty  GOD  to  delude 
these  deluders :  that  is,  that  these  great  Doctors  and  wise 
men  of  the  schools,  who  think  themselves  so  wise  in  GOD's 
matters  as  though  they  could  not  err ;  should  see,  by  their 


412     They  were  all  exceedingly  amazed.    [^Tsejii^s^a: 

own  senses  and  judgments,  how  blinded  and  infatuated  they 
were,  in  these  so  small  matters  and  sensible  trifles. 

Thus  this  strong  imagination  of  fire  being  fixed  in  their 
heads,  as  nothing  could  remove  them  to  think  contrary;  but 
that  the  church  was  on  fire :  so  everything  that  they  saw  or 
heard  increased  this  suspicion  in  them,  to  make  it  seem  most 
true  which  was  indeed  most  false.  The  first  and  chiefest 
occasion  that  augmented  this  suspicion,  was  the  heretic 
there  bearing  his  faggot :  which  gave  them  to  imagine  that  all 
other  heretics  had  conspired  with  him,  to  set  the  church 
on  fire. 

After  this,  through  the  rage  of  the  people,  and  running  to 
and  fro,  the  dust  was  so  raised,  that  it  showed  as  it  had  been 
the  smoke  of  fire  :  which  thing,  together  with  the  outcry  of 
the  people,  made  all  men  so  afraid;  that,  leaving  the  sermon, 
they  began  all  together  to  run  away.  But  such  was  the  press 
of  the  multitude  running  in  heaps  together ;  that  the  more 
they  laboured,  the  less  they  could  get  out.  For  while  they 
ran  all  headlong  unto  the  doors,  every  man  striving  to  get 
out  first ;  they  thrust  one  another  in  such  sort,  and  stuck  so 
fast:  that  neither  they  that  were  without  could  get  into  the 
church  again,  neither  they  that  were  within  could  get  out  by 
any  means.  So  then,  one  door  being  stopped,  they  ran  to 
another  little  wicket  on  the  north  side,  toward  the  college 
called  Brasennose,  thinking  so  to  pass  out.  But  there  again 
was  the  like  or  greater  throng.  So  the  people,  clustering  and 
thronging  together;  it  put  many  in  danger,  and  brought  many 
Much  hurt  unto  their  end,  by  bruising  of  their  bones  or  sides. 
fhrong"!""*  There  was  yet  another  door  towards  the  West, 
died'^SomTet  whlch  albclt  it  was  shut  and  seldom  opened ;  yet 
are  alive  whose  now  ran  they  to  it  with  such  sway,  that  the  great 
were  ther?^  bar  of  iron  (which  is  incredible  to  be  spoken)  being 
broken.  [1576.]  polled  out  and  broken  by  force  of  men's  hands : 
the  door,  notwithstanding,  could  not  be  opened  for  the  press 
or  multitude  of  people. 

At  last,  when  they  were  there  also  past  all  hope  to  get  out, 
then  they  were  all  exceedingly  amazed,  and  ran  up  and 
down :  crying  out  upon  the  heretics  who  had  conspired  their 
death.  The  more  they  ran  about  and  cried  out,  the  more 
smoke  and  dust  rose  in  the  church :  even  as  though  all  things 
had  now  been  on  a  flaming  fire.     I  think  there  was  never 


^'I'setSe']  None  cried  more  than  Dr.  Smith.  413 

such  a  tumultuous  hurlyburly  rising  so  of  nothing  heard  of 
before ;  nor  so  great  a  fear  where  was  no  cause  to  fear,  nor 
peril  at  all :  so  that  if  Democritus,  the  merry  philosopher, 
sitting  in  the  top  of  the  church,  and  seeing  all  things  in  such 
safety  as  they  were,  had  looked  down  upon  the  multitude, 
and  beholden  so  great  a  number,  some  howling  and  weeping, 
running  up  and  down,  and  playing  the  mad  men,  now  hither, 
now  thither,  as  being  tossed  to  and  fro  with  waves  or  tempests  ; 
trembling  and  quaking,  raging  and  faring,  without  any 
manifest  cause;  especially  if  he  had  seen  those  great  Rabbins, 
the  Doctors  laden  with  so  many  badges  or  cognisances  of 
wisdom,  so  foolishly  and  ridicuously  seeking  holes  and  corners 
to  hide  themselves  in  ;  gasping,  breathing  and  sweating,  and 
for  very  horror  being  almost  beside  themselves  :  I  think  he 
would  have  satisfied  himself  with  this  one  laughter  for  all 
his  lifetime ;  or  else  rather  would  have  laughed  his  heart  out 
of  his  belly,  whilst  one  said  that  he  plainly  heard  the  noise 
of  the  fire,  another  affirmed  that  he  saw  it  with  his  eyes, 
and  another  sware  that  he  felt  the  molten  lead  dropping 
down  upon  his  head  and  shoulders.  Such  is  the  force  of 
imagination,  when  it  is  once  grafted  in  men's  hearts  through 
fear. 

In  all  the  whole  company,  there  was  none  that  behaved 
himself  more  modestly  than  the  heretic  that  was  fhTmonk's***' 
there  to  do  penance  ;   who,  casting  his  faggot  off  head  was 
from  his  shoulders  upon  a  monk's  head  that  stood  thefaggTt. 
by,   kept  himself  quiet,  minding  to  take  such   part  as  the 
others  did. 

All  the  others,  being  careful  for  themselves,  never  made  an 
end  of  running  up  and  down  and  crying  out.  None  cried  out 
more  earnestly  than  the  Doctor  that  preached  (who  was,  as  I 
said.  Dr.  Smith),  who,  in  manner  first  of  all,  cried  out  in  the 
pulpit,  saying,  "  These  are  the  trains  and  subtleties  of  the 
heretics  against  me :  LORD  have  mercy  upon  me!  LORD  have 
mercy  upon  me !  "  But  might  not  GOD,  as  it  had  been  (to 
speak  with  Job)  out  of  a  whirlwind,  have  answered  Jobxi.  e. 
again  unto  this  preacher  thus  :  **  Thou  dost  now  implore  my 
mercy,  but  thou  thyself  showest  no  mercy  unto  thy  fellows 
and  brethren  !  How  doth  thy  flesh  tremble  now  at  the 
mention  of  fire  !  But  you  think  it  a  sport  to  burn  other  simple 
innocents  neither  do  ye  anything  at  all  regard  it.    If  burning 


414   Terror  of  the  melting  of  the  lead.    [^^V3Js°& 

and  to  suffer  a  torment  of  fire  seem  so  grievous  a  matter  unto 
you,  then  you  should  also  have  the  like  consideration  in  other 
men's  perils  and  dangers,  when  you  do  burn  your  fellows  and 
brethren  !  Or,  if  you  think  it  but  a  light  and  trifling  matter 
in  them,  go  to  now,  do  you  also  with  like  courage,  contemn, 
and  with  like  patience,  suffer  now  the  same  torments 
yourselves.  And  if  so  be  I  should  now  suffer  you  with  the 
whole  church,  to  be  burned  to  ashes,  what  other  thing  should 
I  do  unto  you  than  you  do  daily  unto  your  fellows  and 
brethren  ?  Wherefore,  since  you  so  little  esteem  the  death 
of  others,  be  now  content  that  other  men  should  also  little 
regard  the  death  of  you."  With  this,  I  say,  or  with  some 
other  like  answer,  if  that  either  GOD,  or  human  charity,  or 
the  common  sense  of  nature  would  expostulate  with  them ; 
yea  if  there  had  been  a  fire  indeed  (as  they  were  more  feared 
than  hurt),  who  would  have  doubted,  but  that  it  had  happened 
unto  them  according  to  their  deserts  ?  But  now,  worthy  it 
is  the  noting,  how  the  vain  fear  and  folly  of  those  Catholics 
either  were  deluded,  or  how  their  cruelty  was  reproved ; 
whereby  they,  being  better  taught  by  their  own  example, 
might  hereafter  learn  what  it  is  to  put  other  poor  men  to  the 
fire,  which  they  themselves  here  so  much  abhorred. 

But  to  return  again  to  the  description  of  this  pageant, 
wherein  (as  I  said  before)  there  was  no  danger  at  all ;  yet 
were  they  all  in  such  fear,  as  if  present  death  had  been  over 
their  heads.  In  all  this  great  maze  and  garboil,  there  was 
nothing  more  feared  than  the  melting  of  the  lead,  which 
many  affirmed  that  they  felt  dropping  upon  their  bodies. 
[For  almost  all  the  churches  in  England  are  covered  with 
lead,  like  as  in  Germany  they  are  for  the  most  part  tiled.] 

Now  in  this  sudden  terror  and  fear,  which  took  from  them 
all  reason  and  counsel  out  of  their  minds,  to  behold  what 
practices  and  sundry  shifts  every  man  made  for  himself  it; 
would  make  not  only  Democritus,  and  Heraclitus  also,  to 
laugh,  but  rather  a  horse  well  near  to  break  his  halter.  But 
none  used  themselves  more  ridiculously  than  such  as  seemed 
greatest  wise  men,  saving  that  in  one  or  two,  peradventure, 
somewhat  more  quietness  of  mind  appeared ;  among  whom 
was  one  Claymund,  President  of  Corpus  Christi  College 
(whom,  for  reverence  and  learning's  sake,  I  do  here  name), 
and  a  few  other  aged  persons  with  him ;  who,  for  their  age 


^'iVs-Se.]    ^    MONK    STUCK    FAST    IN    A    WINDOW.       415 

and  weakness,  durst  not  thrust  themselves  into  the  throng 
amongst  the  rest,  but  kneeled  down  quietly  before  the  high 
altar,  committing  themselves  and  their  lives  unto  the 
Sacrament. 

The  others,  who  were  younger  and  stronger,  ran  up  and 
down  through  the  press,  marvelling  at  the  incivility  of  men ; 
and  waxed  angry  with  the  unmannerly  multitude  that  would 
give  no  room  unto  the  Doctors,  Bachelors,  Masters,  and 
other  Graduates  and  Regent  Masters.  But  as  the  terror  and 
fear  was  common  unto  all  men,  so  was  there  no  difference 
made  of  persons  or  degrees ;  every  man  scrambling  for 
himself.  The  violet  cap,  or  purple  gown,  did  there  nothing 
avail  the  Doctor  ;  neither  the  Master's  hood,  nor  the  monk's 
cowl,  were  there  respected.  Yea,  if  the  King  or  Queen  had 
been  there  at  that  present  and  in  that  perplexity;  they  had 
been  no  better  than  a  common  man. 

After  they  had  long  striven  and  essayed  all  manner  of 
ways,  and  saw  no  remedy,  neither  by  force  nor  authority 
to  prevail :  they  fell  to  entreating  and  offering  of  rewards  ; 
one  offering  twenty  pounds  [of  good  money],  another  his 
scarlet  gown,  so  that  any  man  would  pull  him  out,  though  it 
were  by  the  ears  ! 

Some  stood  close  unto  the  pillars,  thinking  themselves  safe 
under  the  vaults  of  stone  from  the  dropping  of  the  lead : 
others,  being  without  money,  and  unprovided  of  all  shifts, 
knew  not  which  way  to  turn  them.  One,  being  a  President 
of  a  certain  College  (whose  name  I  need  not  here  to  utter), 
pulling  a  board  out  from  the  pews,  covered  his  head  and 
shoulders  therewith  against  the  scalding  lead;  which  they 
feared  much  more  than  the  fall  of  the  church.  Now  what  a 
laughter  would  this  have  ministered  unto  Democritus 
amongst  other  things,  to  behold  there  a  certain  grand 
paunch  ;  who,  seeing  the  doors  stopped  and  every  way  closed 
up,  thought,  by  another  compendious  means,  to  get  out  through 
a  glass  window,  if  it  might  be  by  any  shift  ?  But  here  the 
iron  grates  letted  [hindered]  him ;  notwithstanding  his  greedy 
mind  would  needs  attempt,  if  he  could  haply  bring  his 
purpose  to  pass.  When  he  had  broken  the  glass,  and  was 
come  to  the  space  between  the  grates  where  he  should  creep 
out ;  first  he  thrust  in  his  head  with  the  one  shoulder,  and  it 
went  through  well   enough.     Then  he  laboured  to  get  the 


4i6  They  all  stuck  in  the  doors.  [^Tsei-Se. 

other  shoulder  after;  but  there  was  a  great  labour  about  that, 
and  long  he  stuck  by  the  shoulders  with  much  ado ;  for  what 
doth  not  importune  labour  overcome  ?  Thus  far  forth  he 
was  now  gotten  ;  but,  by  what  part  of  his  body  he  did  stick 
fast,  I  am  not  certain,  neither  may  I  feign  :  forasmuch  as 
there  be  yet  witnesses  who  did  see  these  things,  who  would 
correct  me,  if  I  should  do  so.  Notwithstanding,  this  is  most 
certain,  that  he  did  stick  fast  between  the  grates,  and  could 
neither  get  out,  nor  in. 

Thus  this  good  man,  being  indeed  a  monk,  and  having  but 
short  hose ;  by  the  which  way  he  supposed  soonest  to  escape, 
by  the  same  he  fell  into  further  inconvenience,  making  of  one 
danger  two.  For,  if  the  fire  or  lead  had  fallen  on  the  outside, 
those  parts  which  did  hang  out  of  the  window  had  been  in 
danger ;  and,  contrariwise,  if  the  flame  had  raged  within  the 
church,  all  his  other  parts  had  lien  open  to  the  fire.  And  as 
this  man  did  stick  fast  in  the  window,  so  did  the  rest  stick  as 
fast  in  the  doors,  that  sooner  they  might  have  been  burned, 
than  they  could  once  stir  or  move  one  foot.  Through  the 
which  press,  at  last,  there  was  a  way  found,  that  some,  going 
over  their  heads,  gat  out. 

Here  also  happened  another  pageant  in  a  certain  monk 
(if  I  be  not  misadvised)  of  Gloucester  College,  whereat 
"pienoridet  Calphurnius  might  well  laugh  with  an  open 
ore!''''-Ho''iC^cE.  mouth.  So  it  happened,  that  there  was  a  young 
lad  in  this  tumult,  who,  seeing  the  doors  fast  stopped  with 
the  press  or  multitude,  and  that  he  had  not  way  to  get  out, 
climbed  up  upon  the  door ;  and  there,  staying  upon  the  top 
of  the  door,  was  forced  to  tarry  still :  for,  to  come  down  into 
the  church  again  he  durst  not  for  fear  of  the  fire,  and  to  leap 
down  toward  the  street  he  could  not  without  danger  of 
falling.  When  he  had  tarried  there  awhile,  he  advised 
himself  what  to  do ;  neither  did  occasion  want  to  serve  his 
purpose  :  for,  by  chance,  amongst  them  that  got  out  over 
men's  heads,  he  saw  a  monk,  coming  towards  him,  who  had 
a  great  wide  cowl  hanging  at  his  back.  This  the  boy  thought 
to  be  a  good  occasion  for  him  to  escape  by.  When  the  monk 
came  near  unto  him,  the  boy,  who  was  on  the  top  of  the  door, 
came  down,  and  prettily  conveyed  himself  into  the  monk's 
cowl ;  thinking  (as  it  came  to  pass  indeed)  that  if  the  monk 
did  escape,  he  should  also  get  out  with  him.     To  be  brief,  at 


^^sei-fsS    The  boy  in  the  monk's  cowl.     417 

last  the  monk  gat  out  over  men's  heads,  with  the  boy  in  his 
cowl,  and,  for  a  great  while,  felt  no  weight  or  burden. 

At  the  last,  when  he  was  somewhat  more  come  to  himself, 
and  did  shake  his  shoulders,  feeling  his  cowl  heavier  than  it 
was  accustomed  to  be,  and  also  hearing  the  voice  of  one 
speaking  behind  in  his  cowl ;  he  was  more  afraid  than  he  was 
before  when  he  was  in  the  throng:  thinking,  in  very  deed,  that 
the  evil  spirit  which  had  set  the  church  on  fire  had  flown  into 
his  cowl.  By  and  by  he  began  to  play  the  exorcist :  "  In  the 
name  of  GOD,"  said  he,  "  and  all  saints,  I  command  thee  to 
declare  what  thou  art,  that  art  behind  at  my  back !  "  To 
whom  the  boy  answered,  "  I  am  Bertram's  boy,"  said  he ; 
for  that  was  his  name.  "  But  I,"  said  the  monk,  "  adjure 
thee,  in  the  name  of  the  unseparable  Trinity,  that  thou, 
wicked  spirit !  do  tell  me  who  thou  art,  from  whence  thou 
comest,  and  that  thou  get  thee  hence  ! "  "I  am  Bertram's 
boy,"  said  he,  "  Good  Master  !  let  me  go !  "  and  with  that 
his  cowl  began,  with  the  weight,  to  crack  upon  his  shoulders. 
The  monk  when  he  perceived  the  matter;  took  the  boy  out, 
and  discharged  his  cowl.  The  boy  took  to  his  legs,  and  ran 
away  as  fast  as  he  could. 

Among  others,  one  wiser  than  the  rest  ran  with  the  church- 
door  key,  beating  upon  the  stone  walls;  thinking  therewith  to 
break  a  hole  through  to  escape  out. 

In  the  meantime  those  that  were  in  the  street,  looking 
diligently  about  them,  and  perceiving  all  things  to  be  without 
fear ;  marvelled  at  this  sudden  outrage,  and  made  signs  and 
tokens  to  them  that  were  in  the  church  to  keep  themselves 
quiet,  crying  to  them  that  there  was  no  danger. 

But,  forasmuch  as  no  word  could  be  heard  by  reason  of  the 
noise  that  was  within  the  church,  those  signs  made  them 
much  more  afraid  than  they  were  before,  interpreting  the 
matter  as  though  all  had  been  on  fire  without  the  church  ; 
and  for  the  dropping  of  the  lead  and  falling  of  other  things, 
they  should  rather  tarry  still  within  the  church,  and  not  to 
venture  out.  This  trouble  continued  in  this  manner  by  the 
space  of  certain  hours. 

The  next  day,  and  also  the  week  following,  there  was  an 
incredible  number  of  bills  [written  notices]  set  upon  the  church 
doors,  to  inquire  for  things  that  were  lost    in  such  variety 

2D  I 


41 8  Master  M alary  completes  his  penance.  [1:6,-1576. 

and  number,  as  Democritus  might  here  again  have  hai  just 
cause  to  laugh.  "  If  any  man  have  found  a  pair  of  shoes 
yesterday  in  St.  Mary's  Church,  or  knoweth  any  man  that 
hath  found  them,  &c."  Another  bill  was  set  up  for  a  gown 
that  was  lost.  Another  entreated  to  have  his  cap  restored. 
One  lost  his  purse  and  girdle,  with  certain  money ;  another 
his  sword.  One  inquireth  for  a  ring ;  and  one  for  one  thing, 
another  for  another.  To  be  short,  there  were  few  in  this 
garboil ;  but  that  either  through  negligence  lost,  or  through 
oblivion  left  something  behind  them. 

Thus  have  you  heard  a  tragical  story  of  a  terrible  fire 
which  did  no  hurt ;  the  description  whereof,  although  it  be 
not  so  perfectly  expressed  according  to  the  worthiness  of  the 
matter,  yet  because  it  was  not  to  be  passed  with  silence,  we 
have  superficially  set  forth  some  shadow  thereof:  whereby  the 
wise  and  discreet  may  sufficiently  consider  the  rest,  if  any 
thing  else  be  lacking  in  setting  forth  the  full  narration 
thereof. 

As  touching  the  heretic,  because  he  had  not  done  his 
sufficient  penance  there  by  occasion  of  this  hurlyburly; 
therefore  the  next  day  following  he  was  reclaimed  into  the 
Church  of  St.  Frideswide  [Christ  Church] ;  where  he  supplied 
the  rest  that  lacked  of  his  plenary  penance. 


-^Irr^i 


JIO      0)1 


The    Spoil 


of 


Antwerp. 

Faithfully    reported   by    a  \ 
true  Englishman^  who  was 
present  at  the  same, 

November     1576. 


Seen  and  allowed. 


Printed  at  London  by  Richard  Jones. 


i^-o    wi 


420 


[The  first  thing  here  is  to  settle  the  authorship  of  this  anonymous 
tract  ;  which  was  also  anonymously  entered  at  Stationers'  Hall, 
probably  from  political  reasons.  From  internal  evidence  at  pp.  435, 
441,  447,  it  is  clear  that  the  Writer  was  7iot  one  of  the  Fellowship  of 
the  English  Merchant  Adventurers  in  Antwerp  ;  but  was  an  English- 
man who  had  arrived  in  that  city  on  the  22nd  October  1576.  Who 
this  Writer  was  would  seem  to  be  clearly  settled  by  the  following 
extracts  from  documents  in  the  State  Paper  Office,  London. 

S.  P.  Foreign.     Eliz.     Vols.  139-140. 

915.  George  Gascoigne  to  Lord  Burghley. 

From  Paris,  15  September  1576. 

The  troubles  and  news  of  Flanders  have  set  all  the  soldiers 
of  this  realm  in  a  triumph.  .  .  . 

But  now  I  mean  to  become  an  eyed-witness  of  the  stir  in 
Flanders  ;  and  from  thence  your  honour  shall  shortly  (GOD 
willing)  hear  of  me. 

951.  George  Gascoigne  to  Lord  Burghley. 
From  Paris,  7  October  1576. 

Whereof  I  trust  shortly  to  understand  more,  for  to-morrow 
(GOD  willing)  I  go  towards  the  Low  Countries  ;  and  mean 
to  spend  a  month,  [or]  two,  or  three,  as  your  Honours  shall 
like,  in  those  parts. 

For  I  mean  to  spend  this  winter  (or  as  long  as  shall  be 
thought  meet)  in  service  of  my  country.  I  beseech  your 
Honour  to  confer  with  Master  Secretary  [Sir  Francis 
Walsingham]  who  can  more  at  large  make  you  privy  to 
my  intent. 

955.  Sir  A  MI  AS  Paulet,  Ambassador  for  England 

in  France,  to  Sir  Francis  Walsingham. 

From  Paris,  12  October  1576. 

Master  GASCOIGNE  is  departed  towards  Flanders  ;  having 
prayed  me  to  recommend  him  unto  you  by  my  letters, 
and  also  to  convey  these  letters  enclosed  unto  you. 


'^.'g  Nov^'i'sy'e;]  The  Spaniards  only  hold  four  towns.  421 

If  this  George  Gascoigne,  who,  as  his  handwriting  shows,  i«> 
doubtless  the  Soldier-Poet,  left  Paris  on  the  8th  October,  he  could 
very  well  have  come  to  Antwerp,  as  the  Writer  of  this  narrative  states, 
at  page  149,  he  did,  by  the  22nd  of  that  month. 

Gascoigne  the  Poet  was  a  very  tall  man,  so  that  he  was  called 
"long  George."  This  he  seems  to  refer  to  at  page  441  where  he  says, 
"  I  got  up  like  a  tall  fellow." 

For  further  confirmation  of  Gascoigne  being  the  Author,  see  pp.  435-7 

2.  The  best  Plan  of  Antwerp,  about  the  time  of  the  Spanish  Fury, 
that  we  have  met  with,  is  that  of  George  Braun's  Civitates  Orbis 
Terrarum,  Vol.  I.,  Plan  17. 

3.  All  the  dates  in  the  following  narrative  are  Old  Style. 

4.  It  is  to  be  specially  noted  that  Antwerp  was  a  Roman  Catholic 
city  that  had  never,  in  the  least  way  possible,  rebelled  against  Philip 
II.  ;  and  that  its  awful  destruction  was  made,  without  the  least  provoca- 
tion, by  the  soldiers  of  its  Sovereign,  that  should  have  protected  it.  Its 
only  crime  was  its  great  wealth.  5,000  merchants  met  in  its  Bourse,  or 
Exchange,  every  week.  It  was  then  the  Venice  of  the  North,  with  about 
125,000  inhabitants. 

The  following  extract  will  explain  the  general  position  of  affairs  in 
Flanders  about  this  time. 

S.  P.  Foreign.     EHz.     Vol.  140. 

1,021.  Dr  \Thomas\   Wilson  [Ambassador  for 

England  in  Flanders']  to  the  Privy  Council. 

19  November  1576, 

And  except  despair  drive  the  Prince  [of  Orange],  I  do 
not  think  that  ever  he  will  yield  that  to  [the  Duke  of 
Anjou,  the]  Monsieur  [of  France]  which  he  hath  in  his 
power  ;  being  now  in  better  case  since  these  late  troubles 
than  ever  he  was  before  :  having  Zierikzee  and  Haarlem 
again  ;  and  Tergoes  also,  which  he  never  had  before. 

There  are  in  the  Spaniards'  possession,  Antwerp  ;  Lierre, 
8  English  miles  from  thence ;  [Den]dermonde,  18  miles 
distant ;  and  Maestricht,  50  miles  distant ;  and  more  they 
have  not  in  their  power.  .  .  . 

The  States,  so  far  as  I  can  understand,  have  none  other 
intention,  but  that  the  Spaniards  may  be  sent  out  of  the 
country  ;  and  then  they  offer  to  live  in  all  obedience  to 
their  King  and  Sovereign.  The  Spaniards  will  not  depart 
except  the  King  expressly  command  them.  In  the  mean 
season,  they  do  mind  nothing  but  spoil  and  ravin.] 


422   H Eton's  letter  to  Walsangham.  [^o nov^S 


[5.  The  following  illustrative  documents,  now  in  the  State  Paper 
Office,  London,  carry  on  the  story  of  the  Spanish  Fury  to  a  some- 
what later  date. 

The  spelling  of  the  word  Gascon  is  so  important,  that  we  took 
the  opinion  of  several  experts  at  the  State  Paper  Office  upon  it.  They 
were  all  unanimous  that  the  word  is  written  GASCON,  and  not  GASTON 
as  printed  in  Volume  140  of  the  Calendar  of  those  Foreio;n  State 
Papers.  That  being  so  and  the  Christian  name  being  given  as  George  : 
it  is  clear  that  Thomas  Heton,  in  the  flurry  in  which  he  wrote  the 
Mejiiorial  from  the  Company,  wrote  GEORGE  GASCON  phonetically 
for  George  Gascoigne. 

6.  The  next  two  documents  are  the  letters  which  the  Soldier-Poet 
brought  to  England,  when  he  got  out  of  Antwerp  on  12th  November 
1576,  as  stated  at  page 

S.  P.  Foreign.     Eliz.     Vol.  140. 

1,009.    Thomas  Heton  to  Sir  Francis  Walsingham. 

From  Antwerp,  lo  November  1576. 

Right  Honourable,  the  3rd  of  this  month  the  States' 
men.  Horsemen  and  Footmen,  entered  this  town  with 
consent :  and  on  the  morrow,  which  was  Sunday  the  4th  of 
this  present,  the  Spaniards  with  certain  Almains,  out  of  the 
Castle,  entered  the  town  and  drave  away  the  States'  Power 
and  they  fled  as  they  could  :  the  town  [being]  put  to  sack, 
with  a  pitiful  slaughter  and  a  miserable  spoil. 

Our  House  [was]  entered  by  Twelve  Spaniards,  soldiers, 
who  put  me  and  the  rest  of  the  Company  in  great  fear. 
We  were  put  to  ransom  first  at  12,000  crowns ;  and  since  it 
it  is  grown  one  way  and  [an]other  to  3,000  more  :  and  what 
the  Company  have  lost,  that  had  their  chambers  and  pack- 
houses  in  the  town  in  burghers'  houses,  at  this  present, 
I  know  not ;  but  they  are  spoiled  of  all. 

In  the  name  of  the  Company  there  is  a  letter  written 
to  the  honourable  [Privy]  Council  of  our  state  \See  next 
document'\  most  humbly  beseeching  that  their  Honours 
would  be  a  mean[s]  for  us  to  Her  Majesty,  as  to  their 
Honours  in  this  case  they  shall  think  good. 

If  we  might  have  had  passport[s]  when  I  revuired  it, 
first   of  the    States,  then  of  Monsieur  [de]   ChampagneY 


.oNov"S.]  ^^^  English  Merchants'  Memorial.  423 

Governor  of  this  town,  and  after  of  the  Lords  of  this  tov/n, 
as  both  by  the  Intercourse  [of  1507]  and  Privileges  we  ought 
in  right  to  have  had ;  then  had  we  avoided  this  great  peril 
of  life  and  miserable  spoil  which  we  have  sustained. 

And  now  I  most  humbly  beseech  you  to  move  my  good 
Lords  that  some  [persons  and  money]  may  be  sent  over  for 
our  comfort,  that  we  may  be  permitted  to  pass  out  of  this 
town  in  person,  and  [also]  such  goods  as  we  have 
remaining.  For  in  this  town  we  shall  lack  both  victuals  and 
fuel ;  and  also  be  daily  in  fear  of  the  like  spoil  that  we  have 
sustained. 

And  thus,  what  for  the  great  peril  that  I  have  sustained, 
and  the  burden  and  charge  of  my  Office ;  I  must  crave 
pardon  though  my  writing  be  not  as  it  should  be. 

I  do  perceive  they  \the  Spaniards]  stand  here  in  doubt 
how  Her  Majesty  will  take  this  doing  to  us. 

The  Lord  send  me  and  my  wife  into  England,  if  it  be  his 
good  will. 

At  Antwerp,  the  loth  of  November  1576. 

Thomas  Heton. 

1,0 !0  The  Merchant  Adventurers  to  the  Privy  Council. 
From  Antwerp,  [10]  November  1576. 

Right  Honourable  our  good  and  gracious  Lords,  &c. 
In  all  humbleness  these  are  showing  to  your  Honours 
that  in  respect  of  the  troubles  all  over  this  country,  and 
especially  the  danger  in  this  town  of  Antwerp ;  such  of 
our  Society  as  are  here  remaining  did  purpose,  and  some 
attempted,  to  have,  in  due  time,  removed  from  this  place 
both  their  persons  and  goods ;  some  by  water  and  some 
by  land,  as  well  towards  England  as  for  Duchland  {^Germany.'] 
And  being  letted  {hindered]  of  their  purpose  and  attempts 
both  the  ways,  and  not  suffered  to  pass  their  goods  out 
of  this  town  ;  whereupon  [they]  sought  to  have  had  free 
passage  and  passport  here,  according  to  the  Intercourse 
and  Safe  Conduct. 

But  after  many  delays,  from  time  to  time;  the  3rd  day 
of  this  month,  our  requests  were  plainly  denied,  either 
to  be  granted,  or  by  writing  answered. 


424  The  humanity  of  George  Gascoigne.  [,o  nov^is??'. 

So  as,  the  4th  day,  we  are  fallen  into  great  peril  of  our 
lives  ;  divers  of  our  Company  being  hurt,  and  some  slain. 
And  by  sacking  of  this  town  ever  since,  we  are  not  only 
spoiled  of  our  money  and  goods  that  were  in  private  houses 
thereof;  but  also  we  are  further  forced,  for  ransom  and 
safeguard  of  our  persons  and  goods  within  the  principal 
House  of  our  residence  here,  to  answer  and  content  the 
Spanish  soldiers  and  others  who,  in  the  Fury,  entered  our 
said  House,  accounting  charges,  above  the  sum  of  ;^5,ooo 
Flemish. 

Towards  furniture  \^furnishing\  whereof,  we  have  been 
constrained  to  give  them  all  the  money  and  plate  that  was 
in  our  said  House ;  and  also  to  use  our  credit  for  so  much 
as  we  could  get  besides.  And  yet  all  accounted  and 
delivered  to  them  doth  not  discharge  the  one  half  of  the 
sum  ;  and  for  the  rest  we  have  given  them  Bills  payable 
at  a  month,  and  some  part  at  two  months :  so  as  now  we 
have  not  money  to  provide  for  our  needful  sustentation. 

Wherefore  we  most  humbly  beseech  your  good  Lordships 
aud  Honours,  of  your  accustomed  clemencies,  to  have 
compassion  upon  us ;  and  to  be  means  to  our  most  gracious 
Sovereign  Lady,  the  Queen's  Majesty,  that  speedy  order 
may  be  given  for  our  relief,  and  release  out  of  this  place : 
where  presently  \at  present]  -we  are  void  of  money  and 
credit ;  and  shortly  are  like[ly]  to  be  void  of  sustenance, 
and  not  able  to  get  it  for  money. 

The  discourse  of  these  tragedies  we  omit,  and  refer  the 
same  to  be  reported  to  your  Lordships  by  this  bringer. 
Master  George  Gascon  ;  whose  humanity,  in  this  time  of 
trouble,  we,  for  our  parts,  have  experimented. 

And  so  leaving  the  further  and  due  consideration  of  our 
case  unto  your  Right  Honourable  wisdoms  and  clemencies  ; 
we  beseech  Almighty  GOD  to  preserve  your  good  Lordships 
and  Honours  in  long  health  and  felicity. 

Written  at  Antwerp,  this  [loth]  day  of  November   1576, 
By  your  Lordships'  and  Honours' 
Most  bound  and  obedient, 
The  Governor  and  Fellowship  of  the 
English  Merchant  Adventurers  in  Antwerp, 

Thomas  Heton. 


'^gNovy'Sl   ^UR  Ambassador  talks  with  Rodas.    425 

7.  In  1602,  an  anonymously  written  Play,  based  on  this  Narrative, 
was  published  in  London,  under  the  title,  A  larum  for  London,  or 
the  Siege  of  Antwerp,  in  410. 

8.  Five  days  after  Gascoigne  got  out  of  Antwerp  ;  the  English 
Ambassador  was  there.  No  doubt  he  helped  our  Merchant  Adventurers 
in  their  dire  extremity. 

Jeronimo  De  Rodas,  or  Roda,  was  the  supreme  villain  in 
command  of  the  troops  that  had  sacked  the  town ;  as  Sancho 
d'Avila  was  in  charge  of  Antwerp  Castle.  Doctor  WiLSON  thus 
reports  a  conversation  that  he  had  with  RODAS  on  the  17th  November 
1576,  thirteen  days  after  the  massacre  began.  This  gives  us  the 
Spanish  view  of  the  matter ;  and  also  such  miserable  excuse  as  they 
could  possibly  offer  for  their  villany,  which  however  is  no  excuse  at  all. 

We  must  remember  that  it  would  be  the  Ambassador's  policy  to 
keep  fair  with  Rodas,  who  was  master  of  the  situation  for  the  moment. 

S.  P.  Foreign.     Eliz.     Vol.  140. 

1,021.  Dr  Thomas  Wilsoi^  to  the  Privy  Council. 

19  November  1576. 

And  now,  if  it  please  your  Honours,  I  am  to  declare 
my  coming  to  RODAS,  who  did  send  unto  me  a  Safe 
Conduct  for  me  and  mine,  upon  a  letter  that  I  did  write 
to  him  from  Ghent  the  loth  of  this  month:  and  the  17th 
of  the  same,  I  did  speak  with  him  ;  immediately  after  my 
coming  to  Antwerp. 

And,  delivering  my  Letters  of  Credit,  [I]  made  him 
acquainted  with  all  that  I  did  at  Brussels  ;  and  that  my 
coming  [to  Flanders]  was  for  the  King's  benefit  and  honour : 
assuring  him  that  if  either  the  Estates  would  alienate  this 
country  [of  Flanders]  to  any  foreign  Prince,  or  would  convert  it 
to  themselves  in  prejudice  of  the  King  [Philip  II.]  ;  Her 
Majesty  would  employ  all  her  force  to  withstand  such  attempts. 

These  speeches  he  liked  very  well :  and  was  persuaded, 
even  by  plain  demonstration  before  my  departure,  that 
my  coming  was  to  none  other  end  ;  as  it  was  not  indeed. 

Hereupon  he  declared  unto  me  at  large,  the  whole  doings 
at  Brussels,  the  Mutinies  made  by  the  Spaniards  at  Alost 
and  elsewhere  after  their  victory  had  at  Zierikzee ;  and 
blamed  greatly  the  young  heads  at  Brussels,  and  the  fury 
of  the  people  to  use  the  King's  Council,  and  to  break  up 
the  door  of  his  Palace,  in  such  sort  as  they  did :  \_Rodas 
was  very  nearly  made  prisoner  in  the  Palace  at  Brussels 


426  Dr  Wilson  remonstrates  with  Rodas.  [^9  noI^'xs"?; 

on  ^th  September  1376,  by  the  Seigneur  De  Heze-\  clearing 
the  Council  from  all  intention  of  evil  to  the  town,  or  people, 
of  Brussels ;  making  a  very  great  discourse  unto  me  of 
this  matter. 

"Well,"  quoth  I,  "you  are  well  revenged  of  the  people 
by  your  late  victory  here  in  Antwerp ;  which  hath  been 
very  bloody." 

"Can  you  blame  us?"  quoth  he.  "Is  it  not  natural  to 
withstand  force  with  force ;  and  to  kill  rather  than  to  be 
killed?  and  not  to  lose  the  King's  piece  committed  to  our 
charge?" 

All  this  I  granted  :  and  praised  the  Spaniards  for  their 
valiant  courage ;  that,  being  so  few,  could,  with  policy 
and  manhood,  overcome  so  many. 

"  But  now,"  quoth  I,  "  I  pray  you  give  me  leave  to  speak  a 
little.  After  you  were  lords  of  the  town — which  you  got 
wholly  and  quietly  within  two  hours  after  your  issuing 
forth — what  did  you  mean,  to  continue  still  killing,  without 
mercy,  people  of  all  sorts  that  did  bear  no  armour  at  all ; 
and  to  murder  them  in  their  houses  ?  to  fire  the  chiefest  and 
fairest  part  of  the  city,  after  you  were  in  full  and  quiet 
possession  of  all  ?  And  not  contented  to  spoil  the  whole 
town,  but  to  ransom  those  that  were  spoiled  ?  And  to  spare 
no  Nation  :  although  they  did  bear  no  arms  at  all ;  nor 
yet  were  dealers  in  any  practice  at  all  against  the  King's 
Ministers,  or  the  Spaniards?" 

His  answer  was.  That  the  fury  of  the  soldiers  could 
not  be  stayed  :  and  that  it  grieved  him  much  when  the  city 
was  on  fire  ;  and  [that  there]  was  no  sparing  to  kill,  when  all 
were  conquered.  The  soldiers  of  Alost  were  adventurers, 
had  no  Captains,  desperate  persons  :  and  would  not  be  ruled 
by  any  Proclamation  or  commandment  that  could  be  given 
or  made. 

"  Well,"  quoth  I,  "  if  the  Fury  could  not  be  stayed  ;  yet 
the  Ransoming  might  be  forbidden  ;  which  is  an  act  against 
the  Law  of  all  Nations."  And  therefore  I  required  him, 
in  the  name  of  the  Queen's  Majesty,  to  command  restitution 
to  be  m^de  to  the  English  Nation.  .  .  . 

To  conclude,  he  told  me,  That  he  would  be  glad  to  do 
what  he  might  for  restitution  ;  but  he  thought  it  would  be 
hard.     For  that  which  is  to  be  paid  with  Bills,  which  for  the 


^'^^^!°577-'\  Antwerp  citizens  not  allowed  to  arm.  427 

Company  amounteth  to  5,000  crowns,  at  the  month's  end  : 
the  same  [Bills],  he  saith,  shall  be  discharged  ;  and  the 
bonds  cancelled.  Further  he  hath  promised  to  grant  a  Safe 
Conduct  for  all  English  Merchants  to  go  (with  their  goods 
remaining,  ships,  and  merchandizes),  without  danger,  wither- 
soever they  will :  not  aiding,  or  abetting,  the  King's  enemies. 

9.  We  next  give  the  opinion  of  the  Sieur  De  Champagney  as  to  how 
the  massacre  came  about. 

In  the  following  January,  he  was  in  England  :  and  then  presented  a 
long  Memorial  in  French,  to  our  Privy  Council  ;  in  which  occurs  the 
following  reference  to  the  Spanish  Fury. 


S.  P.  Foreign.     Eliz.     Vol.  142. 

1,029.   The  Sieur  De  Chapagney's  Declaration. 

At  London,  in  January  1577. 

That  he  undertook  the  Government  of  Antwerp  most 
unwillingly,  at  the  express  desire  and  command  of  the  King 
of  Spain.  That,  during  his  Government,  he  did  all  in  his 
power  to  restrain  the  excesses  of  the  Spaniards  in  the 
Citadel  ;  so  far  as  to  incur  their  odium  and  hatred.  That  he 
was  unable  to  prevent  the  sack  of  the  town,  owing  to  the 
treachery  of  the  Almain  Colonels  [  Van  Einden  &c.]  of  the 
only  troops  under  his  command ;  who  would  not  suffer  the 
burghers  to  arm  in  their  defence. 

10.  Edward  Grimeston,  in  his  General  History  of  the  Netherlands 
to  1608  (which  is  mainly  based  on  J.  F.  Le  Petit's  C/zr<?«z^?^^,  printed  at 
Dordrecht  in  1601)  gives  the  following  account  of  the  destruction  of 
Antwerp  Castle,  which  had  been  built  by  the  Duke  of  Alva. 

The  inhabitants  of  Antwerp  being  still  in  fear,  by  reason 
of  their  Castle,  so  long  as  the  war  was  thus  wavering, 
fearing  they  should  be,  at  some  time,  again  surprised  (term- 
ing it  a  den  of  thieves,  an  invention  of  men  full  of  cruelty,  a 
nest  of  tyranny,  a  receptacle  of  all  filthy  villany  abomination 
and  wickedness)  obtained  leave  of  the  States  to  dismantle  it 
towards  the  town. 

The  which  the  burghers  began  the  28th  of  August  [1577], 


428    Antwerp  Castle  laid  open  town-ward.  [^^^.eS; 

with  such  spleen  as  there  was  neither  great  nor  small  (wives 
children,  gentlewomen,  and  burghers  ;  and  all  in  general)  but 
would  pull  down  a  piece  of  it ;  men,  women,  and  servants 
going  thither,  with  their  Ensigns  displayed,  having  many 
victuallers  on  the  plain  before  the  Castle  \the  Esplanade] ;  so 
as  it  seemed  a  camp.  And  although  the  masons'  work  was 
great,  strong,  and  thick ;  yet  were  they  not  long  in  beating 
it  down  on  that  side. 

Soon  after,  in  imitation  of  that  of  Antwerp,  followed  the 
dismantling  of  the  Castles  of  Ghent,  Utrecht,  Valenciennes, 
Bethune,  Lille,  Aire,  and  others ;  and  the  Citadel  of  Arras 
was  laid  open  towards  the  town. 


•a a  Hi*'^ 


429 


[The  following  Preface  occurs  in  the  Bodleian  copy  of  this  Tract.] 


To  the  Reader, 

Shall  earnestly  require  thee,  gentle  Reader, 
to  correct  the  errors  passed  and  escaped 
in  printing  of  this  pamphlet  according  to 
this  Table.^ 

And  furthermore  to  understand  that  this  victory 
was  obtained  with  loss  of  but  five  hundred  Spaniards, 
or  six  [hundred]  at  the  most  ;  of  whom  I  heard  no 
man  of  name  recounted  [as  killed]  saving  only  Don 
Emanuel. 

Thus  much,  for  haste,  I  had  forgotten  in  this  treaty 
\treatise\  ;  ajid  therefore  thought  meet  to  place  it  here 
in  the  beginning.  And  therewithal  to  advertise  thee, 
that  these  outrages  and  disordered  cruelties  done  to 
our  Nation  proceeded  but  from  the  common  soldiers  : 
neither  was  there  any  of  the  Twelve  which  entered  the 
English  House  [see  pp.  446,  447],  a  man  of  any  charge 
or  reputation.  So  that  I  hope,  these  extremities  not- 
withstanding, the  King  their  master  will  take  such 
good  order  for  redress  thereof  as  our  countrymen,  in 
the  end,  shall  rest  satisfied  with  reason  ;  and  the  amity 
between  our  most  gracious  Sovereign  and  him  shall 
remain  also  firm  and  unviolate  :  the  which  I  pray 
GOD  speedily  to  grant  for  the  benefit  of  this  realm. 
Amen. 

•  The  necessary  corrections  have  been  herein  made.  — E.  h. 


431 


The  Spoil  of  Antwerp. 


Ince  my  hap  was  to  be  present  at  so 
piteous  a  spectacle  as  the  Sacking  and 
Spoil  of  Antwerp,  a  lamentable  example 
which  hath  already  filled  all  Europe  with 
dreadful  news  of  great  calamity,  I  have 
thought  good,  for  the  benefit  of  my 
country,  to  publish  a  true  report  thereof. 
The  which  may  as  well  serve  for  profitable 
example  unto  all  estates  of  such  condition[s]  as  suffered  in  the 
same :  as  also  answer  all  honest  expectations  with  a  mean 
truth  set  down  between  the  extreme  surmises  of  sundry 
doubtful  minds ;  and  increased  by  the  manifold  light  tales 
which  have  been  engendered  by  fearful  or  affectionate 
\prejndiced\  rehearsals. 

And  therewithal  if  the  wickedness  used  in  the  said  town 
do  seem  unto  the  well  disposed  Reader,  a  sufficient  cause  of 
GOD's  so  just  a  scourge  and  plague ;  and  yet  the  fury  of  the 
vanquishers  do  also  seem  more  barbarous  and  cruel  than  may 
become  a  good  Christian  conqueror :  let  these  my  few  words 
become  a  forewarning  on  both  hands  ;  and  let  them  stand  as 
a  lantern  of  light  between  two  perilous  rocks ;  that  both 
amending  the  one,  and  detesting  the  other,  we  may  gather 
fire  out  of  the  flint  and  honey  out  of  the  thistle. 

To  that  end,  all  stories  and  Chronicles  are  written  ;  and 
to  that  end  I  presume  to  publish  this  Pamphlet ;  protesting 
that  neither  malice  to  the  one  side,  nor  partial  affection  to 
the  other,  shall  make  my  pen  to  swerve  any  iote  \^jot  or  iotd\ 
from  truth  of  that  which  I  will  set  down,  and  saw  executed. 
For  if  I  were  disposed  to  write  maliciously  against  the 
vanquishers  :  their  former  barbarous  cruelty,  insolences,  rapes, 
spoils,  incests,  and  sacrileges  committed  in  sundry  other 
places,  might  yield  me  sufficient  matter  without  the  lawful 
remembrance  of  this  their  late  Stratagem.     Or  if  I  would 


432  Mutiny  of  the  Spaniards  at  Antwerp.  [^5  Nov.lsys: 

undertake  to  move  a  general  compassion  by  blazing  abroad 
the  miseries  and  calamities  of  the  vanquished  :  their  long 
sustained  injuries  and  yokes  of  untollerable  bondage,  their 
continual  broils  in  war,  their  doubtful  dreads  in  peace,  their 
accusations  without  cause,  and  condemnations  without  proof, 
might  enable  a  dumb  stone  to  talk  of  their  troubles,  and 
fetch  brinish  tears  out  of  the  most  craggy  rock  to  lament  and 
bewail  the  burning  houses  of  so  near  neighbours. 

But  as  I  said  before,  mine  only  intent  is  to  set  down  a 
plain  truth,  for  the  satisfying  of  such  as  have  hitherto  been 
carried  about  with  doubtful  reports ;  and  for  a  profitable 
example  unto  all  such  as,  being  subject  to  like  imperfections, 
might  fall  thereby  into  the  like  calamities. 

And  to  make  the  matter  more  perspicuous  ;  I  must  derive 
the  beginning  of  this  Discourse  a  little  beyond  the  beginning 
of  the  Massacre :  that  the  cause  being  partially  opened,  the 
effect  may  be  the  more  plainly  seen. 

It  is  then  to  be  understood  that  the  Sacking  and  Spoil  of 
Antwerp  hath  been,  by  all  likelihood,  long  pretended 
\_designed'\  by  the  Spaniards :  and  that  they  have  done 
nothing  else  but  lie  in  wait  continually,  to  find  any  least 
quarrel  to  put  the  same  in  execution.  For  proof  whereof, 
their  notable  Rebellion  and  Mutiny  began  in  the  same  [city, 
on  26th  April  1574];  when  their  watch- word  was  Fiiova 
villiacco  !  [This  is  apparently  old  Spanish  for  Oitt  zvith  the 
townsfolk  f]  might  sufficiently  bewray  their  malicious  and 
cruel  intent.  And  though  it  were  then  smoothly  coloured 
over  \explained  azvaj]  and  subtilly  appeased  by  the  crafty 
devisers  of  the  same  :  yet  the  coals  of  the  choler,  being  but 
raked  up  in  the  embers  of  false  semblance,  have  now  found 
out  the  wicked  winds  of  wiliness  and  wrath ;  which  meeting 
together  have  kindled  such  a  flame  as  gave  open  way  to  their 
detestable  devices. 

For  the  Estates  of  the  Low  Countries,  being  over- wearied 
with  the  intolerable  burden  of  their  tyrannies ;  and  having 
taken  arms  to  withstand  their  malice  and  rebellious  mutinies  : 
the  town  of  Antwerp,  being  left  open  and  subject  unto  the 
Citadel,  did  yet  remain  quiet ;  and  entered  not  into  any 
martial  action. 


Nov°i576;]  The  Spaniards  try  to  starve  Antwerp.  433 


Whereat  the  Spaniards  (being  much  moved ;  and  having 
not  yet  opportunity  to  work  their  will  so  colourably  \ivith  a 
sufficient  pretence\  as  they  wished)  bestowed  certain  cannon 
shot  out  of  the  said  Castle,  and  slew  certain  innocent  souls  ; 
with  some  other  small  harm  and  damage  done  to  the  edifices  : 
thinking  thereby  to  harden  the  hearts  of  the  poor  Flemings, 
and  to  make  them  take  arms  for  their  just  defence ;  whiles 
they  thereby  might  take  occasion  to  execute  their  unjust 
pretence.  And  this  was  done  on  the  19th,  or  20th,  of  October 
[1576]  last. 

Now  to  answer  all  objections  ;  I  doubt  not  but  it  will  be 
alleged  that  the  Castle  bestowed  the  said  cannon  shot  at  the 
town  ;  because  they  of  the  town  did  not  shoot  at  the  Prince 
of  Orange's  ships,  which  lay  within  sight  thereof:  but  alas 
it  is  easy  to  find  a  staff  when  a  man  would  beat  a  dog. 

For  the  truth  is,  that  those  ships  did  no  greater  hurt  either 
to  the  town  or  Castle  than  friendly  to  waft  up  \convoy\  all 
manner  of  grain  and  victuals  for  the  sustenance  of  the  said 
town :  which  even  then  began  to  want  such  provisions  by 
reason  that  the  said  Spaniards  had  built  a  Fort  on  [the] 
Flanders  side  upon  the  same  river  \the  Scheldt\ ;  and  thereby 
stopped  all  such  as  brought  victual  to  the  said  town  ;  burning 
and  destroying  the  country  near  adjoining,  and  using  all 
terror  to  the  poor  people,  to  the  intent  that  Antwerp  might 
lack  provision[s]. 

And  about  the  same  time  also,  the  Spaniards  cut  off  a 
bridge,  which  was  the  open  passage  between  Antwerp  and 
Machlen  \^M.alines\  at  a  village  called  Walem  [  Waelheni^  A 
manifest  proof  of  their  plain  intent  to  distress  the  said  town, 
and  to  shut  up  the  same  from  the  rest  of  Brabant :  since  they 
were  walled  in  with  the  river  on  the  one  side ;  and  on  that 
other  the  Spanish  horsemen  occupied  all  the  country,  and  so 
terrified  the  poor  people  as  they  durst  not  bring  their 
commodities  to  the  same. 

All  this  notwithstanding,  the  chief  rulers  of  the  said  town 
of  Antwerp  appeased  the  people ;  and  put  up  [with]  these 
injuries  until  they  might  be  better  able  to  redress  them. 

Soon  after,  the  Spaniards,  assisted  by  the  treason  of  certain 

2  E  I 


434  Estates  send  4,000  men  to  Antwerp,  [fj  Nov^Se: 

High  Duches  [Germans],  entered  the  town  of  Maestricht 
upon  a  sudden  ;  and  put  the  same  to  sack  :  kilHng  and 
destroying  great  numbers  of  innocent  people  therein.  A 
thing  to  be  noted.  For  that  Maestricht  had  never  revolted  ; 
but  stood  quiet  under  their  garrisons,  as  faithful  subjects  to 
their  King  [PHILIP  II]:  and  the  one  half  thereof  pertained 
also  unto  the  Bishop  of  LlEGE,  who  had  yet  meddled  nothing 
at  all  in  these  actions. 

The  chief  rulers  and  people  of  Antwerp  (perceiving  thereby 
the  cruel  intent  of  the  Spaniards ;  and  doubting  [fearin/] 
their  Duche  [German]  garrison,  which  was  of  the  Count 
Oberstein's  Regiment,  as  they  were  also  which  betrayed 
Maestricht)  began  to  abandon  the  town,  leaving  their  houses 
and  goods  behind  them  ;  and  sought  to  withdraw  themselves 
into  some  place  of  safer  abode. 

Whereat  the  Estates,  being  moved  with  compassion,  and 
doubting  that  the  town  would  shortly  be  left  desolate,  levied 
a  Power  of  3,000  Footmen  and  800  or  1,000  Horsemen 
[mostly  Walloons  and  Germans]  ;  and  sent  the  same,  under 
the  conduct  of  the  Marquis  D'HAVRfi,  the  young  Count 
[Philip]  d'Egmont,  Monsieur  DE  Capres,  Monsieur  DE 
Berselle  [or  Berselen],  Monsieur  DE  Gogines,  and  other 
Nobles  and  Gentlemen,  to  succour  and  defend  the  town  of  Ant- 
werp against  the  cruel  pretence  [designs]  of  the  said  Spaniards. 

And  they  came  before  the  Gates  thereof,  on  Friday  the 
2nd  of  this  instant  [November  1576],  at  a  Port  on  the  east 
or  south-east  side  thereof,  called  Kipdorp  Port.  Whereat 
the  Spaniards,  being  enraged,  discharged  sundry  shot  of 
great  artillery  from  the  Castle  ;  but  to  small  purpose. 

At  last.  Monsieur  [Fr£d£ric  Perrenot,  Sieur]  DE 
Champagney,  who  was  Governor  of  the  town,  and  the  Count 
Oberstein,  which  was  Colonel  of  the  garrison,  demanded 
of  the  States'  [troops].  Wherefore  they  approached  the  town 
in  such  order  ? 

Who  answered.  That  they  came  to  enter  the  same  as 
friends,  and  to  entrench  and  defend  it  from  the  Spaniards : 
protesting  further.  That  they  would  offer  no  manner  of 
violent  damage  or  injury  to  the  persons  or  goods  of  any  such 
as  inhabited  the  same. 

Hereupon  the  said  Monsieur  [the  Sieur]  DE  CHAMPAGNEY 


Nov.°fe6;]  The  Writer  at  Antwerp  on  22  Oct.  435 


and  Count  Oberstein  went  out  unto  them,  and  conferred 
more  privately  together  by  the  space  of  one  hour:  and 
returned  into  the  town,  leaving  the  Estates'  Power  at  a 
village  called  Borgherhout. 

On  the  morrow,  being  the  3rd  of  this  instant  [November 
1576],  they  were  permitted  to  enter,  and  came  into  the  town  : 
21  Ensigns  of  Footmen  and  6  Cornets  of  Horsemen. 

Immediately  after  their  entry,  the  inhabitants  brought 
them  sacks  of  wool  and  other  such  provision  ;  wherewith 
they  approached  the  Yard  or  plain  ground  which  lieth  before 
the  Castle :  and,  placing  the  same  at  the  ends  of  five  streets 
which  lie  open  unto  the  said  Castle  Yard  \Espianade\ 
entrenched  under  them  with  such  expedition  that  in  less 
than  five  hours  those  streets'  ends  were  all  reasonably  well 
fortified  from  the  Castle,  for  any  sudden  [attack]. 

At  this  time  and  twelve  days  before  \i.e.  from  22nd 
October  1576],  I  was  in  the  said  town  of  Antwerp,  upon 
certain  private  affairs  of  mine  own  ;  so  that  I  was  enforced 
to  become  an  eyed-witness  [see  page  420]  of  their  Entry  \i.e. 
of  tJie  States'  troops]  and  all  that  they  did  :  as  also  afterwards 
— for  all  the  Gates  were  kept  fast  shut,  and  I  could  not 
depart — to  behold  the  pitiful  Stratagem  which  followed. 

The  Castle  thundered  with  shot  at  the  town :  but  it  was  a 
very  misty  day  ;  so  that  they  could  neither  find  their  marks 
very  well,  not  yet  see  how  the  streets'  ends  were  entrenched. 

It  was  a  strange  thing  to  see  the  willingness  of  the  in- 
habitants, and  how  soon  many  hands  had  despatched  a 
very  great  piece  of  work.  For,  before  midnight,  they  had 
made  the  trenches  as  high  as  the  length  of  a  pike  ;  and 
had  begun  one  trench  for  a  Counterskarf  \_Con9iterscarp'\ 
between  all  those  streets  and  the  Castle  Yard  :  the  which 
they  perfected  unto  the  half  way  from  St  George's  Church- 
yard unto  the  water's  side  by  St  Michael's ;  and  there 
left  from  work,  meaning  to  have  perfected  it  the  next 
day. 

That  Counterscarf  had  been  to  much  purpose,  if  it  had 
been  finished :  as  shall  appear  by  a  Model  [Plait]  of  the 
whole  place  which  I  have  annexed  to  this  treaty  \treatise] ;  by 


436   Spaniards  concentrate  on  Antwerp,  [fj  nov.Is"*: 

view  whereof  the  skillful  Reader  may  plainly  perceive  the 
execution  of  every  particularity.* 

These  things  thus  begun  and  set  in  forwardness ;  it  is 
to  be  noted  that  the  Spaniards  (having  intelligence  of  the 
States'  Power,  when  it  set  forward  from  Brussels  ;  and  per- 
ceiving that  it  bent  towards  Antwerp)  had  sent  to  Maes- 
tricht,  Lierre,  and  Alost  to  draw  all  the  Power  that  could  be 
made,  unto  the  Castle  of  Antwerp.  So  that  on  Sunday,  the 
4th  of  this  instant  [November  1576],  in  the  morning,  they  all 
met  at  the  said  Castle.  And  their  Powers,  as  far  as  I  could 
gather,  were  these : 

There  came  from  Maestricht,  very  near  to  1,000  Horsemen, 
led  by  Alonzo  de  Vargas  who  is  the  General  of  the 
Horsemen  ;  and  500  Footmen  or  more,  governed  by  the 
Camp  Master,  FRANCESCO  DE  Valdez. 

There  came  from  Lierre,  500  Footmen  or  more,  governed 
by  the  Camp  Master,  Juliano  de  Romero. 

There  came  from  Alost,  2,000  Footmen,  which  were  the 
same  that  rebelled  for  their  pay  and  other  unreasonable 
demands,  immediately  after  the  Winning  of  Zierikzee  [_/.  de 
RoDAs,  at  page  426,  states  that  these  2,000  soldiers  were 
"  desperate  men."]  These  had  none  other  conductor  than 
their  Electa  [or  Eletto,  i.e.,  their  elected  Chief ;  at  this  time  a 
man  named Navarette],  after  the  manner  of  such  as  mutiny 
and  rebel :  but  were  of  sundry  Companies,  as  Don 
Emanuel's,  and  others.  Nevertheless  I  have  been  so  bold 
in  the  Model  \^Plan'\  as  to  set  down  the  said  Don  EMANUEL 
for  their  leader:  both  because  I  think  that,  their  mutiny 
notwithstanding,  he  led  them  at  the  exploit ;  and  also 
because  he  was  sl:\in  amongst  them  at  their  entry. 

Thus  the  number  of  [the]  Spaniards  was  4,000  or  there- 
abouts ;  besides  some  help  that  they  had  of  the  garrison 
within  the  Cattle.  And  besides,  1,000  High  Almains 
\^Germa7is'\  or  more  ;  which  came  from  Maestricht,  Lierre,  and 
those  parts.     And  they  were   of  three  sundry  Regiments: 

*  This  Plan  of  Antwerp  at  the  time  ot  the  Spanish  Fury,  drawn  up 
from  the  instructions  of  GEORGE  Gascoigne,  is  wanting  in  every  copy 
of  this  Narrative  that  we  have  met  with.  We  have  strenuously  searched 
for  it  in  every  direction  ;  but  without  success.  Its  disappearance  is  a 
great  loss. —  E.A. 


jNov°il76']  Spaniards  come  to  Antwerp  Castle.   437 

Charles  Fugger's,  Polwiller's,  and  Frondsberger's  : 
but  they  were  led  all  by  CHARLES  FuGGER.  So  that  the 
whole  force  of  the  Spaniards  and  their  complices  was 
5,000  and  upwards. 

The  which  assembled  and  met  at  the  Castle,  on  the  said 
4th  day  [of  November  1576],  about  ten  of  the  clock  before 
dinner :  and,  as  I  have  heard  credibly  reported,  would 
neither  stay  to  refresh  themselves,  having  marched  all  night 
and  the  day  before ;  nor  yet  to  confer  of  anything  but  only 
of  the  order  how  they  should  issue  and  assail :  protesting 
and  vowing  neither  to  eat  nor  drink  until  they  might  eat  and 
drink  at  liberty  and  pleasure  in  Antwerp :  the  which  vow 
they  performed,  contrary  to  all  men's  reason  and  expectation. 

Their  order  of  entry  into  the  Castle  Yard  \Esplanade\  and 
their  approach  to  the  trenches  I  did  not  see  :  for  I  could  not 
get  out  of  the  town ;  neither  did  I  think  it  reasonable  to  be 
Hospes  in  aliena  repiiblica  ciiriosiis. 

Yet,  as  I  heard  it  rehearsed  by  sundry  of  themselves,  I 
will  also  here  rehearse  it  for  a  truth  : 

The  Horsemen  and  Footmen  which  came  from  Maes- 
tricht  and  Lierre,  came  through  a  village  on  the  east  side  of 
the  town  called  Borgerhout  about  ten  of  the  clock  before 
noon,  as  beforesaid.  The  Governor  and  Estates,  being 
thereof  advertised,  sent  out  presently  part  of  their  Horsemen 
and  Footmen  to  discover  and  take  knowledge  of  them.  But 
before  they  could  issue  out  of  the  Gates,  the  Spaniards  were 
passed  on  the  south-east  side  of  the  town  ditch,  and  entered 
at  a  Gate  which  standeth  on  the  Counterscarf  of  the  Castle 
Yard  \Esplanade\  called  the  Windmill  Port.  There 
entered  the  Horsemen  and  all  the  Footmen ;  saving  the 
High  Almains  \Germans\  who  marched  round  about  the 
Castle,  by  a  village  called  Kiel ;  and,  trailing  their  pikes 
on  the  ground  after  them,  came  in  at  a  small  Postern  on 
the  Brayes  by  the  river,  and  on  the  west  side  of  the  Castle. 

Those  which  came  from  Alost,  came  through  the  said 
village  called  Kiel,  and  so,  through  the  Castle,  [and]  issued 
out  of  the  same  at  the  Fore  Gate,  which  standeth  towards 
the  town. 

Being  thus  passed,  and  entered  into  the  Castle  Yard, 
about  eleven  of  the  clock ;  they  of  Alost  and  of  the  Castle 


43S  The  Spaniards  attack  the  Trenches.  [^5  n^v.°'4"6: 

cast  themselves  into  four  Squadrons  ;  they  of  Maestricht  and 
Lierre  into  two  Squadrons,  and  their  Horsemen  into  a  Troop 
behind  them  ;  and  the  High  Almains  [Gennans]  into  a 
Squadron  or  BattaHon  by  the  river's  side. 

Being  thus  ordered,  and  appointment  given  where  every 
Squadron  should  charge  and  endure ;  they  cast  off  certain 
Loose  Shot  [Skhvnzs/ters]  from  every  Squadron,  and  attacked 
the  Scarmouch  [  ?  Piqiiet\.  The  which  continued  not  one 
hour  ;  before  they  drew  their  Squadrons  so  near  unto  the 
Counterscarf  and  Trenches,  that  they  brake  and  charged 
pell  mell. 

The  Castle  had,  all  this  while,  played  at  the  town  and 
trenches  with  thundering  shot :  but  now,  upon  a  signal  given, 
ceased  to  shoot  any  more,  for  fear  to  hurt  their  own  men  ; 
wherein  I  noted  their  good  order,  which  wanted  no  direction, 
in  their  greatest  fury. 

The  Walloons  and  Almains  \Germa7is\  which  served  in  the 
Trenches,  defended  all  this  while  very  stoutly.  And  the 
Spaniards  with  their  Almains  continued  the  charge  with 
such  valour,  that  in  fine  they  won  the  Counterscarf,  and 
presently  scaled  the  Trenches  with  great  fury.  The 
Walloons  and  Almains,  having  long  resisted  without  any 
fresh  relief  or  supply,  many  of  them  in  this  meanwhile 
being  slain  and  hurt,  were  not  able  any  longer  to  repulse  the 
Spaniards  :  so  that  they  entered  the  Trenches  about  twelve 
of  the  clock,  and  presently  pursued  their  victory  down  every 
street. 

In  their  chase,  as  fast  as  they  gained  any  cross  street,  they 
flanked  the  same  with  their  Musquet[eer]s  until  they  saw  no 
longer  resistance  of  any  Power ;  and  they  proceeded  in 
chase,  executing  all  such  as  they  overtook.  In  this  good 
order  they  charged  and  entered  ;  in  this  good  order  they 
proceeded  ;  and  in  as  good  order,  their  lackays  and  pages 
followed  with  firebrands  and  wild  fire,  setting  the  houses  on 
fire  in  every  place  where  their  masters  had  entered. 

The  Walloons  and  Almains  which  were  to  defend  the 
town  \beiiig  chiefly  those  commanded  by  the  Marquis  d'HAVH^] 
being  grown  into  some  security  by  reason  that  their  Trenches 
were  so  high  as  seemed  invincible ;  and,  lacking  sufficient 
generals  or  directors,  were  found  as  far  out  of  order  as  the 


Snov^SJ  The  base  treachery  of  Einden's  men.  439 

Spaniards  were  to  be  honoured  for  the  good  order  and  direc- 
tion which  they  kept. 

For  those  which  came  to  supply  and  relieve  the  Trenches 
came  straggling  and  loose.  Some  came  from  the  furthest 
side  of  the  town.  Some,  that  were  nearer,  came  very 
fearfully !  and  many,  out  of  their  lodgings,  from  drinking 
and  carousing ;  who  would  scarcely  believe  that  any 
conflict  was  begun,  when  the  Spaniards  now  met  them  in 
the  streets  to  put  them  out  of  doubt  that  they  dallied 
not. 

To  conclude,  their  carelessness  and  lack  of  foresight  was 
such  that  they  never  had  a  Corps  du  Gard  [Block  House]  to 
supply  and  relieve  their  Trenches  ;  but  only  one  in  the 
Market  Place  of  the  town,  which  was  a  good  quarter  of  a 
mile  from  their  fortifications  :  and  that  also  was  of  Almains 
[Germans  commanded  by  that  double-dyed  traitor  Cornelis 
Van  EiNDEN,  or  Van  Ende\  ;  who,  when  they  spied  the 
Spaniards,  did  gently  kneel  down,  letting  their  pikes  fall, 
and  crying,  O  Hebe  Spaniarden  !  O  Hebe  Spaniarden  !  ["  O 
dear  Spaniards  !  "  That  is,  Van  Einden  traitorously  joined 
with  the  invading  Spaniards^ 

Now  I  have  set  down  the  order  of  their  entry,  approach, 
charge,  and  assault,  together  with  their  proceeding  in  victory; 
and  that  by  credible  report,  both  of  the  Spaniards  them- 
selves and  of  others  who  served  in  their  company  :  let  me 
also  say  a  little  of  that  which  I  saw  executed. 

I  was  lodged  in  the  English  House,  ut  supra :  and  had 
not  gone  abroad  that  morning  by  reason  of  weighty  business 
which  I  had  in  hand  the  same  day.  At  dinner  time  \which 
was  then  about  1 1  a.m.\  the  Merchantmen  of  my  country, 
which  came  out  of  the  town  and  dined  in  my  chamber, 
told  me.  That  a  hot  scarmouch  [skirmislil  was  begun  in 
the  Castle  Yard,  and  that  the  fury  thereof  still  increased. 
About  the  midst  of  dinner,  news  came.  That  the  shot  was 
so  thick,  as  neither  ground,  houses,  nor  people  could  be 
discerned  for  the  smoke  thereof:  and  before  dinner  were 
fully  ended.  That  the  Spaniards  were  like[ly]  to  win  the 
Trenches. 

Whereat  I  stept  from  the  table,  and  went  hastily  up  into 


( 


liNIVEf^SiT 


440   The  Writer  beyond  the  Exchange,   [f^  nov.°S6: 

a  high  tower  of  the  said  English  House :  from  whence  I 
might  discover  fire  in  four  or  five  places  of  the  town 
towards  the  Castle  Yard  ;  and  thereby  I  was  well  assured 
that  the  Spaniards  indeed  were  entered  within  the  Trenches. 

So  that  I  came  down,  and  took  my  cloak  and  sword,  to 
see  the  certainty  thereof:  and  as  I  passed  towards  the  Bourse 
[Exc/ia7i£-e]  I  met  many ;  but  I  overtook  none.  And  those 
which  I  met  were  no  townsmen,  but  soldiers  ;  nether  walked 
they  as  men  which  use  traffic,  but  ran  as  men  which  are  in 
fear. 

Whereat,  being  somewhat  grieved,  and  seeing  the  towns- 
men stand  every  man  before  his  door  with  such  weapons 
as  they  had  ;  I  demanded  of  one  of  them.  What  it  meant  ? 

Who  answered  me  in  these  words,  Helas,  Mojisieur,  it 
n'y  a  pomt  d'ordre ;  et  voila  la  mine  de  cette  ville  I  [Alas, 
Sir,  there  is  no  order ;  and  behold  the  ruin  of  this 
town  !  ] 

Ayez  courage,  mon  ami!  [Have  courage,  my  friend!], 
quoth  I  ;  and  so  went  onwards  yet  towards  the  Bourse  : 
meeting  all  the  way  more  and  more  [of  those]  which  mended 
their  pace. 

At  last,  a  Walloon  Trumpeter  on  horseback,  who  seemed 
to  be  but  a  boy  of  years,  drew  his  sword,  and  laid  about 
him,  crying  Oit  est  ce  que  vous  enfuyez,  canaille  ?  Faisons 
iete,  pour  I'honeur  de  la  patrie  !  [Where  are  you  flying  to, 
rascals  ?  Make  head,  for  the  honour  of  our  country  !  ] 
Wherewith  fifty  or  threescore  of  them  turned  head,  and 
went  backwards  towards  the  Bourse. 

The  which  encouraged  me,  par  compagnie,  to  proceed. 

But  alas,  this  comfort  endured  but  a  while.  For  by  that 
time  I  came  on  the  farther  side  of  the  Bourse,  I  might 
see  a  great  troop  coming  in  greater  haste,  with  their  heads 
as  close  together  as  a  school  of  young  fry  or  a  flock  of 
sheep  ;  who  met  me,  on  the  farther  side  of  the  Bourse, 
towards  the  Market  Place  :  and,  having  their  leaders  fore- 
most (for  I  knew  them  by  their  javelins,  boar  spears,  and 
staves),  [they]  bare  me  over  backwards  ;  and  ran  over  my 
belly  and  my  face,  [a]  long  time  before  I  could  recover  on 
foot. 

At  last,  when  I  was  up,  I  looked  on  every  side,  and 
seeing  them  run  so  fast,  began  thus  to  bethink  me,  "  What, 


Nov°S6:]  The  GATE  OF  THE  English  House  shut.  441 


G.  r.ascoigne. 
25 


in  God's  name,  do  I  hear?  which  have  no  interest  in 
this  action  ;  since  they  who  came  to  defend  this  town 
are  content  to  leave  it  at  large,  and  shift  for  themselves." 

And  whilst  I  stood  thus  musing,  another  flock  of 
flyers  came  so  fast  that  they  bare  me  on  my  nose,  and 
ran  as  many  over  my  back,  as  erst  had  marched  over  my 
stomach.  In  fine,  I  got  up  like  a  tall  fellow ;  and  went 
with  them  for  company  :  but  their  haste  was  such  as  I 
could  never  overtake  them  until  I  came  at  a  broad  cross 
street,  which  lieth  between  the  English  House  and  the 
said  Bourse. 

There  I  overtook  some  of  them  grovelling  on  the 
ground,  and  groaning  for  the  last  gasp  ;  and  some  others 
which  turned  backwards  to  avoid  the  tickling  of  the 
Spanish  Musquets  \_Musketeers\  :  who  had  gotten  the  ends 
of  the  said  broad  cross  street,  and  flanked  it  both  ways. 
And  there  I  stayed  a  while  till,  hearing  the  shot  increase 
and  fearing  to  be  surprised  with  such  as  might  follow 
in  tail  of  us  ;  I  gave  adventure  to  pass  through  the  said 
cross  street :  and,  without  vaunt  be  it  spoken,  passed 
through  five  hundred  shots  before  I  could  recover  the 
English  House. 

At  my  coming  thither,  I  found  many  of  the  Merchants 
standing  before  the  gate :  whom  I  would  not  dis- 
comfort nor  dismay  but  said,  That  the  Spaniards  had 
once  entered  the  town,  and  that  I  hoped  they  were  gone 
back  again. 

Nevertheless  I  went  to  the  Governor  :  and  privily  per- 
suaded him  to  draw  in  the  company  ;  and  to  shut  up  the 
gates. 

The  which  he  consented  unto  :  and  desired  me,  because 
I  was  somewhat  better  acquainted  with  such  matters  than 
the  Merchants,  to  take  charge  of  the  key. 

I  took  it  willingly,  but  before  I  could  well  shut  and  bar 
the  gate,  the  Spaniards  were  now  come  forwards  into  the 
same  street ;  and  passing  by  the  door,  called  to  come 
in  ;  bestowing  five  or  six  musquet  shot  at  the  gate, 
where  I  answered  them  ;  whereof  one  came  very  near  my 
nose,  and  piercing  through  the  gate,  strake  one  of  the 
Merchants  on  the  head,  without  any  great   or   dangerous 


442  Antwerp  entered  and  won  in  3  hours,  [fj  nov°^=5"6: 

hurt  But  the  heat  of  the  pursuit  was  yet  such,  that 
they  could  not  attend  the  spoil  ;  but  passed  on  in 
chase  to  the  New  Town,  where  they  slew  infinite 
numbers  of  people  :  and,  by  three  of  the  clock,  or  before, 
returned  victors ;  having  slain,  or  put  to  flight,  all  their 
enemies. 

And  now,  to  keep  promise  and  to  speak  without  par- 
tiality, I  must  needs  confess  that  it  was  the  greatest 
victory,  and  the  roundliest  executed,  that  hath  been  seen, 
read,  or  heard  of,  in  our  Age  :  and  that  it  was  a  thing 
miraculous  to  consider  how  Trenches  of  such  a  height 
should  be  entered,  passed  over,  and  won,  both  by  Footmen 
and  Horsemen. 

For  immediately  after  that  the  Footmen  were  gotten 
in,  the  Horsemen  found  means  to  follow  :  and  being,  many 
of  them,  Harquebussiers  on  horseback,  did  pass  by  their 
own  Footmen  in  the  streets  ;  and  much  hastened  both  the 
flight  of  the  Walloons,  and  made  the  way  opener  unto 
speedy  executioners. 

But  whosoever  will  therein  most  extoll  the  Spaniards 
for  their  valour  and  order,  must  therewith  confess  that 
it  was  the  very  ordinance  of  GOD  for  a  just  plague 
and  scourge  unto  the  town.  For  otherwise  it  passeth 
all  men's  capacity  to  conceive  how  it  should  be  possible. 

And  yet  the  disorder  and  lack  of  foresight  in  the 
Walloons  did  great[ly]  help  to  augment  the  Spanish  glory 
and  boast. 

To  conclude.  The  Count  d'Oberstein  was  drowned 
in  the  New  Town.  The  Marquis  d'Havr£  and  [Sieur 
de]  Champagney  escaped  out  of  the  said  New  Town,  and 
recovered  the  Prince  of  Orange's  ships. 

Only  the  young  Count  [PlilLlP]  of  Egmont  was  taken, 
fighting  by  St  Michael's.  Monsieur  DE  Capres  and 
Monsieur  DE  GOGINES  were  also  taken.  But  I  heard 
of  none  that  fought  stoutly,  saving  only  the  said  Count 
of  Egmont  ;  whom  the  Colonel  Verdugo,  a  Spaniard 
of  an  honourable  compassion  and  good  mind,  did 
save :  with  great  danger  to  himself  in  defending  the 
Count. 


^5  N^ov.°i|76'.]  Horrible  Spanish  Fury  in  Antwerp.  443 

In  this  conflict  there  were  slain  600  Spaniards,  01 
thereabouts.  And  on  the  Thursday  next  following  [8th 
November  1576],  a  view  of  the  dead  bodies  in  the  town 
being  taken,  it  was  esteemed  at  17,000  men,  women,  and 
children.  \This  would  be  apart  from  those  drowned  in 
the  Scheldt?^  A  pitiful  massacre,  though  GOD  gave  victory 
to  the  Spaniards. 

And  surely,  as  their  valiance  was  to  be  much  com- 
mended ;  so  yet  I  can  much  discommend  their  barbarous 
cruelty  in  many  respects.  For  methinks  that  as  when 
GOD  giveth  abundance  of  wealth,  the  owner  ought  yet 
to  have  regard  on  whom  he  bestow  it :  even  so,  when 
GOD  giveth  a  great  and  miraculous  victory,  the  con- 
querors ought  to  have  great  regard  unto  their  execution. 
And  though  some,  which  favour  the  Spanish  faction,  will 
al ledge  sundry  reasons  to  the  contrary  :  yet,  when  the  blood 
is  cold  and  the  fury  over,  methinks  that  a  true  Christian 
heart  should  stand  content  with  victory  ;  and  refrain  to 
provoke  GOD's  wrath  by  [the]  shedding  of  innocent 
blood. 

These  things  I  rehearse  the  rather,  because  they 
neither  spared  Age  nor  Sex^  Time  nor  Place,  Person  nor 
Country^  Professson  nor  Religion,  Young  nor  Old,  Rich 
nor  Poor,  Strong  nor  Feeble:  but,  without  any  mercy,  did 
tyrannously  triumph,  when  there  was  neither  man  nor 
means  to  resist  them. 

For  Age  and  Sex,  Voting  and  Old;  they  slew  great 
numbers  of  young  children  ;  but  many  more  women  more 
than  four  score  years  of  age. 

For  Time  and  Place ;  their  fury  was  as  great  ten  days 
after  the  victory,  as  at  the  time  of  their  entry ;  and 
as  great  respect  they  had  to  the  Church  and  Church- 
yard, for  all  their  hypocritical  boasting  of  the  Catholic 
Religion,  as  the  butcher  had  to  his  shambles  or  slaughter 
house. 

For  Person  and  Comitry,  they  spared  neither  friend  nor 
foe,  Portugese  nor  Turk. 

For  Profession  and  Religion,  the  Jesuits  must  give 
their  ready  coin  ;  and  all  other  Religious  Houses,  both 
coin  and  plate  :  with  all  short  ends  that  were  good  and 
portable. 


444   Hotel  de  Ville  at  Antwerp  burnt.   [^5  n^ov"^^"^. 

The  Ricli  was  spoiled  because  he  had  ;  and  the  Poor 
were  hanged  because  they  had  nothing.  Neither  Strength 
could  prevail  to  make  resistance,  nor  Weakness  move  pity 
for  to  refrain  their  horrible  cruelty. 

And  this  was  not  only  done  when  the  chase  was  hot ; 
but,  as  I  erst  said,  when  the  blood  was  cold  ;  and  they 
[were]  now  victors  without  resistance. 

I  refrain  to  rehearse  the  heaps  of  dead  carcases  which 
lay  at  every  Trench  where  they  entered  ;  the  thick- 
ness whereof  did  in  many  places  exceed  the  height  of  a 
man. 

I  forbear  also  to  recount  the  huge  numbers  drowned 
in  the  New  Town  :  where  a  man  might  behold  as  many 
sundry  shapes  and  forms  of  man's  motion  at  [the]  time 
of  death  as  ever  Michael  Angelo  did  portray  in 
his  Tables  of  Doomsday  [Picture  of  the  Last  Judgment^. 

1  list  not  to  reckon  the  infinite  number  of  poor  Almains 
\Gerntans\  who  lay  burned  in  their  armour.  Some  [with] 
the  entrails  scorched  out,  and  all  the  rest  of  the  body 
free.  Some  [with]  their  head  and  shoulders  burnt  off; 
so  that  you  might  look  down  into  the  bulk  and  breast, 
and  there  take  an  anatomy  of  the  secrets  of  Nature. 
Some  [were]  standing  upon  their  waist ;  being  burnt  off 
by  the  thighs.  And  some  no  more  but  the  very  top  of 
the  brain  taken  off  with  fire  ;  whiles  the  rest  of  the  body 
did  abide  unspeakable  torments. 

I  set  not  down  the  ugly  and  filthy  polluting  of  every 
street  with  the  gore  and  carcases  of  horses  ;  neither  do 
I  complain  that  the  one  lacked  burial,  and  the  other  flaying, 
until  the  air,  corrupted  with  their  carion,  infected  all  that 
yet  remained  alive  in  the  town. 

And  why  should  I  describe  the  particularity  of  every 
such  annoyance  as  commonly  happens  both  in  camps  and 
castles  where  martial  feats  are  managed  ? 

But  I  may  not  pass  over  with  silence  the  wilful  burning 
and  destroying  of  the  stately  Town  House,  and  all  the 
muniments  and  records  of  the  city  :  neither  can  I  refrain 
to  tell  their  shameful  rapes  and  outrageous  forces  presented 
unto  sundry  honest  dames  and  virgins. 

It  is  also  a  ruthful  remembrance,  that  a   poor   English 


SNov°i576'.]  5.000    PERSONS    KILLED    IN    COLD    BLOOD.   445 

Merchant,  who  was  but  a  servant,  having  once  redeemed 
his  master's  goods  for  300  crowns,  was  yet  hanged  until 
he  were  half  dead,  because  he  had  not  200  more  to  give 
them.  And  the  halter  being  cut  down,  and  he  come  to 
himself  again  ;  [he]  besought  them  on  knees,  with  bitter 
tears,  to  give  him  leave  to  seek  and  try  his  credit  and 
friends  in  the  town,  for  the  rest  of  their  unreasonable 
demand.  At  his  return,  because  he  sped  not,  as  indeed  no 
money  was  then  to  be  had,  they  hung  him  again  outright : 
and  afterwards,  of  exceeding  courtesy,  procured  the  Friars 
Minor  to  bury  him. 

To  conclude.  Of  the  17,000  carcases  which  were  viewed 
on  the  Thursday:  I  think,  in  conscience,  5,000,  or  few 
less,  were  massacred  after  their  victory ;  because  they 
had  not  ready  money  wherewith  to  ransom  their  goods 
at  such  prices  as  they  pleased  to  set  on  them.  At  least, 
all  the  World  will  bear  me  witness,  that  ten  days  after, 
whosoever  was  but  pointed  at,  and  named  to  be  a  Walloon, 
was  immediately  massacred  without  further  audience  or 
trial. 

For  mine  own  part,  it  is  well  known  that  I  did  often 
escape  very  narrowly  ;  because  I  was  taken  for  a  Walloon. 
And  on  Sunday,  the  nth  of  this  instant  [November  1576], 
which  was  the  day  before  I  gat  out  of  the  town,  I  saw  three 
poor  souls  murdered  in  my  presence,  because  they  were 
pointed  [at]  to  be  Walloons :  and  it  was  well  proved, 
immediately  [after],  that  one  of  them  was  a  poor  artificer, 
who  had  dwelt  in  the  town  eight  years  before,  and  [had] 
never  managed  arms,  but  truly  followed  his  occupation. 

Furthermore,  the  seed  of  these  and  other  barbarous  facts 
brought  forth  this  crop  and  fruit,  That,  within  three  days, 
Antwerp,  which  was  one  of  the  richest  towns  in  Europe, 
had  now  no  money  nor  treasure  to  be  found  therein,  but  only 
in  the  hands  of  murderers  and  strumpets.  For  every  Don 
Diego  must  walk,  jetting  up  and  down  the  streets,  with 
his  harlot  by  him,  in  her  chain  and  bracelets  of  gold. 
And  the  notable  Bourse,  which  was  wont  to  be  a  safe 
assembly  for  merchants  and  men  of  all  honest  trades,  had 
now  none  other  merchandise  therein  but  as  many  dicing 
tables  as  might  be  placed  round  about  it,  all  the  day  long. 


446  The  English  House  spoiled  by  soldiers. [f5gov°i|^6: 

Men  will  boast  of  the  Spaniards,  that  they  are  the  best 
and  most  orderly  soldiers  in  the  World :  but,  sure[ly],  if 
this  be  their  order,  I  had  rather  be  accounted  a  Besoigner 
[French  for  an  indigent  beggar]  than  a  brave  soldier  in 
such  a  Band :  neither  must  we  think,  although  it  hath 
pleased  GOD  (for  some  secret  cause  only  known  to  his 
divine  Majesty)  to  yield  Antwerp  and  Maestricht  thus  into 
their  hands ;  that  he  will  spare  to  punish  this  their 
outrageous  cruelty,  when  his  good  will  and  pleasure  shall 
be  to  do  the  same.  For  surely  their  boasting  and  bragging 
of  iniquity  is  over  great  to  escape  long  unscourged. 

I  have  talked  with  sundry  of  them  ;  and  demanded,  Why 
they  would  command  that  the  Town  House  should  be 
burned } 

And  their  answer  was.  Because  it  was  the  place  of 
assembly  where  all  evil  counsels  were  contrived. 

As  though  it  were  just  that  the  stocks  and  stones  should 
suffer  for  the  offence  of  men.  But  such  is  their  obstinate 
mind  and  arrogancy  that,  if  they  might  have  their  will,  they 
would  altogether  raze  and  destroy  the  towns,  until  no  one 
stone  were  left  upon  another.  Neither  doth  their  stubborn 
blindness  suffer  them  to  perceive  that  in  so  doing  they 
should  much  endamage  the  King  their  Master ;  whom  they 
boast  so  faithfully  to  honour,  serve,  and  obey. 

As  for  the  injuries  done  by  them  unto  our  own  Nation 
particularly ;  I  will  thus  set  down  as  much  as  I  know. 

We  were  quiet  in  the  House  appointed  for  the  Mansion 
of  English  Merchants,  under  safe  Conduct,  Protection,  and 
Placard  \^Placcaet  =  Proclamatiofi]  of  their  King  :  having 
neither  meddled  any  way  in  these  actions ;  nor  by  any 
means  assisted  the  Estates  of  the  country  with  money, 
munition,  or  any  kind  of  aid.  Yea,  the  Governor  [Thomas 
Heton]  and  Merchants,  foreseeing  the  danger  of  the  time, 
had  often  demanded  passport[s]  of  the  King's  Governors 
and  Officers  to  depart. 

And  all  these,  with  sundry  other  allegations,  we 
propounded  and  protested  unto  them  before  they  entered 
the  English  House  ;  desiring  to  be  there  protected,  according 
to  our  Privileges  and  Grants  from  the  King  their  Master ; 


?5  Nov.°i^576:]      -^  RANSOM  OF   12,000  CROWNS  ASKED.        447 

and  that  they  would  suffer  us  there  to  remain,  free  from 
all  outrage  spoil  or  ransom,  until  we  might  make  our  estate 
known  unto  [Sancho  d'  Avila]  the  Castellan  [of  Antwerp 
Castle]  and  other  Head  Officers  which  served  there  for  the 
said  King. 

All  which  notwithstanding ;  they  threatened  to  fire  the 
House  unless  we  would  open  the  doors :  and,  being  once 
suffered  to  enter,  demanded  presently  the  ransom  of  12,000 
crowns  of  the  Governor.  Which  sum,  being  not  indeed  in 
the  House,  neither  yet  one-third  part  of  the  same ;  they 
spared  not  with  naked  swords  and  daggers  to  menace  the 
Governor,  and  violently  to  present  him  death  ;  because 
he  had  not  wherewith  to  content  their  greedy  minds. 

I  will  not  boast  of  any  help  afforded  by  me  in  that 
distress :  but  I  thank  the  Lord  GOD  !  who  made  me  an 
instrument  to  appease  their  devilish  furies.  And  I  think 
that  the  Governor  and  all  the  Company  will  confess  that  I 
used  mine  uttermost  skill  and  aid  for  the  safeguard  of  their 
lives,  as  well  as  [of]  mine  own. 

But  in  the  end,  all  eloquence  notwithstanding ;  the 
Governor  [THOMAS  Heton],  being  a  comely  aged  man 
and  a  person  whose  hoary  hairs  might  move  pity  and 
procure  reverence  in  any  good  mind  ;  especially  the  upright- 
ness of  his  dealing  considered  :  they  enforced  him,  with 
great  danger,  to  bring  forth  all  the  money,  plate,  and  jewels 
which  were  in  the  House ;  and  to  prepare  the  remnant  of 
12,000  crowns  at  such  days  and  times  as  they  pleased  to 
appoint. 

And  of  the  rest  of  our  Nation,  which  had  their  goods 
remaining  in  their  several  packhouses  and  lodgings  elsewhere 
in  the  town ;  they  took  such  pity  that  four  they  slew, 
and  divers  others  they  most  cruelly  and  dangerously  hurt : 
spoiling  and  ransoming  them  to  the  uttermost  value  that 
might  be  made,  or  esteemed,  of  all  their  goods.  Yea,  a 
certain  one,  they  enforced  to  ransom  his  goods  twice ;  yea, 
thrice :  and,  all  that  notwithstanding,  took  the  said  goods 
violently  from  them  at  the  last. 

And  all  these  injuries  being  opened  unto  their  chief 
Governors  in  time  convenient ;  and  whiles  yet  the  whole 
sum,  set  for  [the]  several  ransoms  of  our  countrymen  and 
the  English  House  in  general,  were  not  half  paid ;  so  that 


448    The  Writer  GETS  OUT  OF  Antwerp.    [^sNo^Se: 

justice  and  good  order  might  partly  have  qualified  the 
former  rigours  proferred  by  the  soldiers  :  the  said  Governors 
were  as  slow  and  deaf,  as  the  others  were  quick  and  light, 
of  hearing  to  find  the  bottom  of  every  bag  in  the  town. 
So  that  it  seemeth  they  were  fully  agreed  in  all  things  : 
or,  if  any  contention  were,  the  same  was  but  [a]  strife  who, 
or  which,  of  them  might  do  greatest  wrongs.  Keeping  the 
said  Governor  and  Merchants  there  still,  without  grant  of 
passport  or  safe  conduct,  when  there  are  scarcely  any 
victuals  to  be  had  for  any  money  in  the  town  ;  nor  yet 
the  said  Merchants  have  any  money  to  buy  it,  where  it  is. 
And  as  for  credit ;  neither  credit  nor  pawn  can  now  find  coin 
in  Antwerp. 

In  these  distresses,  I  left  them  the  12th  of  this  instant 
November  1576 ;  when  I  parted  from  them  :  not  as  one  who 
was  hasty  to  leave  and  abandon  them  in  such  misery ;  but 
to  solicit  their  rueful  causes  here,  and  to  deliver  the  same 
unto  Her  Majesty  and  [the  Privy]  Council  in  such  sort  as  I 
beheld  it  there. 

And  this  is,  in  effect,  the  whole  truth  of  the  Sacking  and 
Spoil  of  so  famous  a  town.  Wherein  is  to  be  noted — that 
the  Spaniards  and  their  faction  being  but  5,000 ;  the 
Trenches  made  against  them  of  such  height  as  seemed 
invincible;  the  Power  within  the  town,  15,000  or  16,000 
able  fighting  men  well  armed,  I  mean  the  townsmen  ready 
armed  being  counted  :  it  was  charged,  entered,  and  won  in 
three  hours  ;  and  before  six  hours  passed  over,  every  house 
therein  sacked,  or  ransomed  at  the  uttermost  value. 

Thewhichvictory(being  miraculous  and  past  man's  capacity 
to  comprehend  how  it  should  be  possible)  I  must  needs 
attribute  unto  GOD's  just  wrath  poured  upon  the  inhabitants 
for  their  iniquity,  more  than  to  the  manhood  and  force  of  the 
Spaniards.  And  yet  I  mean  not  to  rob  them  of  their 
deserved  glory ;  but  to  confess  that  both  their  order  and 
valour  in  charging  and  entering  was  famous :  and  had  they 
kept  half  so  good  order,  or  shewed  the  tenth  part  of  such 
manly  courage,  in  using  their  victory  and  parting  of  their 
spoil ;  I  must  then  needs  have  said  that  C^SAR  had  never 
any  such  soldiers.  And  this  must  I  needs  say  for  them  that, 
as  their  continual  training  in  service  doth  make  them  expert 


f5Nov!'°5^7'6']     The  Walloons  and  Germans  fled.     449 

in  all  warlike  stratagem[s] ;  so  their  daily  trade  in  spoiling 
hath  made  them  the  cunningest  ransackers  of  houses,  and 
the  best  able  to  bring  a  spoil  unto  a  quick  market,  of  any 
soldiers  or  master  thieves  that  ever  I  heard  of. 

But  I  leave  the  scanning  of  their  deeds  unto  GOD, 
who  will  bridle  their  insolency  when  he  thinketh  good  and 
convenient.  And  let  us  also  learn,  out  of  this  rueful  tragedy, 
to  detest  and  avoid  those  sins  and  proud  enormities  which 
caused  the  wrath  of  GOD  to  be  so  furiously  kindled  and 
bent  against  the  town  of  Antwerp. 

Let  us  also,  if  ever  we  should  be  driven  to  like  occasion, 
which  GOD  forbid !  learn  to  look  better  about  us  for  good 
order  and  direction  ;  the  lack  whereof  was  their  overthrow. 
For  surely  the  inhabitants  lacked  but  good  guides  and 
leaders :  for  (having  none  other  order  appointed,  but  to 
stand  every  man  armed  in  readiness  before  his  door)  they 
died  there,  many  of  them,  fighting  manfully ;  when  the 
Wallooners  and  High  Duches  [Germans]  fled  beastly. 

Let  us  also  learn  to  detest  the  horrible  cruelties  of  the 
Spaniards,  in  all  executions  of  warlike  stratagems ;  lest  the 
dishonour  of  such  beastly  deeds  might  bedim  the  honour 
wherewith  English  soldiers  have  always  been  endowed  in 
their  victories. 

And  finally  let  us  pray  to  GOD  for  grace  to  amend  our 
lives,  and  for  power  and  foresight  to  withstand  the  malice  of 
our  enemies  :  that  remaining  and  continuing  in  the  peaceable 
protection  of  our  most  gracious  Sovereign,  we  may  give 
Him  the  glory ;  and  all  due  and  loyal  obedience  unto  Her 
Majesty,  whom  GOD  now  and  ever  prospect  and  preserve. 
Amen. 

Written  the  25th  day  of  November  1576, 

by   a   true    Englishman,   who   was 

present  at  this  piteous  Massacre, 

«/  supra. 


2F 


A  very  true  Report  of  the  apprehension 

and   taking  of  that  arch-Papist   Edmund 

Campion,  the  Pope  his  right  hand ;    with 

Three  other  lewd  Jesuit  Priests,  and 

divers    other    Lay    people,    most 

seditious  persons  of  like  sort. 

Containing  also  a  controlment  of  a  most  untrue  former 

book  set  out  by  one  A.  M.,  alias  Anthony   Munday, 

concerning  the  same  :  as  is  to  be  proved  and  justified 

by    George    Elliot,   one  of  the  Ordinary 

Yeomen  of  Her  Majesty's  Chamber, 

Author    of   this    Book,    and    chiefest    cause  of   the 

finding  of  the  said  lewd  and  seditious  people,  great 

enemies  to  GOD,  their  loving  Prince, 

and  country. 

Veritas  non  qiicerii  a?igu/os. 


Imprinted  at  London  at  the   Three  Cranes  in  the 

Vintry  by  THOMAS  Dawson. 

I  581. 


452 


[The  EdinburoJi  Review  of  April  1 891,  in  an  article  on  The  Baffling 
of  the  Jesuits,  states 

"  Until  Fathfer  PARSONS  landed  at  Dover  on  June  1 1 
[and  Father  CAMPION  on  June  25],  1580;  no  Jesuit  had 
ever  been  seen  in  England.  IGNATIUS  LOYOLA  had  been 
dead  just  twenty-five  years,  and  two  of  his  associates  in 
founding  the  Society  of  jESUS  were  still  alive.  LOYOLA 
during  his  lifetime  had  admitted  only  a  single  Englishman 
into  the  order,  a  lad  of  nineteen,  of  whom  we  know  nothing 
but  that  his  name  was  Thomas  Lith,  and  that  he  was 
admitted  to  the  novitiate  in  June  1555.  During  the  next 
ten  years,  six  more  Englishmen  entered  the  order,  two  of 
them  being  men  of  some  mark — JASPER  Heywood,  formerly 
Fellow  of  All  Souls' ;  and  THOMAS  Darbyshire,  who  had 
been  Archdeacon  of  Essex  and  a  Canon  of  St  Paul's.  In 
the  next  decade,  about  the  same  number  of  English  recruits 
joined  the  society  ;  three,  and  three  only,  were  scholars  of 
any  reputation — PARSONS,  Campion,  and  Henry  Garnet. 
When  the  Jesuit  Mission  to  England  started,  there  were  not 
thirty  English  Jesuits  in  the  world." 

At  Vol.  I.,  p.  130,  is  a  letter  written  from  Goa,  10  Nov.  1579,  by 
Thomas  Stevens,  one  of  these  English  Jesuits. 

The  arrest  and  execution  of  Edmund  Campion— in  Latin,  Edmundus 
Campianus — was  one  of  the  most  important  events  in  our  political 
history  during  the  year  1581.  It  made  a  profound  impression  through- 
out Western  Europe,  and  occasioned  the  publication  of  many  tracts  in 
various  languages.  For  further  information  on  this  subject,  the  Reader 
is  referred  to  Edmund  Campion,  A  Biography,  by  Richard  Simpson. 
London,  1867-8;  and  also  to  Mr  Joseph  Gillow's  Biographical 
Dictionary  of  the  English  Catholics,  now  in  progress. 

The  following  account  of  the  arrest  by  the  man  who  made  it,  is  printed 
from  a  copy  of  the  extremely  rare  original  edition  that  is  now  in 
Lambeth  Palace  Library  [Press  Mark,  xxx.  8.  17.].  It  was  printed 
[?  privately  printed]  in  1581  ;  but  it  was  not  entered  at  Stationers'  Hall. 
It  was  clearly  produced  before  the  execution  of  Campion,  on  the  ist  of 
December  of  that  year  ;  to  which  there  is  no  allusion  in  it ;  but 
apparently  not  very  much  earlier,  for  the  Writer  says  at  page  465 
"  Some  men  may  marvel  that  I  would  be  silent  so  long." 


^■^s!:]  The  Queen  to  be  horribly  dealt  with.  453 

By  this  act  of  patriotism  ;  George  Elliot  earned  the  titles,  among 
the  Roman  Cathohcs,  of  Judas  Elliot,  and  of  Elliot  Iscariot.  It 
is  however  only  fair  to  him  to  state  what  moved  him  to  go  hunting  after 
Priests,  Jesuits,  etc. 

Anthony  Munday,  in  his  Discovery  of  Edmund  Campion  atid  his 
Confederates,  &r>e.,^\ih\\shtdi  on  29th  January  1582,  in  giving  an  account 
of  Campion's  trial,  states  : 

George  Elliot,  one  of  the  Ordinary  Yeomen  of  Her 
Majesty's  Chamber,  upon  his  oath,  gave  forth  in  evidence, 
as  followeth  : 

That  he,  hving  here  in  England  among  certain  of  that 
sect,  fell  in  acquaintance  with  one  PAYNE,  a  Priest ;  who 
gave  him  to  understand  of  a  horrible  treason  intended 
against  Her  Majesty  and  the  State,  which  he  did  expect 
shortly  to  happen. 

The  order,  how,  and  after  what  manner,  in  brief  is  thus  : 

That  there  should  be  levied  a  certain  company  of  armed 
men  ;  which,  on  a  sudden,  should  enterprise  a  most  mon- 
strous attempt.  A  certain  company  of  these  armed  men 
should  be  prepared  against  Her  Majesty,  as  many  against 
my  L[ord]  of  L[eicester],  as  many  against  my  L[ord] 
T[reasurer,  Lord  BURGHLEY],  as  many  against  Sir  F[RANCIS] 
W[alsingham],  and  divers  others  whose  names  he  doth  not 
well  remember. 

The  deaths  of  these  noble  personages  should  be  presently 
fulfilled  :  and   Her  Majesty  used  in  such  sort  as  [neither] 
modesty   nor    duty   will    suffer   me   to   rehearse.  ^, 
But  this  should  be  the  general   cry  everywhere,  Queen  of 
"  Queen  Mary  !    Queen  Mary  !  "  ^'=°'"  '^-^-^ 

It  was  also  appointed  and  agreed  upon,  Who  should 
have  this  Man  of  Honour's  room,  and  who  should  have 
that  Office.  Everything  was  determined.  There  wanted 
nothing  but  the  coming  over  of  such  Priests  and  others  as 
were  long  looked  for. 

Upon  this  report,  the  aforenamed  GEORGE  ELLIOT  took 
occasion  to  question  with  this  Payne,  How  they  could 
find  in  their  hearts  to  attempt  an  act  of  so  great  cruelty  ; 
considering  how  high  an  offence  it  should  be  to  GOD, 
besides  great  danger  might  arise  thereby. 


454  The  killing  of  Elizabeth,  no  murder  !  [^ 


Elliot. 
1581. 


Whereto  Payne  made  answer,  That  the  kiHing  [of]  Her 
A  most  traitor-  Majesty  was  no  offence  to  GOD,  nor  the  utter- 
ous  and  viiian-  most  cruelty  they  couM  use  to  her,  nor  [to]  any 
oTeverylrue  that  took  her  part :  but  that  they  might  as  law- 
rea^'withdue  fully  do  it  as  to  a  brute  beast.  And  himself 
reverence  of     would  be  oue  of  the  foremost  in  the  executing^  [of! 

the  person.  .         .,1  1  •  •  o   l      j 

[A.M.]  this  villanous  and  most  traitorous  action. 

In  Lansd.  MS.  32,  No.  60,  in  the  British  Museum,  there  is  a  paper  to 
the  same  effect,  signed  by  G.  E.  [George  Elliot].  It  is  headed 
Certain  Notes  and  Remembrances  concerning  a  Reconciliation,  Qr'c. ; 
and  bears  marginal  notes  by  Lord  BURGHLEY. 

It  will  probably  be  new  to  most  readers  that  Elliot's  arrest  of 
Campion  was  a  pure  matter  of  accident.  Elliot  went  to  Lyford 
Manor  House  more  particularly  in  search  of  Payne  the  Priest,  and 
found  Campion  there  by  chance.  The  Jesuit  had  been  secretly,  but 
securely,  wandering  through  the  land  from  one  Roman  Catholic  house- 
hold to  another,  for  more  than  a  year  ;  despite  the  titmost  efforts  of  the 
English  Government  to  put  their  hands  on  him  :  and  at  last  he  becomes 
their  prisoner  almost  by  a  pure  accident. 

Campion  was  lodged  in  the  Tower  on  the  22nd  July  1581.  Two  days 
later,  Anthony  Munday's  Brief  Discourse  of  the  taking  of  Edmund 
Campion  &'c.,  was  entered  at  Stationers'  Hall  [Arber,  Transcript  Ss^c, 
II.  397].  It  was  therefore  very  hurriedly  written,  and  mainly  from 
information  supplied  by  Master  Humphrey  Foster,  High  Sheriff  of 
Berkshire  :  who,  being  himself  a  Roman  Catholic,  had  been  very  slack 
at  the  capture  of  Campion  [p.  462]  ;  but  who,  for  his  own  protection, 
puts  a  better  face  on  things  in  Munday's  hurriedly  written  Discourse. 


455 


To      the     Christian     Reader^ 

George  Elliot  wisheth 

all  due  reverence. 


|Ome  experience,  Christian  Reader,  that  I  have 
gathered  by  keeping  company  with  such  seditious 
people  as  Campion  and  his  associates  are, 
partly  moveth  me  to  write  this  book ;  and 
partly  I  am  urged  thereunto  (although  my 
wisdom  and  skill  be  very  slender  to  set  down  and  pen 
matter  of  less  moment  than  this)  for  that  I  (being  one  of  the 
Two  in  Commission  at  that  time  from  Her  Highness's  most 
honourable  Privy  Council  for  the  apprehending  of  the  said 
seditious  Campion  and  such  like ;  and  the  chiefest  cause 
of  the  finding  out  of  the  said  lewd  people,  as  hereafter  more 
at  large  appeareth)  do  think  it  a  great  abuse  that  the  most 
part  of  Her  Majesty's  loving  subjects  shall  be  seduced  to 
believe  an  untruth ;  and  myself  and  he  which  was  in 
Commission  with  me  (whose  name  is  David  Jenkins,  one 
of  the  Messengers  of  Her  Majesty's  Chamber)  very  vilely 
slandered  with  a  book  set  out  by  one  ANTHONY  MUNDAY 
concerning  the  apprehension  of  the  said  lewd  people — which, 
for  the  truth  thereof,  is  almost  as  far  different  from  truth  as 
darkness  from  light ;  and  as  contrary  to  truth  as  an  egg  is 
contrary  in  likeness  to  an  oyster. 

And  therefore  considering  I  am  able  to  report  a  truth  for 
the  manner  of  the  finding  and  taking  of  the  said  seditious 
persons ;  although  fine  skill  be  far  from  me  to  paint  it  out : 
hoping  the  wise  will  bear  with  my  want  therein,  and  esteem 
a  true  tale,  be  it  never  so  bluntly  told,  rather  than  a  lie,  be  it 
never  so  finely  handled — I  have  emboldened  myself  to  take 
this  treatise  in  hand  ;  wherein,  God  willing,  I  will  describe 
nothing  but  truth  ;  as  by  the  sequel  shall  appear.  Which 
is  this  : 


456     To  THE  Christian  Reader.     [[, Nov.fissJ". 

That  about  four  years  past  [?i578],  the  Devil  (being  a 
crafty  fox  and  chief  Patron  doubtless  of  the  Pope's  Prelacy ; 
having  divers  and  many  Officers  and  inferior  substitutes  to 
the  Pope,  his  chief  Vicar  ;  and  intending  by  them  to  increase 
the  kingdom  of  this  Antichrist)  dispersed  his  said  Officers 
in  divers  places  of  this  realm :  where,  like  vagrant  persons 
(refusing  to  live  within  the  lawful  government  of  their 
country)  they  lead  a  loose  life  ;  wandering  and  running 
hither  and  thither,  from  shire  to  shire  and  country  [Coimty] 
to  country,  with  such  store  of  Romish  relics,  Popish  pelf, 
trifles,  and  trash  as  were  able  to  make  any  Christian  heart, 
that  hath  seen  the  trial  of  such  practices  as  I  have  done, 
even  for  sorrow  to  bleed.  Only  thereby  to  draw  the 
Queen's  Majesty's  subjects  their  hearts  and  faiths  both  from 
GOD  and  Her  Highness  ;  as  namely,  by  delivering  unto  them 
Bu//s  from  Rome,  Pardons,  Indulgences,  Medals,  Agnus  DEI, 
hallowed  grains  and  beads,  crucifixes,  painted  pictures,  and 
such  other  paltry :  every  part  whereof  they  will  not  let  S^stop\ 
to  say  to  be  matters  very  necessary  for  salvation. 

By  reason  whereof,  most  loving  Reader,  I  myself,  about 
that  time  [1578],  by  the  space  of  one  quarter  of  a  year 
together,  was  deeply  bewitched  and  drawn  into  their 
darkness,  as  the  blindest  bayard  of  them  all.  But  at  the 
last,  even  then  (by  GOD's  great  goodness,  mighty  providence, 
and  especial  grace)  all  their  enchantments,  witchcrafts, 
sorceries,  devilish  devices  and  practices  were  so  broken  and 
untied  in  me ;  and  the  brightness  of  GOD's  divine  majesty 
shining  so  surely  in  my  heart  and  conscience  :  that  I  perceived 
all  their  doings  to  be,  as  they  are  indeed,  only  shows  without 
substance,  manifest  errors  and  deceitful  juggling  casts,  and 
none  others. 

Notwithstanding  I  determined  with  myself,  for  certain 
causes  which  I  omit,  to  sound  the  depth  of  their  devilish 
drifts,  if  I  might ;  and  the  rather  therefore  used  and 
frequented  their  company  :  whereby  appeared  unto  me  not 
a  few  of  their  ungracious  and  villanous  false  hearts,  faiths, 
and  disloyal  minds,  slanderous  words,  and  most  vile  treasons 
towards  my  most  excellent  and  noble  mistress,  the  Queen's 
Majesty,  and  towards  divers  of  her  most  honourable  Privy 
Council  ;  in  such  sort  as  many  times  did  make  mine  eyes 
to  gush  out  with  tears  for  very  sorrow  and  fear  to  think  of  it 


[?Nov.fi'58i:]     To  THE   Christian    Reader.     457 

Wherefore,  lately  {about  \^th  May  1581],!  made  my  humble 
submission  unto  the  Right  Honourable  Her  Highness's  Privy 
Council,  for  my  unlawful  living  as  aforesaid.  At  whose 
hands  I  found  such  honourable  dealing,  and  by  their  means 
such  mercy  from  Her  Majesty,  that  I  wish  with  all  my 
heart  all  the  Papists,  which  are  subjects  born  to  Her  Highness, 
to  run  the  same  course  that  I  have  done :  and  then  should 
they  easily  see  what  difference  there  is  between  the  good 
and  merciful  dealing  of  our  most  gracious  loving  and  natural 
Prince ;  and  the  great  treacheries  of  that  great  enemy  to 
our  country,  the  Pope.  For  Her  Highness  freely  forgiveth 
offenders  ;  but  the  Pope  pardoneth  for  money.  Her  Grace's 
hands  are  continually  full  of  mercy,  ready  to  deliver  enough 
freely  to  any  that  will  desire  and  deserve  it :  and  the  Pope 
his  great  clutches  and  fists  are  ready  to  deliver  nothing  but 
devilish  devices  and  paltry  stuff  of  his  own  making,  to  set 
country  and  country  together  by  the  ears ;  and  yet  for 
these,  hath  he  money. 

Truly  it  is  a  most  lamentable  case  that  ever  any  Christian 
should  be  seduced  and  drawn  from  the  true  worshipping  of 
GOD,  and  their  duty  to  their  Prince  and  country  ;  as  many 
are  by  the  Pope  and  his  Satanical  crew,  I  beseech  GOD 
turn  their  hearts,  and  grant  us  all  amendment ;  which  can 
neither  be  too  timely,  if  it  were  presently ;  nor  never  too 
late,  whensoever  it  shall  happen :  unless  wilfully  they  proceed 
in  their  dealings,  which  GOD  forbid.  For  kumanum  est 
errare,  perseverare  belluinum. 

Shortly  after  my  submission  and  reconciliation,  as  aforesaid, 
it  pleased  my  Lords  of  Her  Highness's  most  honourable 
Privy  Council  to  grant  the  Commission  that  I  before  spake 
of,  to  myself  and  to  the  said  David  Jenkins,  for  the 
apprehension  of  certain  lewd  Jesuit  Priests  and  other 
seditious  persons  of  like  sort,  wheresoever  we  should  happen 
to  find  them  within  England.  Whereupon  we  determined 
a  certain  voyage  {journey] :  in  which  EDMUND  Campion  the 
aforesaid  Jesuit  and  others  were  by  us  taken  and  brought  to 
the  Tower  of  London,  in  manner  as  hereafter  followeth. 


458 


The  true  manner  of  taking  of  Edmund 
Campion  and  his  associates. 


1 

T  happened  that  after   the  receipt  of  our 
Commission      aforesaid,     we      consulted 
between    ourselves,  What  way  were  best 
to    take    first  ?       For    we    were    utterly 
ignorant  where,  or  in  what  place,  certainly 
to  find  out  the  said  Campion,  or  his  com- 
peers.    And  our  consultation  was  shortly 
determined  :  for  the  greatest  part  of  our 
travail  and  dealings  in  this  service  did  lie  chiefly  upon  mine 
own   determination,   by   reason   of  mine  acquaintance  and 
knowledge  of  divers  of  [the]  like  sect. 

It  then  presently  came  to  my  remembrance  of  certain 
acquaintance  which  I  once  had  with  one  THOMAS  CoOPER 
a  Cook,  who,  in  November  [1578]  was  two  years,  served 
Master  Thomas  Roper  of  [Orpington  in]  Kent ;  where,  at 
that  time,  I  in  like  manner  served  :  and  both  of  us,  about  the 
same  month  [November  1578],  departed  the  said  Master 
Roper  his  service ;  I  into  Essex,  and  the  said  CoOPER  to 
Lyford  in  Berkshire,  to  one  Master  Yate.  From  whence, 
within  one  half  year  after  {before  May  1579],  I  was  adver- 
tised in  Essex,  that  the  said  Cook  was  placed  in  service ; 
and  that  the  said  Master  Yate  was  a  very  earnest  Papist, 
and  one  that  gave  great  entertainment  to  any  of  that  sect. 

Which  tale,  being  told  me  in  Essex  two  years  before 
[1579]  we  entered  [on]  this  journey,  by  GOD's  great  good- 
ness, came  to  my  memory  but  even  the  day  before  [13th 
July  1 581]  we  set  forth.  Hereof  I  informed  the  said  David 
Jenkins,  being  my  fellow  in  Commission,  and  told  him  it 
would  be  our  best  way  to  go  thither  first :  for  that  it  was 
not  meant  that  we  should  go  to  any  place  but  where  indeed 
I  either  had  acquaintance;  or  by  some  means  possible  in  our 
journey,  could  get  acquaintance.  And  told  him  we  would 
dispose  of  our  journey  in  such  sort  as  we  might  come  to  the 


[?N?v.fS]    Elliot  &  Jenkins  arrive  at  Lyford.    459 

said  Master  Yate's  upon  the  Sunday  about  eight  of  the 
clock  in  the  morning :  "  where,"  said  I,  "  if  we  find  the  said 
Cook,  and  that  there  be  any  Mass  to  be  said  there  that  day, 
or  any  massing  Priest  in  the  house;  the  Cook,  for  old 
acquaintance  and  for  that  he  supposeth  me  to  be  a  Papist, 
will  bring  me  to  the  sight  thereof." 

And  upon  this  determination,  we  set  from  London  [on 
Friday]  the  14th  day  of  July  last ;  and  came  to  the  said 
Master  Yate's  house,  the  i6th  of  the  same  month,  being 
Sunday,  about  the  hour  aforesaid. 

Where,  without  the  gates  of  the  same  house,  we  espied 
one  of  the  servants  of  the  house,  who  most  likely  seemed,  by 
reason  of  his  lying  aloof,  to  be  as  it  were  a  Scout  Watcher, 
that  they  within  might  accomplish  their  secret  matters  more 
safely, 

I  called  the  said  servant,  and  enquired  of  him  for  the 
said  Thomas  Cooper  the  Cook. 

Who  answered.  That  he  could  not  well  tell,  whether  he 
were  within  or  not. 

I  prayed  him  that  he  would  friend  me  so  much  as  to  see  ; 
and  told  him  my  name. 

The  said  servant  did  so,  it  seemed ;  for  the  Cook  came 
forth  presently  unto  us  where  we  sat  still  upon  horseback. 
And  after  a  few  such  speeches,  as  betwixt  friend  and  friend 
when  they  have  been  long  asunder,  were  passed  ;  still  sitting 
upon  our  horses,  I  told  him  That  I  had  longed  to  see  him  ; 
and  that  I  was  then  travelling  into  Derbyshire  to  see  my 
friends,  and  came  so  far  out  of  my  way  to  see  him.  And 
said  1,  "  Now  I  have  seen  you,  my  mind  is  well  satisfied ; 
and  so  fare  you  well !  " 

"  No,"  saith  he,  "  that  shall  you  not  do  before  dinner." 

I  made  the  matter  very  earnest  to  be  gone ;  and  he,  more 
earnest  and  importune  to  stay  me.  But  in  truth  I  was  as 
willing  to  stay  as  he  to  have  me. 

And  so,  perforce,  there  was  no  remedy  but  stay  we  must. 
And  having  lighted  from  horseback ;  and  being  by  him 
brought  into  the  house,  and  so  into  the  buttery,  and  there 
caused  to  drink :  presently  after,  the  said  Cook  came  and 
whispered  with  me,  and  asked.  Whether  my  friend  (meaning 
the  said  JENKINS)  were  within  the  Church  or  not  ?  Therein 
meaning,  Whether  he  were  a  Papist  or  no  ? 


460  Elliot  hears  Campion's  last  Sermon.  [[?No;.fx's8'^ 

To  which  I  answered,  "  He  was  not ;  but  yet,"  said  I,  "  he 
is  a  very  honest  man,  and  one  that  wisheth  well  that  way." 

Then  said  the  Cook  to  me,  "  Will  you  go  up  ?  "  By  which 
speech,  I  knew  he  would  bring  me  to  a  Mass. 

And  I  answered  him  and  said,  "  Yea,  for  God's  sake,  that 
let  me  do  :  for  seeing  I  must  needs  tarry,  let  me  take  some- 
thing with  me  that  is  good." 

Some  men  And  SO  wc  left  JENKINS  in  the  buttery;  and  I 

diss^mbifng"'  was  brought  by  the  Cook  through  the  hall,  the 
the  matter  as  I  dining  parlour,  and  two  or  three  other  odd  rooms, 

did  :  but  to  do  1      1  •  r    -        1  1  1  1  1 

my  Prince  and  aud  thcn  mto  a  lair  large  chamber :  where  there 
vk^e^Thow  it  was,  at  the  same  instant,  one  Priest,  called  Sat- 
iT^"easonabie  WELL,  saying  Mass ;  two  other  Priests  kneeling 
policy.  For  the  by,  wliereof  one  was  CAMPION,  and  the  other 
aiway.fwo°nby  Called  Peters  ttUas  COLLINGTON  \or  rather 
strength.         Colleton]  ;  three  Nuns,  and  37  other  people. 

When  Satwell  had  finished  his  Mass;  then  Campion 
he  invested  himself  to  say  Mass,  and  so  he  did :  and  at  the 
end  thereof,  made  holy  bread  and  delivered  it  to  the  people . 
there,  to  every  one  some,  together  with  holy  water ;  whereof 
he  gave  me  part  also. 

And  then  was  there  a  chair  set  in  the  chamber  something 
beneath  the  Altar,  wherein  the  said  CAMPION  did  sit  down  ; 
and  there  made  a  Sermon  very  nigh  an  hour  long  : 
comii's"^on"in  ^^^  cffect  of  his  tcxt  being,  as  I  remember,  "  That 
my  hand  to  Chrlst  wept  over  Jerusalem,  &c."  And  so  applied 
themmyseiTf  the  Same  to  this  our  country  of  England  for  that 
charab"r.^^if  ^^6  Pope  his  authoHty  and  doctrine  did  not  so 
'o'^u'^'ud^e'^^^  flourish  here  as  the  same  CAMPION  desired. 
what  had  At  the  end  of  which  Sermon,  I  gat  down  unto 

happened  unto  ^j^^  ^^j^  JENKINS  SO  soou  as  I  could.  For  duriug 
the  time  that  the  Masses  and  the  Sermon  were 
made,  JENKINS  remained  still  beneath  in  the  buttery  or 
hall ;  not  knowing  of  any  such  matter  until  I  gave  him  some 
intelligence  [of]  what  I  had  seen. 

And  so  we  departed,  with  as  convenient  expedition  as  we 
might,  and  came  to  one  Master  Fettiplace,  a  Justice  of 
the  Peace  in  the  said  country  [County] :  whom  we  made 
privy  of  our  doings  therein  ;  and  required  him  that,  accord- 
ing to  the  tenour  of  our  Commission,  he  would  take  sufficient 
Power,  and  with  us  thither. 


[?Nov.fi58i':]  Search  for  Campion,  &c.,  at  Lyford.  461 

Whereupon  the  said  Justice  of  Peace,  within  one  quarter 
of  an  hour,  put  himself  in  a  readiness,  with  forty  or  fifty  men 
very  well  weaponed  :  who  went,  in  great  haste,  together  with 
the  said  Master  Fettiplace  and  us,  to  the  said  Master 
Yate  his  house. 

Where,  at  our  coming  upon  the  sudden,  being  about  one 
of  the  clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day,  before  we 
knocked  at  the  gates  which  were  then  (as  before  they  were 
continually  accustomed  to  be)  fast  shut  (the  house  being 
moated  round  about ;  within  which  n:ioat  was  great  store  of 
fruit  trees  and  other  trees,  with  thick  hedge  rows :  so  that 
the  danger  for  fear  of  losing  of  the  said  CAMPION  and  his 
associates  was  the  more  doubted) ;  we  beset  the  house  with 
our  men  round  about  the  moat  in  the  best  sort  we  could 
devise :  and  then  knocked  at  the  gates,  and  were  presently 
heard  and  espied  ;  but  kept  out  by  the  space  of  half  an  hour. 

In  which  time,  as  it  seemeth,  they  had  hidden  CAMPION 
and  the  other  two  Priests  in  a  very  secret  place  within  the 
said  house ;  and  had  made  reasonable  purveyance  for  him 
as  hereafter  is  mentioned  :  and  then  they  let  us  into  the 
house. 

Where  came  presently  to  our  sight,  Mrs  Yate,  the  good 
wife  of  the  house ;  five  Gentlemen,  one  Gentlewoman,  and 
three  Nuns  :    the  Nuns  being   then  disguised  in  one  Nun  got 
Gentlewomen's  apparel,  not  like  unto  that  they  f^^maWs""" 
heard  Mass  in.  All  which  I  well  remembered  to  have  apparei. 
seen,  the  same  morning,  at  the  Masses  and  Sermon  aforesaid  : 
yet  every  one  of  them  a  great  while  denied  it.  And  especially 
the  said  Mistress  Yate  ;  who  could  not  be  content  Mistress  yate 
only  to  make  a  plain  denial  of  the  said  Masses  and  goodlul^o^f^ 
the  Priests  :  but,  with  great  and  horrible  oaths,  for-  °io"ey  to  have 

ffivcn  over  the 

sware  the  same,  betaking  herself  to  the  Devil  if  search, 
any  such  there  were ;  in  such  sort  as,  if  I  had  not  seen  them 
with  mine  own  eyes,  I  should  have  believed  her.       Master  Yate 
But  knowing  certainly  that  these  were  but  bare  he^is'stln,  fn 
excuses,    and     that    we    should     find    the    said  ^''ea°din'°  for 
Campion  and  his  compeers  if  we  made  narrow  Papistry! 
search  ;  I  eftsoons  put  Master  FETTIPLACE  in  remembrance 
of  our  Commission  :  and  so  he,  myself,  and  the  said  JENKINS 
Her   Majesty's   Messenger,   went   to   searching  the  house ; 
where  we  found  many  secret  corners. 


462  Jenkins  finds  Campion's  hiding  place.  [[ ? nov-K'. 

Continuing  the  search,  although  with  no  small  toil,  in  the 
orchards,  hedges,  and  ditches,  within  the  moat  and  divers 
other  places ;  at  the  last  [we]  found  out  Master  EDWARD  Yate, 
brother  to  the  good  man  of  the  house,  and  two  countrymen 
called  Weblin  and  Mansfield,  fast  locked  together  in  a 
pigeon  house  :  but  we  could  not  find,  at  that  time.  Campion 
and  the  other  two  Priests  whom  we  specially  sought  for. 

It  drew  then  something  towards  evening,  and  doubting 
lest  we  were  not  strong  enough  ;  we  sent  our  Commission  to 
one  Master  FOSTER,  High  Sheriff  of  Berkshire  ;  and  to  one 
Master  Wiseman,  a  Justice  of  Peace  within  the  same 
County  ;  for  some  further  aid  at  their  hands. 

The  said  Master  Wiseman  came  with  very  good  speed 
unto  us  the  same  evening,  with  ten  or  twelve  of  his  own 
men,  very  able  men  and  well  appointed :  but  the  said 
Master  FOSTER  could  not  be  found,  as  the  messenger  that 
went  for  him  returned  us  answer. 

And  so  the  said  house  was  beset  the  same  night  with  at 
the  least  three  score  men  well  weaponed  ;  who  watched  the 
same  very  diligently. 

And  the  next  day,  being  Monday  [17th  July  1581],  in  the 
morning  very  early,  came  one  Master  CHRISTOPHER 
Lydcot,  a  Justice  of  Peace  of  the  same  shire,  with  a  great 
sort  [companj/]  of  his  own  men,  all  very  well  appointed :  who, 
together  with  his  men,  shewed  such  earnest  loyal  and  for- 
ward service  in  those  affairs  as  was  no  small  comfort  and 
encouragement  to  all  those  which  were  present,  and  did  bear 
true  hearts  and  good  wills  to  Her  Majesty. 

The  same  morning,  began  a  fresh  search  for  the  said 
Priests  ;  which  continued  with  very  great  labour  until  about 
ten  of  the  clock  in  the  forenoon  of  the  same  day  :  but  the 
said  Priests  could  not  be  found,  and  every  man  [was]  almost 
persuaded  that  they  were  not  there. 

Yet  still  searching,  although  in  effect  clean  void  of  any 
hope  for  finding  of  them,  the  said  David  Jenkins,  by 
GOD's  great  goodness,  espied  a  certain  secret  place,*  which 

*  In  MUNDAY's  Brief  Discotirse,  Qr^c.  [24  July  1581]  there  is  a 
description  of  this  "  secret  place  "  ;  which  may  be  correct  as  to  its  situa- 
tion in  the  Manor  House  at  Lyford  : 

A  chamber,  near  the  top  of  the  house  ;  which  was  but  very  simple  : 
having  in  it  a  large  great  shelf  with  divers  tools  and  instruments  both 


[?N?;.f!s8i:]  The  three  Priests  yield  themselves.  463 

he  quickly  found  to  be  hollow ;  and  with  a  pin  of  iron  which 
he  had  in  his  hand  much  like  unto  a  harrow  tine,  he  forth- 
with did  break  a  hole  into  the  said  place :  where  ,^ 
then  presently  he  perceived  the  said  Priests  lying  cot  was  then 
all  close  together  upon   a  bed,  of  purpose  there  ^"'^^y- 
laid  for  them  ;  where  they  had  bread,  meat,  and  drink  suffi- 
cient to  have  relieved  them  three  or  four  days  together. 

The  said  Jenkins  then  called  very  loudly,  and  said, 
"  I  have  found  the  traitors !" ;  and  presently  company 
enough  was  with  him :  who  there  saw  the  said  Priests 
[that],  when  there  was  no  remedy  for  them  but  nolens  volens, 
courteously  yielded  themselves. 

Shortly  after  came  one  Master  Reade,  another  Justice 
of  the  Peace  of  the  said  shire,  to  be  assistant  in  these  affairs. 

Of  all  which  matters,  news  was  immediately  carried  in 
great  haste  to  the  Lords  of  the  Privy  Council :  First  myself 
who  gave  further  Commission  that  the  said  Priests  [he  Court '° 
and    certain    others    their    associates    should    be  l^t's^T"^^' 
brought   to   the   Court   under   the  conduction  of  Messenger. 
myself  and    the    said    JENKINS ;    with    commandment    to 
the  Sheriff  to  deliver  us  sufficient  aid  forth  of  his  shire, 
for  the  safe  bringing  up  of  the  said  people. 

After  that  the  rumour  and  noise  for  the  finding  out 
of  the  said  CAMPION,  Satwell,  and  Peters  alias 
COLLINGTON,  was  in  the  said  house  something  assuaged ; 
and  that  the  sight  of  them  was  to  the  people  there  no 
great  novelty :  then  was  the  said  High  Sheriff  sent  for 
once  again  ;  who  all  that  while  had  not  been  seen  anthony 
in  this  service.  But  then  came,  and  received  into  ThTsheHff'''' 
his  charge  the  said  Priests  and  certain  others  and  his  men 
from  that  day  until  Thursday  following.  s^tructioSfo'r 

The  fourth  Priest  which  was  by  us  brought  up  of'hS  Z- 
to  the  Tower,  whose  name  is  WiLLlAM  FiLBiE,  fuebook. 

upon  it,  and  hanging  by  it  ;  which  they  judged  to  belong  to  some  cross- 
bow maker.  The  simpleness  of  the  place  caused  them  to  use  small 
suspicion  in  it :  and  [they]  were  departing  out  again  ;  but  one  in  the 
company,  by  good  hap,  espied  a  chink  in  the  wall  of  boards  whereto 
this  shelf  was  fastened,  and  through  the  same  he  perceived  some  light. 
Drawing  his  dagger,  he  smit  a  great  hole  in  it  ;  and  saw  there  was  a 
room  behind  it  :  whereat  the  rest  stayed,  searching  for  some  entrance 
into  it ;  which  by  pulling  down  a  shelf  they  found^  being  a  little  hole  for 
one  to  creep  in  at. 


464  Campion,  &c.,  brought  to  the  Tower.  [[^N^^.fS 

was  not  taken  with  the  said  CAMPION  and  the  rest  in 
the  said  house :  but  was  apprehended  and  taken  in  our 
watch  [on  the  171/1],  by  chance,  in  coming  to  the  said  house 
to  speak  with  the  said  PETERS  [or  COLLETON],  as  he 
said  ;  and  thereupon  [was]  delivered  likewise  in  charge  to 
the  Sheriff,  with  the  rest 

Upon  Thursday,  the  20th  day  of  July  last  [1581],  we 
set  forwards  from  the  said  Master  Yate  his  house  towards 
the  Court,  with  our  said  charge ;  being  assisted  by  the 
said  Master  Lydcot  and  Master  Wiseman,  and  a  great 
sort  [company]  of  their  men  ;  who  never  left  us  until  we 
came  to  the  Tower  of  London.  There  were  besides,  that 
guarded  us  thither,  50  or  60  Horsemen  ;  very  able  men  and 
well  appointed :  which  we  received  by  the  said  Sheriff 
his  appointment. 

We  went  that  day  to  Henley  upon  Thames,  where  we 
lodged  that  night. 

And  about  midnight  we  were  put  into  great  fear  by 
reason  of  a  very  great  cry  and  noise  that  the  said  FiLBIE 
made  in  his  sleep ;  which  wakened  the  most  that  were 
that  night  in  the  house,  and  that  in  such  sort  that  every 
man  almost  thought  that  some  of  the  prisoners  had  been 
broken  from  us  and  escaped  ;  although  there  was  in  and 
about  the  same  house  a  very  strong  watch  appointed  and 
charged  for  the  same.  The  aforesaid  Master  Lydcot  was 
the  first  that  came  unto  them  :  and  when  the  matter  was 
examined,  it  was  found  no  more  but  that  the  said  Filbie 
was  in  a  dream  ;  and,  as  he  said,  he  verily  thought  one 
to  be  a  ripping  down  his  body  and  taking  out  his  bowels. 

The  next  day,  being  Friday  [21st  July  158 1],  we  set 
forward  from  Henley.  And  by  the  way  received  command- 
ment by  a  Pursuivant  from  the  Lords  of  the  Privy  Council, 
that  we  should  stay  that  night  at  Colebrook ;  and  the 
next  day  after,  being  Saturday,  to  bring  them  through 
the  city  of  London  unto  the  Tower,  and  there  to  deliver 
them  into  the  charge  of  Sir  OWEN  HOPTON  Knight,  Her 
Majesty's  Lieutenant  of  the  same ;  which  accordingly  we 
did. 

And  this  is,  in  effect,  the  true  discourse  [of]  that  was 
used  in  the  apprehension  of  the  said  CAMPION  and  his 
associates. 


G.  Elliot, 


[?Nov. 


"'sr':]  Some  may  marvel  at  my  long  silence.  465 


Some  men  may  marvel  that  I  would  be  silent  so  long 
for  the  setting  out  of  the  manner  of  their  takings ;  con- 
sidering I  find  myself  aggrieved  with  the  same  untrue  report 
set  out  before  by  the  said  A.  M[unday].  In  good  faith 
I  meant  nothing  less  than  to  take  any  such  matter  in 
hand,  if  so  great  an  untruth  had  not  been  published  against 
us  that  were  doers  in  those  affairs ;  and  besides  hitherto 
divers  other  weightier  business  has  partly  hindered  me 
therein. 

But  now  at  the  last,  although  very  late,  I  have  rudely 
set  down  the  verity  in  this  matter :  thinking  it  better  to 
tell  a  true  tale  by  leisure,  than  a  lie  in  haste ;  as  the 
said  A.  M.,  by  his  former  book,  hath  done  to  his  own 
discredit,  the  deluding  of  Her  Majesty's  liege  people,  and 
the  slander  of  some  which  have  intermeddled  in  the  said 
cause. 


'j5iH^iiijiijii[ii[iijiiiiii|ii^i^iii|iiiiiijjp 


2G 


466 


The  names  of  those  that  were  taken  and  brought  up  to 
the  Tower  of  London,  as  aforesaid. 


I.  Edward  Campion, 


Jesuit  and  Priest. 


2.  Thomas  Satwell  [alias  Foord]A 

3.  John  Peters  a/ms  Collington   | 
[or  more  properly  COLLETON], 

4.  William  Filbie,     . 


/ 


Priests. 


5.  Edward  Yate, 

6.  Edward  Keynes,    . 

7.  Humphrey  Keynes, 

8.  John  Cotton, 

9.  William  Ilsley  [or  Hildesley], 
10.  John  Jacob  [or  James],  . 


'Gentlemen. 


11.  John  Mansfield,    .        .        .       ) Husbandmen     and 

12.  William  Weblin  [^r  Webley],    j  Neighbours  thereby. 


jjj^^^J;"5'°J;]WiDow  Beysaunt's  story  about  Elliot.  467 


Ince  the  committing  of  the  persons  before- 
named  to  the  Tower  as  aforesaid,  there  hath 
been,  for  my  service  done  in  those  and 
such  like  affairs,  no  small  nor  few  brags, 
threatenings,  curses,  and  evil  wishes  given 
out  against  me  by  such  as,  if  they  were  campion, 
known,    deserve    both    little    liberty    and    small  Tawme^fteJ 

favour.  "^'^  apprehen- 

_,  -.,,  iiirj-  1-1    ^'°">  5^"^  ""'° 

Some  of  my   friends   have    doubted    [/myea\  me,  That  my 
lest   that   sort   of  lewd    people   would    do    their  thrtakin°g"of" 
good  wills   to   hurt   me   by  some   secret  device,  unfortun'alJ'to 
as    conjuration,    witchcraft,    or    such    like  ;    the  me.  And  in 
which  I  rather  think  to  be  true,  for  that,  shortly  towards  the 
after    the    foresaid    business    ended,    it    pleased  visrd^mi\o  gf t 
GOD   to  visit   me   with    some   sickness   after   I  outofEngialid 

,        ,  .     ,  1   •    1        •      1         1       r         '°''  '^^  safety 

was  gone  to  bed  at  night;  which  indeed  for  of  my  body. 
two  or  three  hours  handled  me  something  hardly.  But, 
GOD  I  take  to  witness,  I  never  was  of  that  opinion 
that  it  came  to  me  by  any  other  means  but  only  by 
riding  post  two  or  three  journies  about  the  business 
aforesaid. 

Yet,  within  one  day  or  two  after  my  sickness,  there  came 
to  a  neighbour's  house  [to]  where  I  lodged  in  Southwark,  one 
Mistress  Beysaunt,  a  widow,  whose  abode  is  most  about 
St.  Mary  Overies,  and  at  the  last  by  report  smelleth  of 
Papistry,  and  asked  the  good  wife  of  the  house  for  me,  and 
what  she  had  lately  heard  of  me. 

She  answered,  She  knew  me  not ;  nor  nothing  she  had 
heard  of  me. 

Then  said  Mistress  Beysaunt,  "  The  very  truth  is,  it  is 
he  that  took  Campion  and  the  rest  of  the  company  that  are 
in  the  Tower ;  and  was  the  cause  that  Master  Roper 
and  divers  other  good  men  are  troubled  :  and  the  j^  ggg^^gth  she 
last   day,"  saith   she,  "  he   did    fall    mad   in   the  was  privy  to 

.  .  t  •     1  '     ,  1  •         1      1     •  some  secret 

street,   and   was    carried    so    into    his    lodging ;  practice 
and  is  not  like[ly]  to  escape  with  life.     I  pray  ag^in^'^^- 
you   inquire   further  of  him,  and  let  me  have   knowledge 
thereof" 

So  that  hereby  I  may  plainly  see  that  the  Papists  take 
great  care  for  me  :  but  whether  it  be  for  my  weal  or  woe, 


468  T.  Roper  committed  through  Elliot.  [(vnotJIssT 

and  what  her  meaning  was,  let  the  world  judge.  But  let 
the  Devil,  the  Pope,  and  them  do  what  they  can  ;  my  faith 
standeth  so  sure  on  CHRIST  jESUS  my  Saviour,  that  through 
him  I  defy  them  all. 

There  hath  been  great  murmuring  and  grudging  against 
me  about  the  committing  of  the  aforesaid  Master  Thomas 
Roper  ;  and  many  faults  have  been  found  for  the  same. 

What  I  did  therein  I  mean  not  here  to  recite  :  but  my 
dealings  in  those  causes  are  known  to  such  as  before 
whom  I  think  the  fault  finders  dare  not  shew  their  faces. 
But  whatsoever  I  did  against  him,  I  would  have  done 
against  mine  own  father ;  the  case  standing  as  it  did. 
Yet  such  find-faults,  to  make  the  matter  seem  more 
odious  to  the  World  against  me,  do  not  stick  to  report 
and  say,  That  the  said  Master  RoPER  hath  brought  me 
up  from  my  childhood  to  this  day  at  his  only  charges. 
Which  is  so  false  as  GOD  is  true.  For  although  I  was 
his  servant ;  I  continued  with  him,  in  all,  not  past  one 
year. 

But  to  conclude.  A  great  number  of  such  like  untruths 
have  been  published  against  me,  and  no  few  bold  brags  ; 
as  report  goeth.  I  could  name  some  if  I  would :  but  I 
let  them  pass  ;  unless  I  be  commanded  to  the  contrary 
by  such  as  have  authority  to  deal  with  me  therein.  GOD 
grant  them  amendment,  I  mean  not  towards  myself;  or 
else  make  their  doings  known  in  such  sort  as  they  may 
have  their  deservings ;  or  at  least  be  put  to  the  mercy  of 
Her  Majesty  :  to  whose  Highness,  jESUS  send  long  life,  a 
prosperous  reign,  with  all  joy  and  felicity  ! 

George  Elliot. 


Imprinted  at  London  at  the  Three  Cranes  in  the  Vintry, 
by  Thomas  Dawson. 

1581. 


469 


On  12  March  1582,  there  was  entered  for  publication  at  Stationers' 
Hall  [Arber,  Transcript  ^c,  II.  408.]  A  brief  Answer  made  unto 
two  seditious  Pamphlets.  By  A.  M.  [Anthony  Munday.]  The 
Preface  to  the  Reader  is  however  dated  "  From  Barbican,  the  22  of 
March  1582." 

We  give  here  the  beginning  of  this  Answer ;  the  side  notes  being,  of 
course,  the  comments  of  Anthony  Munday. 


Ot    long    after    I    had    published    [on    22 
January  1582]  my  book  called    The  Dis- 
covery of  Campion  ;  there  came  unto  my 
hands  a  seditious  pamphlet  in  the  French 
tongue,     intituled     The    History    of   the 
Death  which  the  Reverend  Father,  Master 
Edmund  Campion  Priest,  of  the  Society  of 
the  name  of  Jesus,  and  others  have  suffered 
in  England  for  the  Catholic,  or  Romish,  religion  J^,°gf°^  j^^^j 
orfaith,the  \ St  December  \^%\  ;  adding  underneath  for  High 
Translated  out  of  English  into  French,  [a.m.]  ' 

When  I  had  thoroughly  perused  this  book,  noting  the 
traitorous  effects  and  slanderous  speeches  therein  contained, 
receiving  the  judgment  likewise  of  divers  learned  and  godly 
men  :  as  well  to  correct  the  manifest  untruths  wherewith 
this  pamphlet  is  notably  stuffed,  as  also  that  the  godly  and 
virtuous  may  discern  their  apparent  impudency  and  wicked 
nature ;  I  resolved  myself  to  shape  a  brief  Answer  to  such 
a  shameless  libel  ;  myself  being  therein  untruly  and 
maliciously  abused. 

First,  our  nameless  historiographer,  because  he  would  aim 
his  course  after  some  odd  manner  of  conveyance.  The  manner  of 
taketh  occasion  to  begin  his  book  with  the  taking  [raUoro'i^r' 
of  Campion,  his  bringing  to  the  Tower,  what  took.  [a.m.] 
happened  in  his  time  of  stay  there,  and  lastly  his  martyrdom 
(as  he  termeth  it)  with  two  other  holy  and  devout  Priests ; 
and,  in  this  manner  continuing  his  unadvised  labour,  he 
beginneth  as  hereafter  followeth  : 


4/0   Elliot  falsely  accused  of  a  murder.    [MaS^ts^-' 

George  Elliot  {sometime  servant  to  Master  Thomas 
Roper  ;  and  since  belonging  to  a  Gentlewoman,  the  widow  of 
Sir  William  Petre  :  in  whose  service  he  made  show  to  be  a 
sound  and  good  Catholic)  not  long  since  committed  a  murder. 
To  build  u  on  ^^  ^'^^^  "^^  •'  ^^^  "wMch  offcncc,  fcarifig  the  da^iger 
hearsay  that  was  like\ly\  to  ensue,  he  went  and  submitted 

siTrTder  fo"und-  himsclf  to  onc  of  thc  chicf  Lords  in  the  Court ;  and, 
ation.  [A.M.]  ^j^^  better  to  win  his  favour,  on  his  own  behalf 
promised  to  deliver  into  his  hands  the  Father  Edmund  Campion. 

This  promise,  saith  he,  was  received ;  and  unto  the  said 
George  and  an  Officer,  zvas  delivered  Commission  to  take  and 
apprehend  the  said  Edmund  Campion. 

TJien  went  they  on  their  way,  and  coming  into  Berkshire  to 
\the'\  house  of  ojie  Master  Yate ;  George  Elliot  met  with 
the  Cook  of  the  house  with  whom  he  was  very  well  acquainted, 
because  they  had  before  both  served  one  Master. 
His  Master  The  Cook,  thinking  no  ill,  began  to  tell  him  many 

gaol  at^ReLd-^  things  /  and  that  Father  Campion  ivas  in  the  house 

ihen  hLw  ^'     -'^^i^i  ^"'-f  Master. 

Campion  Upon  ivliich  rcport,  George  scnt  his  fellow  to  the 

could  be  within      -.  ,  -'  /~-    i     •     •  a       i    t        • 

"with  his  fustice,  IV  ho  was  a  very  great  Calvinist.  And  he  in 
^^^"^"^'[A.M.]  'itican  zvhile  was  brought  into  the  house  by  the  said 
Cook  :  where,  like  anotJier  Judas,  traitor  and  disloyal,  he  first 
attended  the  sacrifice  of  the  Mass  which  was  celebrated  that 
day  by  the  Father  Edmund,  as  also  a  Sermon  which  he  made. 
In  tvliich  time  behold  a  good  mail  came  running,  willing  them 
to  take  heed  of  a  present  treason. 

Scantly  zvas  all  carried  aivay  that  had  served  for  the  Mass 
and  the  Sermon  ;  but  the  Justice  was  thet'e  arrived  with  [«] 
very  great  force,  besetting  the  house  round  about,  that  none 
shoidd  escape  away. 

After  very  diligent  search  through  all  the  chambers  and 
other  more  secret  places  ;  they  were  determined  to  return,  as  not 
finding  anything,  until  they  were  advertised  {either  by  George, 
who  had  understood  it  of  the  Cook ;  or  by  some  other)  of  a 
certain  corner,  more  dark  and  subtle ;  where  they  found  the 
Father  Edmund  and  two  other  Priests  hidden  :  tvho,  the  same 
day,  with  Gentlemen  and  other  persons,  were  sent  up  to 
London  ;  a  spectacle  of  great  joy  unto  their  adversaries. 

This   much  of  our  French  historian's  words,   I   thought 


^eb^lss';]     Elliot's  service  with    Lady  Petre.     471 

good  in  this  place  to  set  down  :  because  the  disproof 
„    ^      ^.  ^    thereto   annexed    may   discover    what    truth    all 

By  that  which        ,  r      i    •  r  •  r     i       • 

foiioweth,         they  01  this  sect  frequent  in  any  of  their  actions. 

written  by 
George 

Sif'^coiilwer  This  aforenamed  GEORGE  ELLIOT  came  home 
the  truth  of  this  unto  my  lodging  [?  in  Barbican,  see  page  469  ;  and 
report.  .  .  .^  February  1582] ;  where  I  shewed  him  the  slanders 
that  were  used  of  him  in  the  French  book. 

Whereupon,  taking  good  advice,  and  noting  the  circum- 
stances that  so  highly  touched  him  ;  upon  his  conscience, 
he  delivereth  this  unreprovable  Answer. 


George  Elliot  his  Answer,  to  clear  himself  of  the 
former  untrue  Objections. 

Bout  three  years  since  [?  1578]  it  was  my  for- 
tune to  serve  Master  THOMAS  RoPER  of 
[Orpington  in]  Kent.  With  whom  I  had  not 
stayed  past  eleven  weeks,  but  Payne  the  Priest 
(of  whom  mention  is  made  [see  page  453]  in  the 
Discovery  of  Campion  set  forth  by  the  Author  of  this  book 
\i.e.  Anthony  Munday]  )  inticed  me  [in  November  1578] 
from  thence  to  serve  my  Lady  Petre,  to  whom  the  said 
Payne  served  craftily  as  Steward  of  her  house. 

With  her   I   continued  almost  two  years  [  ?  Nov.   1578- 
Nov.   1580].     In  which  time,  being  myself  bent 
somewhat  to  that  religion,  frequenting  the  com-  quentJth  their 
pany  of  a  number  of  Papists,  I  perceived  their  fiXZheif' 
dealings  to  be,  as  they  are  indeed,  full  of  wicked  dealings  dis- 

°  ,  ...  ..  ,,  loyal  and 

treasons  and  unnatural  dispositions,  too  bad  to  traitorous. 
be  named.  The  conceit  whereof  (examining 
first  my  duty  to  GOD,  next  my  love  to  my  Princess 
\Sovereign\  and  last  the  care  of  my  country,)  by  the 
grace  and  permission  of  GOD,  offered  me  so  great  dis- 
liking of  their  dealings  that,  so  warily  and  conveniently 
as  I  might,  I  weaned  my  affection  from  their  abominable 
infection  :  nevertheless  using  their  companies  still,  for  that 
it  gave  me  the  better  occasion  to  see  into  the  depth  of  their 
horrible  inventions. 


4/2    The  Council  want  Payne  the  Priest.    [ 


G.  Elliot. 
Feb.  ii;82. 


From  my  Lady  Petre,  in  November  was  twelvemonth 
[1580],  by  entreaty  I  came  to  Master  ROPER's  again. 
With  whom  I  continued  till  Whitsuntide  last  [14th  May 
1 581],  when  my  conscience  hardly  digesting  such  a  weighty 
burden  as  with  their  devices  and  practices  it  was  very 
sore  ladened  ;  I  was  constrained  to  give  over  that  slavish 
kind  of  life,  and  humbly  committed  my  reconciliation  to 
the  Right  Honourable  and  my  good  Lord,  the  Earl  of 
Leicester  :  to  whom  I  made  known  the  grievous  estate 
of  my  life  which,  for  the  space  of  four  years,  I  had  endured 
amongst  them. 

Now  whereas  it  hath  pleased  my  adversary  to  set  down 
that  I 

committed  a  murder,  and  to  avoid  the  danger  of  law 
offered  to  the  aforesaid  my  good  Lord  to  deliver 
tmto  him  Edmund  Campion,  thereby  to  obtain  my 
pardon. 

How  untrue  this  is,  his  Honour  very  well  knoweth  ;  and  so  do 
It  is  very  un-  a  number  more  besides.  For,  in  truth,  I  neither, 
whlch^neter^'  ^s  then,  kuew  Campion,  had  never  seen  him  in 
inliPhkUfe'^  all  my  life,  nor  knew  where  or  in  what  place 
nor  knew  '  he  was,  it  is  Very  unlike[ly]  then  I  should  make 
rouldmakl^'  him  any  such  promise.  But  that  he  may  learn 
bm|iSm^*'°  another  time  to  order  his  matters  with  more 
forth.  [A.M.]  truth  and  discretion  ;  I  will  set  down  both  how 
I  went,  with  what  Commission,  and  to  what  intent :  and 
then  let  him  have  judgment  according  to  the  credit  of  his 
Work: 


When  I  had  revealed  the  traitorous  speeches  of  Payne 
the  Priest  (how,  and  after  what  manner,  you  may  read  in 
the  book  [by  ANTHONY  MUNDAY]  before  expressed  [see 
page  453] )  I  was  demanded.  If  I  knew  where  he  was  at  that 
time? 

I  could  not  make  any  certain  answer. 

Whereupon  I  was  demanded  again.  If  I  would  do  my 
endeavour  to  search  him  out  ? 

Whereto,  according  to  my  bounden  duty,  I  agreed  right 
willingly. 


Ftb^!532:]  Elliot  hopes  to  meet  Payne  at  Lyford.  473 

Then  was  I  appointed,  in  company  with  David  Jenkins, 
one  of  the  Messengers  of  Her  Majesty's  Chamber  ;  ,  ^^^  t^e 
and  to  us  was  delivered  a  Warrant  to  take  and  warrant  my- 

1  ,j      rt     •  self;  and 

apprehend,  not  any  one  man,  but  all  Frtests,  neither  was 
Jesuits,  and  such  like  seditions  persons,  as  in  pAYNE°o'rany 
our  journey  we  should  meet  withal.  Neither  was  °here^'^buta/^ 
Campion,  Payne,  or  any  one  man  named  in  the  Priests, 
Warrant :  for  that  as  the  one  was  judged  hard  to  snchsLutious 
be  found  ;  so  it  was  uncertain  where  to  find  him  -^"^^""^'[a.m.] 
[that]  I  knew  well  enough. 

Wherefore  remembering,  when  I  served  Master  ROPER, 
that  there  was  one  THOMAS  CooPER  a  Cook,  who 
served  him  likewise,  and  also  knew  the  aforesaid  Payne  ; 
to  him  I  thought  good  to  go,  because  I  had  understanding 
that  he  dwelt  at  Lyford  in  Berkshire  with  one  Master 
Yate  who  was  a  very  earnest  Papist  and  gave  great  enter- 
tainment to  all  of  that  sect  :  thinking  as  it  might  so  fall 
out  that  we  either  might  find  the  said  Payne  there,  or  else 
understand  where  he  was.  And  considering  the  generality 
\compre]iensiveness'\  of  our  Warrant,  some  other  Priests 
might  chance  to  be  there  ;  in  respect  that  he  was  such 
a  host  for  all  of  that  disposition. 

When  we  came  to  Lyford,  and  had  talked  with  this 
aforesaid  THOMAS  CooPER  ;  we  were  framing  ourselves  to 
depart  thence,  not  having  been  within  the  house  at  all. 
But  he  desiring  us  to  stay  dinner,  we  alighted  and  went 
in  with  him  ;  he  not  telling  me  that 

Campion  was  there  with  his  Master 
for  he  [Master   Yate]  was  then  in  the  gaol  at  Reading;  or 
any  other    Priest :    though   it   hath   pleased   our  nameless 
Author  to  write  so. 

When  we  were  within  the  house,  this  CoOPER  brought 
us  into  the  buttery :  where  he,  whispering  me  in  ^  j^^,  ^^^^^  ^^ 
the  ear,  demanded.  If  my  fellow  were  within  the  church, 
Church  or  no  ?  as  much  to  say  as,  Whether  he  Devir°s  vkar. 
was  a  Papist  or  no  ?  [a.m.] 

I  answered,  "  He  was  not  ;  yet  nevertheless,"  quoth  I, 
"  he  is  a  very  honest  man,  and  one  that  wisheth  well  that 
way." 

Then  said  the  Cook,  "  Will  you  go  up  ?  " 

Hereby  I  understood  that  he  would  bring  me  to  a  Mass. 


474    Elliot's  first  sight  of  Campion,    [^eb^jjs^: 

Whereto  I  consenting,  leaving  David  Jenkins  in  the 
buttery,  he  brought  me  up  :  where,  after  one  Satwell  alias 
FOORD  had  said  Mass,  Campion  prepared  himself  to  say 
Mass.  And  there  was  the  first  time  that  ever  I  saw 
Campion  in  all  my  life  :  not  having  heard  by  any  that 
he  was  there  in  the  house,  before  I  was  brought  up  into  the 
chamber. 

As  concerning  how  he  was  taken,  how  he  was  brought 
up  to  London,  and  how  all  things  passed  in  that  service  ; 
I  have  already  set  down  in  my  book  imprinted  :  which 
conferring  with  his  false  report,  you  shall  find  it  as  much  to 
differ  as  truth  doth  from  falsehood. 

This  have  I  thought  good  here  to  set  down,  in  the 
reproof  of  him  who  hath  published  such  a  manifest  untruth  : 
and  as  concerning  what  I  have  reported  to  be  spoken 
by  Payne,  I  am  ready  at  all  times  to  justify  it  with 
my  death,  that  they  are  his  words  according  as  he  spake 
theiii. 

By  me  George  Elliot. 


1589. 

Est   natura    hominum    novitatis   avida. 

THE  SCOTTISH  QUEEN's 

Burial  at  Peterborough, 

upon  Tuesday,  being  Lammas  Day 
[ist  August]   1587. 


LONDON. 

Printed  by  A.  J.  [Abel  Jeffes]  for  Edward  Venge  ; 

and  are  to  be  sold  at  his  shop 

without  Bishops  Gate. 


W 


[The  unique  copy  of  this  Tract  is  preserved  in  the  Advocates'  Library 
at  Edinburgh.  As  it  is  however,  somewhat  confusedly  written ;  its 
information  has  been  corrected  and  completed  from  other  contemporary 
sources. 


The  following  is  a  truer  account  of  the  actual  interment : 

On  Sunday,  being  the  30th  of  July,  1587,  in  the  29th  year  of  the  reign 
of  Elizabeth  the  Queen's  Majesty  of  England,  there  went  from  Peter- 
borough Master  Williah  Dethick,  alias  Garter  Principal  King  of 
Arms,  and  five  Heralds,  accompanied  by  40  horse  and  men,  to  conduct 
the  body  of  Mary,  late  Queen  of  Scots,  from  Fotheringhay  Castle  in 
Northamptonshire  (which  Queen  had  remained  prisoner  in  England 
nineteen  years) :  having  for  that  purpose,  brought  a  royal  coach  drawn 
by  four  horses,  and  covered  with  black  velvet ;  richly  set  forth  with 
escutcheons  of  the  Arms  of  Scotland,  and  little  pennons  round  about  it. 

The  body  (being  enclosed  in  lead  ;  and  the  same  cofifined  in  wood) 
was  brought  down,  and  reverently  put  into  the  coach. 

At  which  time,  the  Heralds  put  on  their  Coats  of  Arms,  and  bare- 
headed, with  torches'  light,  brought  the  same  forth  of  the  Castle,  about 
ten  of  the  clock  at  night :  and  so  conveyed  it  to  Peterborough  [eleven] 
miles  distant  from  Fotheringhay  Castle. 

Whither  being  come,  about  two  of  the  clock  on  the  Monday  morning 
[31st  July]  ;  the  body  was  received  most  reverently  at  the  Minster  Door 
of  Peterborough,  by  the  Bishop,  Dean  and  Chapter,  and  [Robert 
Cooke]  Clarenceux  King  at  Arms. 

And,  in  the  presence  of  the  Scots  which  came  with  the  same,  it  was 
laid  in  a  Vault  prepared  for  the  same,  in  the  Quire  of  the  said  Church, 
on  the  south  side ;  opposite  to  the  tomb  of  Queen  Katharine  [of 
Arragon],  Dowager  of  Spain,  the  first  wife  of  King  Henry  the  Eighth. 

The  occasion  why  the  body  was  forthwith  laid  into  the  Vault,  and  not 
borne  in  the  Solemnity  ;  was  because  it  was  so  extreme[ly]  heavy,  by 
reason  of  the  lead,  that  the  Gentlemen  could  not  have  endured  to  have 
carried  it,  with  leisure,  in  the  solemn  proceeding  :  and  besides,  [it]  was 
feared  that  the  solder  might  rip  ;  and,  [it]  being  very  hot  weather,  might 
be  found  some  annoyance. 

A  Remembrance  of  the  Order  and  Maimer  of  the  Burial  of  MARY ^ 
Queen  of  Scots.     Printed  in  Archceologia,  I.,  155  [for  355],  1770. 


The  following  additional  details  are  given  in  the  Account  drawn  up 
by  [Doctor  Richard  Fletcher]  the  Dean  of  Peterborogh.  See  S. 
GUNTON,  History  of  the  Cathedral  of  Peterdurgh,  p.  78.  Ed.  1686. 

The  body,  with  the  closures,  weighed  nine  hundred  weight ;  which 
being  carried,  and  attended  orderly  by  the  said  persons,  was  committed 
to  the  ground  in  the  Vault  appointed  :  and  immediately  the  Vault  was 
covered,  saving  a  small  hole  left  open  for  the  Staffs  to  [be]  broken  into. 

There  v/ere  at  that  time,  not  any  Offices  of  the  Church  Service  done  : 
the  Bishop  being  ready  to  have  executed  therein.  But  it  was  by  all  that 
were  present,  as  well  Scottish  as  others,  thought  good  and  agreed,  that 
it  should  be  done  at  the  day  and  time  of  Solemnity.] 


The  Scottish  ^een's  Burial  at  Peterborough^ 

upon  Tuesday^  being  Lammas  Day 

[ij-/   August],    1587. 


Er  body  was  brought  in  a  coach,  about 
100  attending  thereon,  from  Fotheringhay 
Castle,  upon  Sunday  [30th  July],  at  night. 
[Richard  Howland]  the  Bishop  of 
Peterborough,  [Richard  Fletcher] 
the  Dean  [of  Peterborough],  the  Prebends, 
and  the  rest  [of  the  Chapter]  met  the  same 
at  the  Bridge ;  being  not  far  from  the 
town :  and  so  conveyed  it  to  the  Bishop's  Palace,  and  from 
thence  upon  Tuesday  being  Lammas  Day,  [it]  was  carried  to 
the  Church,  where  she  was  buried  *  on  the  south  side  of  the 
Hearse  by  torchlight. 

The  Hearse  [or  Catafalque\  was  made  field-bed  wise ;  the 
valance  of  black  velvet,  with  a  gold  fringe ;  [and]  the  top  of 

*  There  is  a  Memorial  entered  on  tlie  wall  of  the  Cathedral  of  Peter- 
borough, for  one  [named  Robert  Scarlet]  who,  being  Sexton  thereof, 
interred  two  Queens  therein  (Katharine  Dowager  and  Mary  of  Scot- 
land) ;  more  than  fifty  years  interceding  betwixt  their  several  sepultures. 
This  vivacious  Sexton  also  buried  two  generations ;  or  the  people  in 
that  place  twice  over.  Thus  having  built  many  houses  (so  I  find  graves 
frequently  called  dojuus  cetertiales)  for  others  :  some,  as  it  was  fitting, 
performed  this  last  office  unto  him.  [He  died  on  2nd  July  1594, 
set.  98.]  Thomas  Fuller,  Worthies,  Gr'c.,  ii.  293.,  Ed.  1662. 


47  S     The  Mourners  come  to  Peterborough.     [, 


S89 


the  imperial  covered  with  baize.  About  it,  were  set  ten 
Posies  [of  the  Motto  of  the  Arms  of  Scotland],  In  my 
defence,  GOD  me  defend!  with  ten  Scutcheons  great  and 
little ;  and,  at  the  top,  a  double  one  with  a  crown  imperial 
thereupon.  The  Supporters  [were]  Unicorns,  with  100  pen- 
nons or  little  flags.  It  was  impaled  with  baize ;  and  in  it 
[were]  fourteen  stools,  with  black  velvet  cushions. 

Upon  the  pillars  supporting  the  imperial  of  the  Hearse,  the 
which  were  all  covered  with  velvet,  were  fixed  Scutcheons : 
bearing  either  [the]  Red  Lion  alone  ;  or  else  parted  with  the 
Arms  of  France,  or  with  the  arms  of  the  Lord  Lenox. 

The  Church  and  Chancel  were  hanged  with  baize  and 
Scutcheons,  as  at  other  funerals. 


[Here  must  be  inserted  some  additional  information  : 
Upon  Monday,  in  the  afternoon,  came  to  Peterburgh,  all 
the  Lords  and  Ladies  and  other  Assistants  appointed ;  and 
at  the  Bishop's  Palace  was  prepared  [at  Queen  Elizabeth's 
expense]  a  great  supper  for  them  :  where  all,  at  one  table, 
supped  in  the  Great  Chamber ;  [it]  being  hanged  with  black. 

Dean  R.  Fletcher,  in  S.  Gunton's  History,  &c.,  p.  78,  Ed.  1686, 

On  Tuesday,  being  the  ist  of  August,  in  the  morning, 
about  eight  of  the  clock,  the  Chief  Mourner,  being  [Bridget 
Russell]  the  Countess  of  Bedford  \now  the  Widow  of  her 
third  Misband\  was  attended  upon  by  all  the  Lords  and 
Ladies  ;  and  brought  into  the  Presence  Chamber  within  the 
Bishop's  Palace :  which  [Chamber],  all  over,  was  hanged 
with  black  cloth. 

She  was,  by  the  Queen's  Majesty's  Gentlemen  Ushers, 
placed  somewhat  under  a  Cloth  of  Estate  \ca7iopy'\  of  purple 
velvet :  where,  (having  given  to  the  \Gentleme71  representing, 
on  this  occasion,  the']  Great  Officers,  their  Staffs  of  Office  (viz. 
to  the  Lord  Steward ;  Lord  Chamberlain ;  the  Treasurer, 
and  Comptroller  [of  the  Household]),  she  took  her  way  into 
the  Great  Hall. 

A  Remembrance  of  the  Order,  Qr'c.  Archceologia,  I.,  155  [for  355], 
1770I 


,589.]    The  Order  of  the  Funeral  Procession.    479 

The  Mourners  came  out  of  the  Bishop's  Palace ;  being  set 
in  order  by  the  Heralds  thus  : 

First  100  Releevants  ;  poor  old  women,  for  the  most  part 
widows :  in  black  cloth  gowns,  with  an  ell  of  white  holland 
over  their  heads  ;  which  they  had  for  their  labour,  and  nine 
shillings  apiece  in  money.  These  divided  themselves  in  the 
body  of  the  Church  ;  and  stood  half  on  the  one  side,  and 
half  on  the  other :  and  there  stood  during  the  whole 
Solemnity. 

At  the  Church  door,  the  Singing  Men  and  Quiristers  met 
the  Mourners  with  a  Psalm ;  and  led  them  the  way  into 
the  Chancel,  continuing  singing,  with  the  Organ,  until  the 
Sermon  began. 

Then  followed  two  Yeomen,  viz.:  the  Sheriff  [of  Northamp- 
tonshire's Bailiff  and  the  Bailiff  of  Peterborough  ;  with  black 
staves. 

And  after  them  [100  poor  men,  in]  Mourning  Coats. 

Then  Sir  GEORGE  Savile,  in  a  Mourning  gown,  carry- 
ing the  great  Standard  :  viz.  a  Cross  on  a  Field  azure ;  the 
Streamer,  a  Unicorn  argent  in  a  Field  of  guiles ;  a  Posy 
written,  In  my  defence,  GOD  me  defend ! 

Then  followed  Mourning  Cloaks,  two  by  two,  a  great 
number  :  whereof  the  first  were  the  late  Queen's  Officers. 

And  after  them,  Mourning  Gowns. 

Among  these  Officers  of  her  House  was  [Monsieur  DU 
Preau]  a  French  Jesuit,  her  Confessor,  with  a  golden 
crucifix  about  his  neck ;  which  he  did  wear  openly :  and 
being  told.  That  the  people  murmured  and  disliked  at  it ; 
he  said.  He  would  do  it,  though  he  died  for  it.  Thus  we 
may  see  how  obdurate  their  hearts  are  in  malice ;  and  how 
obstinate  they  shew  themselves  in  the  vain  toys  and  super- 
stitious trifles  of  their  own  imaginations. 

Then  [RICHARD  FLETCHER]  the  Dean  [of  Peter- 
borough]. 

Next  the  two  Bishops:  [Richard  Howland]  of 
Peterborough,  and  [William  Wickham,  of]  Lin- 
coln. 

[Charles  Willoughby,]  the  Lord  Willoughby  of  Par- 
ham  ; 

[Lewis  Mordaunt,]  the  Lord  Mordaunt  [of  Turvey]; 

[Henry  Compton,]  the  Lord  Compton  ; 


480     The  Order  of  the  Funeral  Procession,  [^.'g^ 

Sir  Thomas  Cecil  [afterzuards  Lord  Burlegh,  and 
later  Earl  of  Exeter]  : 

All  four,  in  gowns,  with  White  Staffs  ;  representing  the 
[Lord]  Steward  ;  [the  Lord]  Chamberlain  ;  [the]  Treasurer, 
and  [the]  Controller  [of  the  Queen's  Household]. 

After  these,  16  Scots  and  Frenchmen  ;  which  had  been 
Officers  in  her  \^Queen  Mary's]  House. 

Then  Sir  ANDREW  NOEL  alone,  carrying  the  Banner  of 
Scotland. 

Then  [WILLIAM,  afterwards  Sir  WiLLlAM,  Segar]  Per- 
cullis  the  Herald  [^Portcullis  Pursuivant']  bearing  the  Crown 
\or  Helmet']  and  Crest :  thereon  a  red  lion  rampant  crowned, 
holding  a  sword  the  point  upward  ;  the  Helmet  overmanteled 
guiles  powdered  ermine. 

Then  the  Target  [or  Shield,  borne  by  JOHN  RAVEN,] 
Rouge  Dragon  [Ptirsuivant] ; 

The  Sword  by  [HUMPHREY  Hales]  York  [Herald] ; 

The  Coat  of  Arms  by  [ROBERT  Glover,]  Somerset 
Herald. 

Then  [Robert  Cooke]  Clarenceux  [King  at  Arms] 
with  a  Gentleman  at  Arms  [or  rather,  a  Gentleman 
Usher], 

Then  followed  the  Coffin  [empty  of  course],  covered  with 
a  pall  of  velvet ;  six  Scutcheons  fixed  thereon,  upon  the  head 
whereof  stood  a  Crown  of  Gold. 

Six  Gentlemen  bare  [the  supposed]  corpse,  under  a  velvet 
canopy  borne  by  these  four  Knights : 

Sir  Thomas  Manners, 
Sir  John  Hastings, 
Sir  James  Harington, 
Sir  Richard  Knightley. 
Eight  Banerols  [a  Banner,  about  a  yard  square,  borne  at 
the  funerals  of  great  persons]  borne  by  eight  Squires  ;  four 
on  either  side  of  the  Coffin. 

After  the  [supposed^  corpse,  came  the  Head  Mourner 
[Bridget  Russell,]  the  Countess  of  Bedford  ;  assisted 
by  the  two  Earls  [JOHN  MANNERS,]  of  Rutland  and 
[Henry  Clinton,  of]  Lincoln  :  [Lucy,]  the  Lady  St. 
John  of  Basing  bearing  her  train. 


? 


.]      Mary's  Household  avoid  the  Sermon.      481 


Then  followed,  by  two  and  two,  other  Ladies : 

[William  Dethick  gives  us  a  fuller  List  of  these  Ladies  than 
this  Tract.     The  brackets  show  those  who  went  toarether. 


r-} 


Elizabeth  Manners,  the  Countess  of  Rutland. 
Elizabeth  Clinton,  the  Countess  of  Lincoln 
Anne,  the  [?  Dowager]  Lady  Talbot.  ) 
The  Lady  Mary  Savile.  I 

Elizabeth,  the  Lady  Mordaunt.  ) 

Catharine,  the  Lady  St.  John  of  Bletsoe.  f 
Theodosia,  Wife  of  Sir  Thomas  Manners.  ) 
Dorothy,  Wife  of  Sir  Thomas  Cecil.  j 

Elizabeth,  Wife  of  Sir  Edward  Montagu.  ) 
Mabel,  Wife  of  Sir  Andrew  Noel.  / 

Mistress  Alington.         | 
A  Scottish  Gentlewoman. j  ] 
The  other  Gentlemen. 
The  ten  Scottish  and  French  Women  of  the  [late]  Queen's 
[Household]  :  with  black  attire  on  their  heads,  of  Taffaty 
before ;  and  behind,  White  Lawn  hanging  down,  like  French 
Hoods. 

They,  with  the  Scottish  and  French  men,  did  all  go  out 
before  the  Sermon,  except  Master  Melvin  [i.e.  Andrew 
Melville  ;  and  also  Barbara  Mowbray]  who  stayed  ;  and 
came  in  when  it  was  ended. 


The  Head  Mourner  and  the  [twelve]  Ladies,  with  the  two 
Earls  assistant  were  placed  within  the  Hearse  [or  Catafalqne\. 

The  two  Knights,  with  their  Banners,  were  set  at  the  East 
end  of  the  Hearse,  without  the  pale :  and  the  eight  Squires, 
with  their  Bannerols,  four  of  a  side,  in  like  manner  without 
the  pale. 

All  the  rest  of  the  Mourners  were  carried  up  by  a  Herald 
above  the  Hearse ;  and  placed  of  each  side,  the  women  next 
the  altar. 

The  Bishop  and  the  Dean  [of  Peterborough]  stood  at  the 
altar,  with  two  gilded  basons. 


All  which  being  placed  and  set,  and  the  Church  quiet ; 

2H  I 


482        Bishop  Wickiiam's  Funeral  Prayer.       [J^ 

[William  Wickham,]  the  Bishop  of  Lincoln  began  his 
Sermon  [out  oi  Psalm  xxxix.  5-7].* 

And  in  his  prayer  [when  he  gave  thanks  for  such  as 
were  translated  out  of  this  Vale  of  Misery,  he]  used  these 
words  : 

"  Let  us  bless  GOD  for  the  happy  dissolution  of  Mary, 
late  the  Scottish  Queen  and  Dowager  of  France.  Of  whose 
life  and  departure,  whatsoever  shall  be  expected,  I  have 
nothing  to  say :  for  that  I  was  unacquainted  with  the  one ; 
and  not  present  at  the  other.  Of  Her  Majesty's  faith  and 
end,  I  am  not  to  judge.  It  is  a  charitable  saying  of  the 
Father  LUTHER  '  Many  [a]  one  liveth  a  Papist ;  and  dieth  a 
Protestant.'  Only  this  I  have  been  informed,  That  she  took 
her  death  patiently ;  and  recommended  herself  wholly  to 
Jesus  Christ." 

The  Sermon  ended,  a  long  piece  of  velvet  and  a  cushion 
were  carried  and  laid  before  the  Countess  [of  BEDFORD],  to 
go  and  kneel  upon ;  hard  before  the  Bishop  [of  Peter- 
borough]'s  feet. 

Then,  by  [Garter,]  the  King  of  Heralds,  were  carried  the 
four  Officers  with  their  White  Staffs;  and  placed  two  at 
the  top  of  the  stairs  under  the  Bishop,  and  two  beneath 
them. 

Then  the  two  principal  Heralds  [Garter  and  Clare ficeux] 
fetched  up  the  Countess ;  the  two  Earls  [of  Rutland  and 
Lincoln]  leading  her,  and  the  Lady  St.  John  [of  Basing] 
bearing  up  her  train. 

There  she  kneeled  awhile. 

And  then  all  returned  to  their  places. 

This  was  the  First  Offering  [for  Queen  Elizabeth]. 

Not[e]  that  Brakenbury  went  this  time  before  her  [the 
Countess  of  Bedford], 

The  two  Earls  [were]  placed  without  the  pale  [of  the 
Hearse],  before  the  Countess. 

One  of  the  Kings  of  Heralds  fetched  from  the  Hearse,  the 
Coat  Armour  ;  brought  it  down  to  the  other  King  of  Heralds; 

*  In  the  discourse  of  his  Text,  he  only  dealt  with  general  doctrine,  of 
the  vanity  of  all  flesh.    Dean  R  Fletcher. 


ijSg 


]     The  English  Ladies  kiss  the  Scotch.      483 


and  he  delivered  it  to  the  two  Earls.  They  carried  it, 
obeisance  being  done  to  the  Countess,  to  the  Bishop  [of 
Peterborough]  ;  and  kissed  it  in  delivering  of  it.  A  third 
Herald  took  it  of  the  Bishop ;  and  laid  it  down  on  the 
altar. 

The  Sword,  the  Target,  the  Helmet,  Crown,  and  Crest,  in 
like  sort  was  all  done  by  the  two  Earls  :  kissing  their  hands 
before  them. 

Then  were  the  two  Banners  carried,  by  one  after  another, 
severally  by  those  that  brought  them  ;  and  so  set  upon  the 
altar,  leaning  to  the  wall. 

The  other  eight  Bannerols  were  put  into  the  Hearse  as 
they  stood. 


Then  went  the  Countess  [of  Bedford],  Master  John 
Manners  [acting  as  Vice  Chamberlain,]  holding  up  her 
train  the  second  time ;  and  offered  alone  [for  herself]  to  the 
Bishop. 

Then  the  Ladies  and  Gentlemen,  by  two  and  two,  went 
up  and  offered. 

Then  the  [four]  Officers  with  White  Staffs  offered. 

And,  last  of  all,  came  there  a  Herald  to  the  pulpit ;  and 
fetched  the  Bishop  of  LINCOLN. 

And  then  the  most  part  of  the  Mourners  departed,  in  the 
same  order  they  came  in :  and  towards  the  door  of  the 
Chancel,  stood  the  Scottish  women,  parted  on  both  sides  ;  and 
as  the  English  Ladies  passed,  they  kissed  them  all. 

Then  over  the  Vault,  where  the  body  lay ;  [RICHARD 
Fletcher]  the  Dean  [of  Peterborough]  read  the  ordinary 
words  of  [the]  Burial  [Service]. 

And  this  being  done :  the  four  Officers  brake  their  White 
Staffs  over  their  heads ;  and  threw  them  into  the  Vault. 

[Dean  Fletcher's  The  Manner  of  the  Solemnity,  Gr'c.,  concludes  thus  : 
And  so  they  departed  to  the  Bishop's  House :  where  was 


484      Thousands  of  people  at  the  Funeral,      [.^gg. 

a  great  feast  appointed  accordingly  [at  Queen  ELIZABETH'S 
expense*]. 

The  concourse  of  people  was  of  many  thousands. 

And,  after  dinner,  the  Nobles  departed  away ;  every  one 
towards  his  own  home. 

The  Master  of  the  [Queen's]  Wardrobe  paid  to  the  Church, 
for  breaking  of  the  ground  in  the  Quire,  and  making  the 
grave,  £10;  and  for  Blacks  of  the  Quire  and  Church,  ;^20.*] 

FINIS. 


*  The    total    of  Queen    Elizabeth's    expenses    for  this    Funeral 
amounted  to  £321,  14s.  6d. 


T  [h  O  M  A  s]       D  [e  L  O  N  E  y]  . 

Three  Ballads  on  the  Armada  fight, 

[Original  broadsides,  in  British  Museum.  C.  i8.  e.  2/62-64.] 

A  joyful  new  Ballad  declaring  the  happy  obtaining  of  the  great 
Galleazzo,  wherein  Don  Pedro  de  Valdez  was  the  chief; 
through  the  mighty  power  and  providence  of  GOD  :  being  a 
special  token  of  His  gracious  and  fatherly  goodness  towards  us ; 
to  the  great  encouragement  of  all  those  that  willingly  fight  in  the 
defence  of  His  Gospel  and  our  good 
Queen  of  England. 

To  the  tune  of  Monsieur's  Alniain. 

[Entered  at  Stationers'  Hall,  loth  August,  1588  ;  see  Transcript,  ii.  495.  Ed.  1875.] 

Noble  England, 

fall  down  upon  thy  knee  ! 
And  praise  thy  GOD,  with  thankful  heart, 

which  still  maintaineth  thee! 
The  foreign  forces 

that  seek  thy  utter  spoil, 
Shall  then,  through  His  especial  grace, 

be  brought  to  shameful  foil. 
With  mighty  power, 

they  come  unto  our  coast ; 
To  overrun  our  country  quite, 

they  make  their  brags  and  boast. 


486  "  Fight  for  LORD  &  our  good  Queen  !  "  [7oS°S 

In  strength  of  men 

they  set  their  only  stay ; 
But  we,  upon  the  LORD  our  GOD 

will  put  our  trust  alway  I 

Great  is  their  number 

of  ships  upon  the  sea ; 
And  their  provision  wonderful : 

but,  LORD,  Thou  art  our  stay  ! 
Their  armed  soldiers 

are  many  by  account ; 
Their  aiders  eke  in  this  attempt 

do,  sundry  ways,  surmount. 
The  Pope  of  Rome, 

with  many  blessed  grains. 
To  sanctify  their  bad  pretence, 

bestoweth  both  cost  and  pains, 
But  little  land 

is  not  dismayed  at  all ! 
The  LORD,  no  doubt !  is  on  our  side, 

which  soon  will  work  their  fall. 

In  happy  hour, 

our  foes  we  did  descry  ! 
And  under  sail,  with  gallant  wind^ 

as  they  came  passing  by. 
Which  sudden  tidings 

to  Plymouth  being  brought ; 
Full  soon  our  Lord  High  Admiral, 

for  to  pursue  them  sought. 
And  to  his  train 

courageously  he  said, 
"  Now,  for  the  LORD,  and  our  good  Queen, 

to  fight  be  not  afraid  ! 
Regard  our  Cause ! 

and  play  your  parts  like  men  ! 


T.  D[eloney].-|     -r^E  MIGHTY  GaLLIAS  ASHORE  AT  CaLAIS.   487 
xo  Aug.  1588.  I 

The  LORD,  no  doubt !  will  prosper  us 
in  all  our  actions  then." 

This  great  Gallcazzo 

which  was  so  huge  and  high, 
That,  like  a  bulwark  on  the  sea 

did  seem  to  each  man's  eye. 
There  was  it  taken, 

unto  our  great  relief. 
And  divers  nobles,  in  which  train 

Don  Pedro  was  the  chief. 
Strong  was  she  stuffed 

with  cannons  great  and  small, 
And  other  instruments  of  war, 

Which  we  obtained  all. 
A  certain  sign 

of  good  success,  we  trust : 
That  GOD  will  overthrow  the  rest, 

as  he  hath  done  the  first. 

Then  did  our  Navy 

pursue  the  rest  amain. 
With  roaring  noise  of  cannons  great, 

till  they,  near  Calais  came. 
With  manly  courage 

they  followed  them  so  fast ; 
Another  mighty  Galleon 

did  seem  to  yield  at  last : 
And  in  distress 

for  safeguard  of  their  lives, 
A  flag  of  truce,  they  did  hand  out, 

with  many  mournful  cries. 
Which  when  our  men 

did  perfectly  espy 
Some  little  barks  they  sent  to  her, 

to  board  her  quietly. 


488  Death  of  Captain  de  Moncaldo.  Qorug°"588 

But  these  false  Spaniards 

esteeming  them  but  weak, 
When  they  within  their  danger  came, 

their  malice  forth  did  break  : 
With  charged  cannons 

they  laid  about  them  then, 
For  to  destroy  those  proper  barks 

and  all  their  valiant  men. 
Which  when  our  men 

preceived  so  to  be ; 
Like  lions  fierce,  they  forward  went 

to  'quite  this  injury ; 
And  boarding  them 

with  strong  and  mighty  hand, 
They  killed  the  men,  until  their  Ark 

did  sink  in  Calais  sand. 

The  chiefest  Captain 

of  this  Galleon  so  high, 
Don  Hugo  de  Moncaldo,  he 

within  this  fight  did  die  : 
Who  was  the  General 

of  all  the  Galleons  great, 
But  through  his  brains,  with  powder's  force, 

a  bullet  strong  did  beat. 
And  many  more, 

by  sword,  did  lose  their  breath, 
And  many  more  within  the  sea 

did  swim,  and  took  their  death. 
There  might  you  see 

the  salt  and  foaming  flood, 
Died  and  stained  like  scarlet  red 

with  store  of  Spanish  blood. 

This  mighty  vessel 

was  threescore  yards  in  length, 


To Aug^'ilsH    Not  a  ship  of  ours  was  lost!  489 

Most  wonderful,  to  each  man's  eye, 

for  making  and  for  strength. 
In  her  were  placed 

a  hundred  cannons  great, 
And  mightily  provided  eke 

with  bread-corn,  wine,  and  meat. 
There  were  of  oars 

two  hundred,  I  ween. 
Threescore  feet  and  twelve  in  length 

well  measured  to  be  seen  ; 
And  yet  subdued, 

with  many  others  more  : 
And  not  a  ship  of  ours  lost ! 

the  LORD  be  thanked  therefore  1 

Our  pleasant  country, 

so  beautiful  and  so  fair. 
They  do  intend,  by  deadly  war, 

to  make  both  poor  and  bare. 
Our  towns  and  cities, 

to  rack  and  sack  likewise. 
To  kill  and  murder  man  and  wife 

as  malice  doth  arise  ; 
And  to  deflour 

our  virgins  in  our  sight ; 
And  in  the  cradle  cruelly 

the  tender  babe  to  smite. 
GOD'S  Holy  Truth, 

they  mean  for  to  cast  down. 
And  to  deprive  our  noble  Queen 

both  of  her  life  and  crown. 

Our  wealth  and  riches, 

which  we  enjoyed  long; 
They  do  appoint  their  prey  and  spoil 

by  cruelty  and  wrong. 


490  Intended  mercies  of  the  Spaniards.  [JoWxsIs; 

To  set  our  houses 

a  fire  on  our  heads ; 
And  cursedly  to  cut  our  throats 

As  we  lie  in  our  beds. 
Our  children's  brains 

to  dash  against  the  ground, 
And  from  the  earth  our  memory 

for  ever  to  confound. 
To  change  our  joy 

to  grief  and  mourning  sad, 
And  never  more  to  see  the  days 

of  pleasure  we  have  had. 

But  GOD  Almighty 

be  blessed  evermore  ! 
Who  doth  encourage  Englishmen 

to  beat  them  from  our  shore, 
With  roaring  cannons 

their  hasty  steps  to  stay, 
And  with  the  force  of  thundering  shot, 

to  make  them  fly  away  ; 
Who  made  account, 

before  this  time  or  day, 
Against  the  walls  of  fair  London 

their  banners  to  display. 
But  their  intent, 

the  LORD  will  bring  to  nought, 
If  faithfully  we  call  and  cry 

for  succour  as  we  ought. 

And  yours,  dear  brethren  ! 

which  beareth  arms  this  day, 
For  safeguard  of  your  native  soil ; 

mark  well,  what  I  shall  say  ! 
Regard  your  duties ! 

think  on  your  country's  good  ! 


.'Aug^S:]  "The  Queen  will  be  among  you  !'*  491 

And  fear  not  in  defence  thereof, 

to  spend  your  dearest  blood  ! 
Our  gracious  Queen 

doth  greet  you  every  one  ! 
And  saith,  "  She  will  among  you  be 

in  every  bitter  storm  ! 
Desiring  you 

true  English  hearts  to  bear 
To  GOD  !  to  her !  and  to  the  land 

wherein  you  nursed  were  !  " 

LORD  GOD  Almighty! 

(which  hath  the  hearts  in  hand, 
Of  every  person  to  dispose) 

defend  this  English  land  ! 
Bless  Thou,  our  Sovereign 

with  long  and  happy  life  ! 
Endue  her  Council  with  Thy  grace  I 

and  end  this  mortal  strife  ! 
Give  to  the  rest 

of  commons  more  and  less, 
Loving  hearts  !  obedient  minds  ! 

and  perfect  faithfulness ! 
That  they  and  we, 

and  all,  with  one  accord, 
On  Sion  hill,  may  sing  the  praise 

of  our  most  mighty  LORD. 

T.  D. 

FINIS. 


Printed   by  John    Wolfe 

for   Edward    White 

1588, 


492  The  Queen's  intent  to  see  Tilbury  Camp.  [7oAig.°S 

The  Queen's  visiting  of  the  Camp  at  Tilbury,  with  her 
entertainment  there. 

To  the  tune  of  Wilson's  wild. 

[Entered  at  Stationers' Hall,  loth  August,  1588;  see  Transcript,  ii.  495.  Ed.  1875.] 

Ithin  the  year  of  Christ  our  Lord, 

a  thousand  and  five  hundred  full, 
And  eighty-eight  by  just  record, 

the  which  no  man  may  disannul ; 
And  in  the  thirtieth  year  remaining, 

of  good  Queen  Elizabeth's  reigning  . 
A  mighty  power  there  was  prepared 

By  Philip,  then  the  King  of  Spain, 
Against  the  Maiden  Queen  of  England  ; 

Which  in  peace  before  did  reign. 

Her  royal  ships,  to  sea  she  sent 

to  guard  the  coast  on  every  side ; 
And  seeing  how  her  foes  were  bent, 

her  realm  full  well  she  did  provide 
With  many  thousands  so  prepared 

as  like  was  never  erst  declared ; 
Of  horsemen  and  of  footmen  plenty, 

whose  good  hearts  full  well  is  seen, 
In  the  safeguard  of  their  country 

and  the  service  of  our  Queen. 

In  Essex  fair,  that  fertile  soil 

upon  the  hill  of  Tilbury, 
To  give  our  Spanish  foes  the  foil 

in  gallant  camps  they  now  do  lie, 
Where  good  order  is  ordained, 

and  true  justice  eke  maintained 
For  the  punishment  of  persons 

that  are  lewd  or  badly  bent. 
To  see  a  sight  so  strange  in  England, 

'Twas  our  gracious  Queen's  intent. 


Aug^^sss.]  The  Queen  leaves  Whitehall,  8th  Aug  493 

And  on  the  eighth  of  August,  she 

from  fair  St.  James's,  took  her  way, 
With  many  Lords  of  high  degree, 

in  princely  robes  and  rich  array ; 
And  to  barge  upon  the  water 

(being  King  Henry's  royal  daughter !) 
She  did  go,  with  trumpets  sounding, 

and  with  dubbing  drums  apace, 
Along  the  Thames,  that  famous  river, 

for  to  view  the  Camp  a  space. 

When  she,  as  far  as  Gravesend  came, 

right  over  against  that  pretty  town. 
Her  royal  Grace  with  all  her  train 

was  landed  there  with  great  renown. 
The  Lords,  and  Captains  of  her  forces, 

mounted  on  their  gallant  horses, 
Ready  stood  to  entertain  her, 

like  martial  men  of  courage  bold 
*'  Welcome  to  the  Camp,  dread  Sovereign  !  " 

Thus  they  said,  both  young  and  old. 

The  Bulwarks  strong,  that  stood  thereby, 

well  guarded  with  sufficient  men, 
Their  flags  were  spread  courageously, 

their  cannons  were  discharged  then. 
Each  gunner  did  declare  his  cunning 

for  joy  conceived  of  her  coming. 
All  the  way  her  Grace  was  riding, 

on  each  side  stood  armed  men, 
With  muskets,  pikes,  and  good  calivers, 

for  her  Grace's  safeguard  then. 

The  Lord  General  of  the  field 

had  there  his  bloody  Ancient  borne, 

The  Lord  Marshal's  colours  eke 

were  carried  there,  all  rent  and  torn, 


494  Simply  passes  through  the   Camp.    [^i;AS.Tr88, 

The  which  with  bullets  was  so  burned 

when  in  Flanders  he  sojourned. 
Thus  in  warlike  wise  they  marched, 

even  as  soft  as  foot  could  fall ; 
Because  her  Grace  was  fully  minded 

perfectly  to  view  them  all. 

Her  faithful  soldiers,  great  and  small, 

as  each  one  stood  within  his  place, 
Upon  their  knees  began  to  fall 

desiring  GOD,  to  "  save  her  Grace  !  " 
For  joy  whereof,  her  eyes  were  filled 

that  the  water  down  distilled ; 
"  LORD  bless  you  all,  my  friends !  "  she  said, 

"  but  do  not  kneel  so  much  to  me  !  " 
Then  sent  she  warning  to  the  rest, 

they  should  not  let  such  reverence  be. 

Then  casting  up  her  Princely  eyes 

unto  the  hill  with  perfect  sight. 
The  ground  all  covered,  she  espies, 

with  feet  of  armed  soldiers  bright : 
Whereat  her  royal  heart  so  leaped, 

on  her  feet  upright  she  stepped. 
Tossing  up  her  plume  of  feathers 

to  them  all  as  they  did  stand, 
Cheerfully  her  body  bending, 

waving  of  her  royal  hand. 

Thus  through  the  Camp  she  passed  quite, 

in  manner  as  I  have  declared. 
At  Master  Rich's,  for  that  night, 

her  Grace's  lodging  was  prepared. 
The  morrow  after  her  abiding, 

on  a  princely  palfrey  riding ; 
To  the  Camp,  she  came  to  dinner, 

with  her  Lords  and  Ladies  all. 


?oAug°"588;J  Procession  at  the  Review  on  qtii  August.  495 

The  Lord  General  went  to  meet  her, 
with  his  Guard  of  Yeomen  tall. 

The  Sergeant  Trumpet,  with  his  mace, 

And  nine  with  trumpets  after  him, 
Bareheaded  went  before  Her  Grace 

in  coats  of  scarlet  trim. 
The  King  of  Heralds,  tall  and  comely, 

was  the  next  in  order  duly. 
With  the  famous  Arms  of  England 

wrought  with  rich  embroidered  gold 
On  finest  velvet,  blue  and  crimson, 

that  for  silver  can  be  sold. 

With  maces  of  clean  beaten  gold, 

the  Queen's  two  Sergeants  then  did  ride, 
Most  comely  men  for  to  behold, 

in  velvet  coats  and  chains  beside. 
The  Lord  General  then  came  riding, 

and  Lord  Marshal  hard  beside  him, 
Richly  were  they  both  attired 

in  princely  garments  of  great  price ; 
Bearing  still  their  hats  and  feathers 

in  their  hands,  in  comely  wise. 

Then  came  the  Queen,  on  prancing  steed, 

attired  like  an  angel  bright ; 
And  eight  brave  footmen  at  her  feet 

whose  jerkins  were  most  rich  in  sight. 
Her  Ladies,  likewise  of  great  honour, 

most  sumptuously  did  wait  upon  her, 
With  pearls  and  diamonds  brave  adorned, 

and  in  costly  cauls  of  gold  : 
Her  Guards,  in  scarlet,  then  rode  after, 

with  bows  and  arrows,  stout  and  bold. 


496  The  Queen,  ALONE,  SPEAKINGTO  HER  SOLDIERS.[7oAug.°?588: 

The  valiant  Captains  of  the  field, 

mean  space,  themselves  in  order  set ; 
And  each  of  them,  with  spear  and  shield, 

to  join  in  battle  did  not  let. 
With  such  a  warlike  skill  extended, 

as  the  same  was  much  commended. 
Such  a  battle  pitched  in  England 

many  a  day  hath  not  been  seen. 
Thus  they  stood  in  order  waiting 

for  the  presence  of  our  Queen. 

At  length,  her  Grace  most  royally 

received  was,  and  brought  again. 
Where  she  might  see  most  loyally 

this  noble  host  and  warlike  train. 
How  they  came  marching  all  together, 

like  a  wood  in  winter's  weather, 
With  the  strokes  of  drummers  sounding, 

and  with  trampling  horses  ;  then 
The  earth  and  air  did  sound  like  thunder 

to  the  ears  of  every  man. 

The  warlike  army  then  stood  still, 

and  drummers  left  their  dubbing  sound  ; 
Because  it  was  our  Prince's  will 

to  ride  about  the  army  round. 
Her  Ladies,  she  did  leave  behind  her, 

and  her  Guard,  which  still  did  mind  her, 
The  Lord  General  and  Lord  Marshal 

did  conduct  her  to  each  place. 
The  pikes,  the  colours,  and  the  lances, 

at  her  approach,  fell  down  apace  ! 

And  then  bespake  our  noble  Queen, 
"  My  loving  friends  and  countrymen  ! 

I  hope  this  day  the  worst  is  seen, 
that  in  our  wars,  ye  shall  sustain ! 


7o  Aig°"588.]  The  mighty  sudden  shout  of  the  soldiers.  497 

But  if  our  enemies  do  assail  you, 

never  let  your  stomachs  fail  you  ! 
For  in  the  midst  of  all  your  troops ; 

we  ourselves  will  be  in  place  ! 
To  be  your  joy,  your  guide  and  comfort ; 

even  before  your  enemy's  face  !  " 

This  done,  the  soldiers,  all  at  once, 

a  mighty  shout  or  cry  did  give  ! 
Which  forced  from  the  azure  skies 

an  echo  loud,  from  thence  to  drive  ; 
Which  filled  her  Grace  with  joy  and  pleasure  : 

and  riding  then  from  them,  by  leisure, 
With  trumpets'  sound  most  loyally, 

along  the  Court  of  Guard  she  went : 
Who  did  conduct  Her  Majesty 

unto  the  Lord  Chief  General's  tent. 

Where  she  was  feasted  royally 

with  dainties  of  most  costly  prices 
And  when  that  night  approaching  nigh, 

Her  Majesty,  with  sage  advice, 
In  gracious  manner,  then  returned 

from  the  Camp  where  she  sojourned 
And  when  that  she  was  safely  sit 

within  her  barge,  and  passed  away  ; 
Her  Farewell  then,  the  trumpets  sounded  ; 

and  the  cannons  fast  did  play  ! 


T.  D. 


FINIS. 


Imprinted  at  London  by  John   Wolf 
for  Edv^ard    White.    1588. 

21  i 


498  The  profit  which  comes  from  Spain.  [J; Aug°is88: 


A  7iew  Ballet  of  the  strange  and  most  cruel  whips,  which  the 
Spaniards  had  prepared  to  whip  and  torment  English  men  and 
women :  which  were  found  and  taken  at  the  overthrow  of  certain 
of  the  Spanish  ships,  in  July  last  past,  1588. 

To  the  tune  of  The  valiant  Soldier. 

[Entered  at  Stationers'  Hall,  31  August,  1588  ;  see  Transcript,  ii.  498.  Ed.  1875.] 


Ll  you  that  list  to  look  and  see 

what  profit  comes  from  Spain, 
And  what  the  Pope  and  Spaniards  both 

prepared  for  our  gain. 
Then  turn  your  eyes  and  bend  your  ears, 

and  you  shall  hear  and  see 
What  courteous  minds,  what  gentle  hearts, 

they  bear  to  thee  and  me  ! 

They  say  *'  they  seek  for  England's  good, 

and  wish  the  people  well !  " 
They  say  "they  are  such  holy  men, 

all  others  they  excel  !  " 
They  brag  that  "  they  are  Catholics, 

and  Christ's  only  Spouse ! 
And  whatsoe'er  they  take  in  hand, 

the  holy  Pope  allows  !  " 

These  holy  men,  these  sacred  saints, 

and  these  that  think  no  ill : 
See  how  they  sought,  against  all  right, 

to  murder,  spoil,  and  kill ! 
Our  noble  Queen  and  country  first 

they  did  prepare  to  spoil, 
To  ruinate  our  lives  and  lands 

with  trouble  and  turmoil. 


I AuS°"588-]  Whip  strings  with  wiry  knot s.  499 

And  not  content,  by  fire  and  sword, 

to  take  our  right  away  ; 
But  to  torment  most  cruelly, 

our  bodies,  night  and  day. 
Although  they  meant,  with  murdering  hands, 

our  guiltless  blood  to  spill ; 
Before  our  deaths,  they  did  devise 

to  whip  us,  first,  their  fill. 

And  for  that  purpose  had  prepared 

of  whips  such  wondrous  store. 
So  strangely  made,  that,  sure,  the  like 

was  never  seen  before. 
For  never  was  there  horse,  nor  mule, 

nor  dog  of  currish  kind, 
That  ever  had  such  whips  devised 

by  any  savage  mind  ! 

One  sort  of  whips,  they  had  for  men, 

so  smarting,  fierce,  and  fell, 
As  like  could  never  be  devised 

by  any  devil  in  hell : 
The  strings  whereof  with  wiry  knots, 

like  rowels  they  did  frame. 
That  every  stroke  might  tear  the  flesh, 

they  laid  on  with  the  same. 

And  pluck  the  spreading  sinews  from 

the  hardened  bloody  bone. 
To  prick  and  pierce  each  tender  vein, 

within  the  body  known  ; 
And  not  to  leave  one  crooked  rib 

on  any  side  unseen, 
Nor  yet  to  leave  a  lump  of  flesh, 

the  head  and  foot  between. 


500  Whips  with  brazen  tags,  for  women.  [][';auJ°;^5JJ 

And  for  our  silly  women  eke, 

their  hearts  with  grief  to  clog  ; 
They  made  such  whips,  wherewith  no  man 

would  seem  to  strike  a  dog. 
So  strengthened  eke  with  brazen  tags 

and  filed  so  rough  and  thin, 
That  they  would  force  at  every  lash, 

the  blood  abroad  to  spin. 

Although  their  bodies  sweet  and  fair 

their  spoil  they  meant  to  make, 
And  on  them  first  their  filthy  lust 

and  pleasure  for  to  take  : 
Yet  afterwards  such  sour  sauce 

they  should  be  sure  to  find, 
That  they  should  curse  each  springing  branch 

that  Cometh  of  their  kind. 


O  Ladies  fair,  what  spite  were  this  ! 

your  gentle  hearts  to  kill  ! 
To  see  these  devilish  tyrants  thus 

your  children's  blood  to  spill. 
What  grief  unto  the  husband  dear  ! 

his  loving  wife  to  see 
Tormented  so  before  his  face 

with  extreme  villainy. 

And  think  you  not,  that  they  which  had 

such  dogged  minds  to  make 
Such  instruments  of  tyranny, 

had  not  like  hearts  to  take 
The  greatest  vengeance  that  they  might, 

upon  us  every  one  ? 
Yes,  yes  !  be  sure  !  for  godly  fear 

and  mercy,  have  they  none  ! 


J"; Aig.°"583.]T H E  Romans  WHIPPED  Queen  Boadicea.  501 

Even  as  in  India  once  they  did 

against  those  people  there 
With  cruel  curs,  in  shameful  sort, 

the  men  both  rent  and  tare  ; 
And  set  the  ladies  great  with  child 

upright  against  a  tree, 
And  shot  them  through  with  piercing  darts  : 

such  would  their  practice  be  ! 

Did  not  the  Romans  in  this  land 

sometimes  like  practice  use 
Against  the  Britains  bold  in  heart, 

and  wondrously  abuse 
The  valiant  king  whom  they  had  caught, 

before  his  queen  and  wife, 
And  with  most  extreme  tyranny, 

despatched  him  of  his  life  ? 

The  good  Queen  Boadicea, 

and  eke  her  daughters  three  ; 
Did  they  not  first  abuse  them  all 

by  lust  and  lechery  ; 
And,  after,  stripped  them  naked  all, 

and  whipped  them  in  such  sort, 
That  it  would  grieve  each  Christian  heart 

to  hear  that  just  report  ? 

And  if  these  ruffling  mates  of  Rome 

did  Princes  thus  torment ; 
Think  you  !  the  Romish  Spaniards  now 

would  not  shew  their  descent  ? 
How  did  they,  late,  in  Rome  rejoice, 

in  Italy  and  Spain  ; 
What  ringing  and  what  bonfires  ! 

what  Masses  sung  amain  ! 


502  Spanish  accounts  that  London  was  fired.  U,  A^g .""jlgJ 

What  printed  books  were  sent  about 

as  filled  their  desire, 
How  England  was,  by  Spaniards  won, 

and  London  set  on  fire  ! 
Be  these  the  men,  that  are  so  mild  ! 

whom  some  so  holy  call ! 
The  LORD  defend  our  noble  Queen 

and  country  from  them  all ! 

T.  D. 

FINIS. 


Imprinted  at  London,  by  Thomas  Orwin  and 

Thomas    Gubbin;  and  are  to  be  sold  in 

Paternoster  Row,  over  against 

the  Black  Raven, 

15S8. 


:v^^ 


INDEX 


Abbes,  James,  martyr,  272. 

Abbeville,  captain  of,  309. 

Abergavenny,  Lord,  see  Neville,  Henry. 

Adams,  Richard,  288. 

Addlington,  Henry,  martyr,  278. 

Adheral,  William,  278. 

Admiral,  the  Lord, ^5,?  Clinton,  Edward; 

and  Dudley,  John. 
Ager,  see  Aucher. 
Agnes,  Saint,  73. 
Ailewarde,  William,  272. 
Aire,  428. 

Albright,  Ann,  275. 
Aldgate,  182,  244. 
Alexander  the  Great,  147. 
Alexander  the  jailor  of  Newgate,  178, 

180. 
Alexander,  Nicholas,  291, 293,  305, 323. 
Alington,  Mrs.,  481. 
Allen,  Edmund,  martyr  of  Maidstone, 

280. 

John,  224. 

Robert,  185,  194-196. 

William,  273. 

Alnwick,  67,  80. 

Alost,  425-426,  436-437- 

Alva,  Duke  of,  427. 

Ambrose,  George,  martyr  of  London, 

276. 

,  martyr  of  Maidstone,  281. 

Anderwick,  87-89,  156. 
Andrea,  Captain,  324-325,  327. 
Andrews,  William,  martyr,  274. 
Angelo,  Michael,  444. 
Angouleme,  Due  d',  see  Charles. 

Bishop  of,  3. 

Angus,  Earl  of,  113,  123-124. 
Anjou,  Due  d',  421. 
Annan,  152,  156. 
Anne,  Saint,  15,  20,  21. 

Boleyn,  see  Boleyn. 

Anthony,  Saint,  73. 
Afithony,  The,  1 38. 


Antichrist,  70-71,  73,  132. 

Antwerp,    The  Spoil  of,   xxxii,  xxxv, 

419-449. 
Apelles,  261. 
Apocalypse,  The,  260. 
Apollonides,  84. 
Apoutles,  Acts  of  the,  172. 
Appelby,  Walter,  martyr  of  Maidstone, 

280. 
Appulton,  Roger,  222,  229,  247. 
Apremont,  Comte  d',  3. 
Aprice,  John,  martyr,  277. 
Aragon,  xvi,  66. 

Catherine  of,  see  Catherine. 

Archelaus,  83. 

Archer,  John,  martyr  of  Canterbury,  279. 

Ardlie,  John,  271. 

Ardres,  61,  290,  299,  305. 

Argyle,  Earl  of,  65,  108,  128. 

Armada,    The    Spanish,    xxxi,    xxxv- 

xxxvi,  485-502. 
Arnus,  148. 
Arran,  Earl  of,  40,  104,  113,  123,  132, 

135- 
Arras,  428. 
Artemidorus,  83. 
Arthur,  King,  80. 

Captain,  117. 

Arundel,  Earl  of,  see  Fitzalan,  Henry. 

Arundell,  Sir  Thomas,  13. 

Ascue,  Sir  Hugh,  150. 

Ashdon,  Mrs.,  281. 

Ashford,  210  ;  martyrs  at,  280. 

Ashley,  Mrs.  Catherine,  363. 

Ashridge,  339,  341,  346. 

Asia,  83,  335. 

Askue,  Thomas,  martyr  of  Newbury, 

278. 
Astrology,  195. 
Astyages,  82,  267. 

Atkinson, ,  117. 

Aucher,  Sir  Anthony,  292, 305, 315, 330. 
Audley,  Sir  George,  150. 

50.1 


504 


Tudor  Tracts 


Aumale,  Due  d',  328. 

Comte  d',  3. 

Auscoo,  James,  282. 

Auvergne,  Bishop  of,  3. 

Avales,  John,  a  London  spy,  186,  194. 

Avila,  Sancho  d',  425,  447. 

Avondale,  Master  of,  133. 

Awcocke  (Alcocke),  John,  martyr,  271. 

Aylmer,  John,  337. 

Bacon,  Sir  Nicholas,  404. 
Bagnal,  Sir  Ralph,  149,  185. 
Bale,  John,  xxi  n. 
Bamborough  Castle,  80. 
Bamford,  William,  273. 

Banbery, ,  adicer  and  spy,  185-186. 

Barbican,  the,  469,  471. 

Barham,  James,  221-222,  224. 

Barnet,  martyr  at,  273. 

Barney,  Henry,  224. 

Barteville,  or  Berteville,  Jean  de,  xix  it, 

90,  92-93.  95.  151- 

Barton, ,  140. 

Barwick,  ,  355. 

Baskerville,  Sir  James,  13. 

Bass  Rock,  the,  39. 

Bath,  Earl  of,  173-174. 

Beanierside,  Laird  of,  146. 

Beard,  John,  a  spy,  186,  194. 

Bearward,  Queen  Elizabeth's,  32-35. 

Beaton,  Cardinal,  xvi,  40,  45. 

Beauvais,  Bishop  of,  3. 

Beccles,  martyr  at,  277. 

Beche,  Joan,  276. 

Bedford,    Earl    and    Countess   of,   see 

Russell. 
Bedingfield,  Sir  Henry,  351-353,  355- 

360,  362-364. 
Bellay,  M.  du,  3,  60. 
Belton,  47. 
Benbricke  (Benbridge), Thomas,  martyr 

of  Winchester,  284. 
Benden,  Mrs.,  281. 
Berkeley,  Lord,  12. 

Sir  Maurice,  191,  250. 

Berkhampstead,  Great,  339. 

Berselle,  M.  de,  434. 

Berteville,  see  Barteville. 

Berwick,  46,  75,  81-82,  142,  148,  151. 

Besant,  or  Beysaunt,  Mrs.,  467. 

Bethune,  428. 

Beverton,  47. 

Bishopsgate,  475. 

Blackborne,  47. 

Blackness  (in  France),  61,  322. 


Blackness  (in  Scotland),  86,  138. 
BlacksoU  Field,  225. 
Blage  the  grocer,  32-33. 

Sir  George,  78,  150. 

Blande,  John,  martyr,  271. 

Blossling,  323. 

Boadicea,  501. 

Bohemians,  The,  72. 

Boleyn,   Anne,  ix,  xi-xiv,  xxii,  xxvii- 

xxviii,  7,  9-28,  334,  371. 

Jane,  Lady  Rochford,  7. 

Mary,  7. 

Bon,  John,  and  Mastr :  Parson,    xxi, 

160-9,  I94-5- 
Bonger,  Anne,  283. 
Bonham,  Sir  Walter,  140,  150. 
Bonkendale,  84. 
Bonner,  Bishop,  xxv,  276, 
Borgherout,  437. 
Borne,  Captain,  321,  324-325. 
Borough  Green,  224. 
Basse,  The,  138. 

Bothwell,  Earl  of,40, 42, 45, 90, 1 36, 140. 
Boughton,  Sir  Edward,  14. 
Boulogne,  ix,   i,  5-7,  60,  78,  91,  134, 

178,  290,  307,  322. 
Boulogneberg,  61. 
Boulognois,  The,  322-323. 
Bourbon,  Cardinal  de,  3. 

Fran9ois  de,  3. 

Bourch,  Francis  de,  317. 
Bourchier,  Henry,  Earl  of  Essex,  19. 
Bourne,  Sir  John,  170-171,  173,  175. 
Bourner,  Mrs.,  282. 
Bowes,  Sir  George,  50. 

Joyce,  282. 

Sir  Robert,  80. 

Bowland,  47. 
Bowton,  see  Boughton. 
Bowyer,  Thomas,  martyr,  278. 
Brabant,  66,  433. 

Bradbridge, ,  martyr,  274. 

Joan,  280. 

Bradford,  John,  267,  272. 
Brainford,  see  Brentford. 
Brampton,  117. 
Brandling,  Sir  Robert,  150. 
Brandon,  Charles,  Duke  of  Suffolk,  7, 

IS.  19. 30. 

Sir  Charles,  122. 

Bray,  Lord,  19,  193. 
Braye,  Sir  Edward,  229,  230. 
Bren,  John,  78,  87,  127. 
Brene,  Comte  de,  3. 
Brentford,  martyrs  at,  284. 


Index 


505 


Bret,  Captain,  222,  229-230,  243,  246- 

247,  253. 
Breton,  widow,  196. 
Brice,  Thomas,  Register  of  Marty}-s, 

XXV,  259-288. 
Bridges,  see  Brydges. 
Bristol,  martyrs  at,  279. 
Brittany,  xvi,  xxiii. 

Duke  of,  see  Francis  the  Dauphin. 

Broke,  Captain,  138. 
Broughton,  47. 

Broughty  Crag,  141,  148,  150,  156. 
Browne,  Sir  Anthony,  34. 

Thomas,  martyr,  275. 

Sir  William,  13. 

Browniedworth,  Laird  of,  146. 

Bruges,  316,  317. 

Brunston,  Laird  of,  129,  139,  142. 

Brussels,  425,  436. 

Bryan,  Sir  Francis,  78-79,  84,  149. 

Brydges,  Sir  Edmund,  149. 

Sir  John,  Lord  Chandos  of  Sude- 

ley,  176,  345,  349,  350-352. 

Thomas,  176. 

Brystow, ,  martyr,  179. 

Buccleuch,  Lord,  45. 

Buerton(?Brereton),  Sir  Randolph,  13. 

Bulkeley,  Sir  Richard,  13. 

Bulmer,  Sir  Ralph,  loo,  134,  151. 

Bungey,  Cornelius,  274. 

Burges,  Denis,  martyr  at  Lewes,  281. 

Burghley,  Lord,  see  Cecil,  Sir  William. 

Burgundians,  the,  298,  324, 

Burnt  Island,  47, 

Burton,  Jock  Holly,  see  Hollyburton, 

John. 
Burwarde,  Anthony,  martyr,  274. 
Bury  St.    Edmunds,  martyrs   at,  272, 

283-284. 
Bury,  John,  xxix  n. 
Butler,  Sir  Thomas,  12. 

Butter, ,  martyr,  271. 

Butterden,  47. 
Byldy,  47. 

Caesar,  Julius,  448. 

Calais,  ix,  xxv-vii,  i,  4-8,  60,  72,   171, 

173  ;  capture  of,  289-320 ;  and  Queen 

Mary's  heart,  332. 
Deputy    of,     see     Wentworth, 

Thomas. 
Calehill,  21 1,  256. 
Caley,  Robert,  257. 
Calkewell,  307. 
Calling  Craig,  49. 


Calverley,  Sir  George,  13. 

Sir  Hugh,  192. 

John,  192. 

Cambridge,  195,  276. 

Camillus,  63. 

Campbells,  the,  128. 

Campion,    Edmund,    xxxiv,    451-474, 

passirn. 
Canamples,  the  Lord,  3. 
Canongate,  Edinburgh,  42. 
Canterbury,  Archbishop  of,  see  Cran- 

mer,  Thomas,  and  Warham,  William. 
martyrs  at,  273-275,  279,  280-281, 

285. 
Capel,  Sir  Henry,  14. 
Cappadocia,  83. 
Capres,  M.  de,  434,  442. 
Cardmaker,  John,  267,  271. 
Careless,  John,  martyr,  278. 
Carew,  Master,  193. 

Sir  Peter,  342. 

Caria,  74. 

Carman,  Thomas,  283. 

Carr,  see  Ker. 

Cartwright,  Hugh,  224. 

Cassilis,  Earl  of,  133. 

Castiglione,  337. 

Castile,  xvi. 

Castres,  Bishop  of,  3. 

Catherine  of  Aragon,  x-xiii,  xxiii,  xxxv, 

476-477  n. 

of  France,  xxvii. 

Catlyn,  Hugh,  224. 

Causun  (Causton), Thomas,  martyr,  270. 

Cavarley, ,  standard-bearer,  120. 

Cavell,  John,  martyr,  276. 

Cavers,  147. 

Cecil,  Dorothy,  Lady,  481. 

Sir  Thomas,  480. 

SirWilliam,  Lord  Burghley,  xix«., 

xxxiv  «.,  155,  420,  453-454. 
Cesforth,  49. 

Laird  of,  146. 

Chabot,  Philippe,  3. 
Chaloner,  John,  122. 

Sir  Thomas,  no,  149. 

Chamberlain,  Edward,  122,  128,  140. 

Sir  Ralph,  293,  302,  360. 

Chamberlaine,  Nicholas,  martyr,  271. 
Chambre,  Comte  de,  3. 
Champagney,  M.  de,  see  Perrenot. 
Chandos  of  Sudeley,  Lord,  see  Brydges, 

Sir  John. 
Chapman,  Thomas,  224. 
Chapuys,  Eustace,  xiv. 


5o6 


Tudor  Tracts 


Charing  Cross,  14,  250-251,  271. 
Charles   v.,    Emperor,    and    King   of 

Spain,  ix,  xii,  xiv,  xvi,  xviii,  xxxv, 
Charles  i.  of  England,  xxxiv. 
Charles,  Due  d'Angouleme,  3,  5. 

Due  de  Vendome,  3. 

Charleton, ,  97. 

Chartres,  Bishop  of,  3. 

Chaworth,  Sir  John,  13. 

Cheapside,  8,  14,  16,  25,  32,  181,  377, 

379.  393- 

Chedely, ,  181. 

Chelmsford,  martyrs  at,  281. 

Cheyne,   Sir  Thomas,  209,  216,  227, 

242,  244-245,  321. 

Lord,  son  of  Sir  Thomas,  321. 

Chichester,  martyrs  at,  272,  2S2. 
Chittenden,  Dunston,  279. 
Cholmley,  Ranulph,  380. 
Christ's  Hospital,  257,  388-389,  394. 
Chdrchyard,  Thomas,  Narrative  of 

siege  of  Guisnes,  xxvi  «.,  321-330. 
Cicero  quoted,  59,  74,  83,  335. 
Clarentius,  Mrs.,  xxvii  «.,  332,  362. 
Clark,  John,  martyr,  279. 
Clarke,  George,  215-216,  223-224,  225. 

John,  224. 

Richard,  225. 

Claymond,  John,  414. 
Clement  Vll.,  ix,  xiii,  xvi. 

John,  martyr,  278. 

Clere,  Sir  John,  117. 

Clerk,  Sir  Rowland,  150. 

Clifford,  Lord,  12. 

Clinton,   Edward,   Lord  Clinton,  xix, 

78,  81,  95-96,  138,  148,  249,  405. 
Elizabeth,    Countess  of  Lincoln, 

481. 

Henry,  Earl  of  Lincoln,  480,  482. 

Cob,  Thomas,  martyr  of  Thetford,  273. 
Cobham,  Lord,  236. 

Thomas,  190- 191. 

Coelius  quoted,  74,  83. 

Coker,  William,  martyr,  273. 

Colchester,  martyrs  at,  277,  281,  283. 

Coldham  Knowes,  143,  148. 

Coldingham,  50. 

Colebrook,  360,  464. 

Coleman  Street,  194. 

Colet,  Dean,  385. 

Colham  Hill,  309. 

Colleton   or  Collington,  alias   Peters, 

John,  460,  463-464. 
Collier,  Richard,  martyr,  273. 
Compton,  Henry,  Lord  Compton,  479, 


Conduit,  the  Great  and  the  Lesser,  16- 

17,  379-384.  395- 

Coningsby, ,  117. 

Constable,  Sir  John,  13. 

Sir  Marmaduke,  150. 

Conway,  Sir  John,  149. 

Conyers,  Sir  George,  13. 

Cooe,  Roger,  273. 

Cook,  Robin,  his  school,  135. 

Cooke,  Robert,  476,  480. 

Cookson, ,  308. 

Cooper,  Thomas,  458-460,  470,  473, 

Coppinger,  Sir  Ralph,  120,  150. 

Corineus  the  Briton,  389. 

Cornelius,  ,  comptroller  of  ord- 
nance, 128, 

martyr,  see  Bungey. 

Cornhill,  16,  20,  24,  374-375.  393- 

Cornwallis,  A.,  302. 

Sir  Thomas,  236-238,  253,  339. 

Coronation  of  Anne  Boleyn,  9  sqq,  of 
Mary,  182-183 ;  of  Elizabeth,  365 
sqq. 

Corpus  Chrtsit,  160-169. 

College,  Oxford,  414. 

Corriar,  Roger,  273. 

Corwen,  see  Curwen. 

Cotton,  John,  466. 

Stephen,  martyr,  284, 

Counter  prison,  the,  178. 

Courtenay,  Edward,  Earl  of  Devon- 
shire, 339,  351. 

Coventry  (London),  188,  193. 

(Warwickshire),  martyrs  at,  274. 

Covert,  John,  229. 

Richard,  224. 

Cowboge,  49. 

Cowley, ,  martyr,  271. 

Cowling  Castle,  236. 

Cox,  Dr.  Richard,  172. 

Cranes,  The  Three,  printer's  sign,  451, 
468. 

Cranmer,  Thomas,  Archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury, xiii,  XV,  14,  18,  29-35,  184, 
267,  276,  334. 

Cranstoun,  141. 

Grippes,  Captain,  321,  323. 

Croft,  Sir  James  k,  346-347. 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  xvii. 

Sir  Richard,  1 78. 

Thomas,  Earl  of  Essex,  xv,  29-35. 

Crouch,  Robert,  lOO. 

Crownend,  47. 

Croydon,  30. 

Cumberland,  Earl  of,  12. 


Index 


507 


Curtius,  130,  147. 

Curwen,  Sir  Christopher,  14. 

Cyrus,  68,  83. 

Dacres,  Lord,  78. 

Sir  Thomas,  149. 

Dale,  John,  martyr  at  Bury,  2S3. 
Dalkeith,  125,  137. 
Danby,  Sir  Christopher,  12. 

Sir  Thomas,  150. 

D'Andelot,  M.  de,  296,  315,  325,  327. 
Daniel  the  Prophet,  70,  179,  197,  395. 
Dapers  the  dicer,  185. 
Darbyshire,  Thomas,  452. 
Darcy,  Sir  Arthur,  120. 

Sir  Thomas,  78,  109,  120. 

Darius,  68. 

Darsie  of  Wrotham,  224. 

Dartford,  236-237,  240,  247,  272. 

Dauncey,  Henry,  preaching  bricklayer, 

193- 
Dauphin,   the,    see    Francis,    Due    de 

Bretagne,  and  Henry  ii.  of  France. 
David,  62,  72,  197,  407. 
Davison,  William,  xxxiv  «. 
Davy,  John,  284. 
Dawn,  Sir  John,  14. 
Dawson,  Thomas,  printer,  451,  468. 
Day,  John,  printer,  169,  194-195. 

Richard,  283. 

Deborah,  Elizabeth  compared  to,  387- 

388,  390- 
Decii,  the,  130. 
Deloney,  Thomas,   Ballads,   xxxvi, 

485-502. 
Delves,  Sir  Henry,  13. 
Democritus,  413,  415. 
Dendermonde,  421. 

Denis, ,  martyr  of  Lewes,  281. 

Denley,  John,  martyr,  272. 

Dennis, ,  117. 

Sir  Morice,  122. 

William,  122. 

Deptford,  240. 

Derby,    Earl    and    Countess    of,    see 

Stanley. 

Derby,  ,  martyr,  279. 

Dethick,  William,  476,  481, 
Devraeshe  (Devenish),  John,  265,  283. 
Dieftkie,  M.  de,  324-325. 
Diego,  Don,  445. 
Dies,  Sir  Christopher,  150, 
Diggell,  William,  martyr,  271. 
Digges  of  Kent,  117. 
Dive,  Lewis,  323,  327. 


Dives,  198. 

Divorce  of  Catherine  of  Aragon,  see 
Catherine. 

Dixon,  Canon  R.  W.,  xxiii  «. ,  xxv  «, 

Dodd,  Captain,  304,  311,  341. 

Dodge,  John,  224. 

Donnington  Castle,  347. 

Dordrecht,  427. 

Dorifall  (Derifall),  John,  martyr,  278. 

Dormer,  Sir  William,  354,  360. 

Dorrell,  Christopher,  211,  224. 

George,  241,  256. 

Stephen,  231. 

Thomas,  227, 

Dorset,  Marquis  of,  see  Grey. 

Douglas,  George,  85,  87,  106,  137. 

Hugh,  95. 

James,  147. 

Dover,  212,  219,  227,  452. 

Drake,  Robert,  martyr,  276. 

Driver, ,  184. 

Drury,  Sir  William,  the  elder,  13. 

the  younger,  321,  323. 

Drylaw,  47. 

Duddingston,  47. 

Dudley,  Sir  Andrew,  141,  148,  150. 

Sir  Edward,  144,  145,  151. 

Edward,  Lord,  299,  304. 

Henry,  329. 

John,  Earl  of  Warwick  and  Duke 

of  Northumberland,  xx-xxii,  40,  60, 
75-79  ;  his  career,  91-92  ;  at  Pinkie, 
103  j^^.,  151,  155,  176,  185. 

Robert,   Earl  of  Leicester,  453, 

472. 

Dunbar,  45,  47,  89,  127. 

Dundee,  141. 

Dunfermline,  Abbot  of,  132. 

Dungate,  Thomas,  278. 

Dunglass,  85,  87,  89,  156. 

Dunkeld,  Bishop  of,  132. 

Dunkirk,  316,  317. 

Dunstable,  xiii. 

Dunston,  martyr,  see  Chittenden. 

Durham,  Bishop  of,  see  Pilkington, 
James. 

East  Barns,  47. 
Edgebuckling  Brae,  133. 
Edgerston,  Laird  of,  146. 
Edinburgh,  41-44,  60,    lOl,    124-125, 

129,  136. 
Edminston  Edge,  129. 
Edward  III.,  xxv,  293,  397. 
IV.,  253,  370,  372. 


5o8 


Tudor  Tracts 


Edward  vi. ,  xvi,  xviii,  xx,  xxv,  xxviii, 
XXXI,  63,  69,  183-185,  194-195.  301, 
338,389. 

Egles,  George,  281. 

Egmont,  Count  Philip  of,  434,  442. 

Egypt,  82. 

Einde  or  Ende,  Cornelis  van,  see  Van 
Einde. 

Elias,  264. 

Eliot,  Margaret,  277. 

Elizabeth  of  York,  370-372. 

Elizabeth,  Queen, vii,  ix,  xxii,  xxv,  xxvii- 
xxxiv,  xxxvi,  32,  34,  171  ;  the  desire 
of  the  Reformers,  259-288,  331  ; 
Foxe's  eulogy  of,  334-335  ;  her  char- 
acter, 336-337  ;  accused  of  compli- 
city in  Wyatt's  rebellion,  339  sqq.  ; 
committed  to  the  Tower,  343  ;  her 
letter  to  Mary,  343-344  ;  removed  to 
Woodstock,  352-355  ;  her  inscription, 
359 ;  interview  with  Mary,  362 ; 
coronation,  365  sqq.  ;  arms  England, 
396-400 ;  visit  to  Tilbury  camp,  492 
sqq. 

Ellerker  (?  Sir  Ralph),  117. 

Elliot,  George,  Arrest  of  Campion, 
451-474- 

Ely,  martyrs  at,  274. 

Emanuel,  Don,  429,  436. 

Enderleigh,  47. 

Endmerden,  147. 

Endymion,  74. 

Erleston,  147. 

Erskine,  Master  of,  133. 

Esk  River,  loi,  125. 

Essex,  Earls  of,  see  Bourchier,  Henry  ; 
Cromwell,  Thomas. 

Estampes,  Comte  d',  3. 

Estrees,  M.  d',  316,  329. 

Eucharist,  the,  xx,  160-169,  I72- 

Eure,  Lord,  48-49. 

Sir  Henry,  50. 

Sir  Ralph,  48-49. 

Evers,  Lord,  loi,  126. 

Everson  or  Iveson,  Thomas,  martyr, 
272. 

Everyngham,  Sir  Henry,  13. 

Evington,  ,  martyr,  277. 

Exodus,  Book  of,  74. 

Eyemouth,  81,  156. 

Eyre,  Sir  Arthur,  13. 

Ezekiel  quoted,  71. 

Faldenside,  147. 
Fane,  George,  256. 


Faiington,  Sir  Henry,  13. 

Farrer,  see  Ferrar. 

Fauvell,  185. 

Fauxside  (Falside)  Brae,  64,  99,  loi, 

108,  122,  125,  129,  132. 
Fenchurch  Street,  15,  36,  380, 
Fen  wicks,  the,  134. 
Ferington,  see  Farington. 
Fernihurst,  Laird  of,  146. 
Ferrar,  Bishop,  267,  270. 
Ferrers,  George,  97,  188-189;  ^'s 

Narrative  of  the  Capture  of  Calais, 

289-301. 
Ferrers,  Lord,  172. 
Ferris,  Sir  Humphrey,  14. 

Fettiplace, ,  460-461. 

Ficket,  the,  47. 
Field  of  Cloth  of  Gold,  ix,  xii. 
Fielding,  Sir  W. ,  12. 
Fiennes,  323. 

(Piennes),  M.  de,  3. 

Fiery  Cross,  the,  65. 
Filbie,  William,  463-464. 
Finall,  Thomas,  280. 
Finch,  John,  231. 

Sir  Thomas,  244. 

Fiscoke,  John,  281. 

Fisher,  Thomas,  142. 

Fitzalan,  Henry,  Earl  of  Arundel,  19, 

.55.  173-175.  191.  347,  360. 

Fitzwalter,  Lord  and  Lady,  see  Rad- 
cliffe. 

Fitzwilliam,  Sir  George,  13. 

Flammack,  Sir  Andrew,  120. 

Flanders,  xxiii,xxxii,  66,  298-299,  316, 
324,  420-421,  425.432,  494- 

Fleet  prison,  175-176,  194,  363. 

Street,  17,  19,  250-251,  386,  395, 

406. 

Fleming,  Lord,  133. 

Sir  Francis,  78,  149. 

Fletcher,  Richard,  Dean  of  Peter- 
borough, 476-479,  481,  483. 

Flodden  Field,  99. 

Flood  (Floyd),  John,  martyr,  283. 

Floraine,  M.  de,  3. 

Flower,  William,  271. 

Fogge,  Sir  John,  229. 

Forman,  John,  278. 

Forster,  Sir  John,  150. 

Forth,  Firth  of,  39,  44,  86,  95,  99, 
lOl,  124-125,  136  sqq. 

Foster,  Annis,  275. 

Humphrey,  454,  462. 

William,  279. 


Index 


509 


Foster,  William,  martyr  at  Canterbury, 

280. 
Fotheringay  Castle,  xxx,  476. 
Foulehurst,  Sir  Thomas,  13. 
Foxc,  Hugh,  martyr,  265,  283. 
FoxE,  John,  martyrologist,  xv,  xxv  «. , 

xxvii  «.,  xxviii  «.,  xxxii  «.,  29,  318, 

331,  333.  359- 
France,  xvi,  xvii,  xx,  xxiii,  xxxii,  66, 

69,  91,  105,  128,  289-330, /ajj/w. 
Francis  i.,  ix,  xii,  xviii,  3-9,  91. 

II.,  xxx,  301. 

Due  de  Bretagne,  the  Dauphin, 

3-6. 

Sir  William,  150. 

Franke, ,  martyr,  271. 

Frier,  John,  martyr,  282. 
Frondsberger's  regiment,  437. 
Froude,  James  Anthony,  xxvii  tt. 
Froyton,  307-308,  312. 
Fugger,  Charles,  437, 
Fusse,  Thomas,  273. 
Fytton,  Sir  Edward,  13. 

Gage,  Sir  John,  i73-i75.  19°,  34i. 
348,  350-351,  363. 

GaUiot,  M.  de,  3. 

Gamboa,  Sir  Pedro  de,  78,  123. 

Gardiner,  Stephen,  Bishop  of  Win- 
chester, XV,  xxv,  34,  181,  191,  212, 
243,  341,  346-347,  359,  360-361,  363. 

Garnet,  Henry,  452. 

Garrard,  Sir  William,  175,  177-178. 

Gascoigne,  George,  196  ;  his  Narra- 
tive of  the  Spoil  of  Antwerp,  xxxii  n., 
XXXV,  419,  449. 

Gascony,  66. 

Gaston,  George,  lawyer  and  dicer, 
xxxii  «. ,  196,  422. 

Gatehouse,  the,  190. ' 

Gates,  Sir  Henry,  149. 

Geche,  Alexander,  284. 

George,  Christian,  283. 

Germany,  xx,  xxxii. 

Gerningham,  ^iJi?  Jerningham . 

Ghent,  425,  428. 

Gibson,  Richard,  martyr  at  Smithfield, 
282. 

Gilmerton,  129. 

Glaiton,  Ralph,  282. 

Gloucester,  martyrs  at,  277- 

Gloucester  Hall,  Oxford,  416. 

Glover,  Mrs.,  281. 

,  martyr  at  Coventry,  274. 

martyr  at  Norwich,  283. 


Glover,  Robert,  480. 

Gogines  ( =  Goignies),  Antoine'de,  434, 

442. 
Gold,  master-gunner,  96. 
Goliath,  285. 
Googan,  David,  91. 
Gore,  James,  martyr,  275. 
Goreway,  John,  martyr,  274. 
Gorgon,  Saint,  98-99. 
Gotmagot  the  Albion,  389. 
Gough,  John,  printer,  8,  19. 
Gourdault,  captain,  309. 
Governor  (of  Scotland),  the,  see  Arran, 

Earl  of. 
Gower,  Sir  Thomas,  81,  100. 
Gracechurch  Street,  15. 
Grafton,  Richard,  xxvi  «. ,  157,  289. 
Graham,  Master  of,  108,  133. 
Grammont,  Cardinal  de,  3. 
Granado,  Sir  Jacques,  100,  150. 
Grand  Pre,  Comte  de,  3. 
Grantham  Crag,  40. 
Gratwick,  Steven,  280. 
Gravelines,  300,  316. 
Gravesend,  222,  229,  236,  493. 
Greene,  Bartlet,  275. 
Greenhead,  Laird  of,  146. 
Greenwich,  xiv,  12,  14,  244,  334. 
Gresham ,  Sir  John,  xxi  n. ,  1 50, 1 94- 195. 
Gresley,  Sir  George,  13. 
Grey,  Sir  Arthur,  afterwards  Lord  Grey 

de  Wilton,  298,  324,  329. 

Henry,   Marquis  of  Dorset  and 

Duke  of  Suffolk,  181,  188,  208,  219, 
232,  252-253. 

Lady  Jane,    xx-xxiii,    173,    181, 

219,  352. 

Lord  John,  86. 

Lionel,  50. 

Thomas,  Marquis  of  Dorset,  12. 

William,  Lord  Grey  de  Wilton, 

78-79,  97,  109;  at  Pinkie,  112  sqq.  ; 

149,  151,  290  sqq.  ;  letter  to  Mary, 

319,  323,  325,  329. 
Greyden,  147. 
Griffith,  Maurice,  Bishop  of  Rochester, 

229. 
Grimslow,  John,  147. 
Grimstone,  Edward,  293,  302,  305,  314, 

427. 
Grinstead,  martyrs  at,  278. 
Gubbin,  Thomas,  502. 
Guienne,  14. 

Guildford,  Sir  John,  227,  255, 
Thomas,  231. 


5IO 


Tudor  Tracts 


Guise,  Due  de  (1532),  3. 

(1558),  1(^0  sqq. 

Mary  of,  see  Mary. 

Guisnes,  siege  of,  290-330 /ax^tOT. 

Deputy  of,  see  Grey,  William. 

Guns  and  Gunnery,  English,  398-399. 
Gwin,  John,  278. 

Haarlem,  421. 

Hackbutters  at  Pinkie,  III,  119. 

Haddington,  45,  47. 

Hadley,  270. 

Hailes  Castle,  90,  142. 

William,  273. 

Hales,  Humphrey,  480. 

,  Francis,  merchant  of  Calais,  315, 

316. 
Hall,  Nicholas,  martyr,  272. 
Halsall,  Sir  Thomas,  13. 
Halyburton,  Walter,  147. 
Hamilton,  Lord  of,  88. 

Hobby,  127,  133. 

Hammes,  290,  299,  304. 

Hammon,  John,  277. 

Hampton  Court,  195,  360. 

Hanganside,  Richard,  147. 

Hannibal,  59,  68. 

Hapsburgs,  the,  xii,  xiv,  xxiii-xxv. 

Harcourt,  Sir  John,  13. 

Hardilow  Castle,  60. 

Harecraig,  142. 

Harington,  Sir  James,  480. 

Harland,  Thomas,  martyr,  277. 

Harlestone,    Captain   John,   291,   293, 

305- 
Harman,  Dorick,  272. 
Harper,  Sir  George,  212,  214,  218,  227, 

230. 
Harris,  William,  283. 
Harrison,  William,  Elizabeth  arms 

England,  xxx  «. ,  396-4OO. 
Hartley  W^ood,  225. 
Hartpoole    (Harpole),    John,    martyr, 

276. 
Harwood,  Stephen,  273. 
Hastings,  Lord,  12. 

Earl  of  Huntingdon,  12,  171,  253. 

Sir  Edward,   149,    171-172,    175- 

176,  236-237,  253,  339. 

Sir  John,  480. 

Hatfield,  368. 
Hatherwick,  47. 
Haughton,  Sir  Richard,  14. 
Havre,  Marquis  d',  434,  438,  442. 
Haward,  Sir  George,  122,  150. 


Hawkes,  Thomas,  martyr,  271. 
Hayward,  Sir  John,  xix  n. 
Hearne,  Thomas,  xxiv  n. 
Hedgehog,  The,  printer's  sign,  401. 
Henby,  Thomas,  224. 
Henley-on-Thames,  464. 
Henry  v. ,  xxvii. 

VI.,  408. 

VII.,  x,  XV,  370-374,.  389- 

VIII.,  vii,  ix,  xxviii,   xxi,   xxiii, 

XXV,  xxvii  n. ,  xxviii-xxix,  4-9,  13,  27, 

29-35.   n,   68,    134,  178,  301,  334, 

371-373.  393,  493- 
II.  of  France,  3,  5,  91,  149,  290, 

292,  300,  344. 

Duke  of  Richmond,  6. 

Heraclitus,  414. 

Herbert,  Captain  George,  321,  323. 

William,  Earl  of  Pembroke,  181, 

231,  245,  248-249,  251-253,  317. 

William,  of  St.  Gillian,  321. 

Heresy  the  cause  of  Wyatt's  rebellion, 

207-210. 
Herleston,  Sir  Clement,  14. 
Heronden,  Walter,  224. 
Hertford,  Earl  of,  see  Seymour,  Edward. 
Heton,  Thomas,  422-424,  446-447. 
Hetton,  49. 

Heywarde,  Thomas,  274. 
Heywood,  Jasper,  452. 
Heze,  M.  de,  426. 
Higbye    (Higbed),    Thomas,    martyr, 

266,  270. 
Highfield,  John,  302,  307  ;  his  report 

on  the  capture  of  Calais,  312-317. 
Highgate,  341. 

Hilliard  or  Hylard,  Sir  Christopher,  12, 
Hirsil  Castle,  142-143. 
Hoby,  Sir  Philip,  347. 
Hobynton,  Eustace,  302,  305. 
Holcroft,  Sir  John,  150. 

Sir  Thomas,  72. 

Holdiche,  Thomas,  224. 

Holford, ,  325. 

Holinshed,  Raphael,  xix  «.,  xxiv   «., 

xxvii  M.,  396. 
Hollande,  Roger,  martyr  at  Smithfield, 

283. 
Hollingday    (?   Hollyday),    martyr   at 

Smithfield,  282. 
Hollyburton,  John,  45,  147. 
Hollyday,  John,  martyr  at  Smithfield, 

283. 
Holyrood  Abbey,  43,  46,  124,  140. 
Holywel,  ,  martyr,  278. 


Index 


511 


Home,  see  Hume. 

Honingham,  170, 

Hooke,  Richard,  272. 

Hooper,  Bishop,  185,  267,  270. 

Hopper,  William,  martyr,  273. 

Hoppringle,  George.  147. 

Hopton,  John,  bishop  Norwich,  276. 

Sir  Owen,  464. 

Horace  quoted,  98,  154,  157,  416. 
Horden,  Edward,  231. 

Horgill,  ,  117. 

Home,  John,  279. 

Horsley,  Sir  John,  13,  80,  150. 

,  master  gunner,  291. 

Howard,  Thomas,   Duke  of  Norfolk, 

XV,  4.  7.  15.   I9>  30.  222-223,  227- 

230,  232,  253. 

Lord  Thomas,  149, 

Lord  William,   15,    19,   188,  243, 

252,  339,  360. 
Howland,  Richard,   Bishop   of  Peter- 
borough, 477,  479,  481-483- 
Hubbert,  Sir  Walter,  13. 
Hudlestone,  Sir  John,  13. 
HuUiarde   (Hullier),   John,   martyr   of 

Cambridge,  276, 
Hume  Castle,  142,  145,  148,  151,  156. 
Lord,  42-43,  45,  85,  87,  loo-ioi, 

142. 

Master  of,  100. 

Andrew,  143-144, 

John,  143. 

Matthew,  85. 

Humfrey,  Philip,  284. 

Hummeres,  M.  de,  3. 

Hungary,  xxiii. 

Hunte,  Martin,  278. 

Hunter,  William,  martyr,  266,  270. 

Hunthill,  Lord,  50. 

Laird  of,  146. 

Huntingdon,  Earl  of,  see  Hastings. 
Huntly,  Earl  of,  xix  «.,  40,   77,   102- 

103,  106,  113,  127,  133. 

Laird  of,  146. 

Hurst,  Edmund,  martyr,  278. 
Hussey,  Sir  Henry,  150. 
Hut,  Katherine,  277. 
Hyde,  274. 

Park,  248. 

Annis,  280. 

Iamblichus,  83. 
larba,  63. 
Iden,  Jasper,  224. 
Ilsley,  William,  466. 


Inchcolm,  137,  139,  156. 
Inchgarvie,  44, 
Inchkeith,  40. 
Innerwick,  87-88. 
Inveresk,  64,  102. 
Iphigenia,  338. 

Ipswich,  martyrs  at,  276,  284. 
Ireland,  321. 

Irish  archers  at  Pinkie,65, 113,123,215. 
Isley,    Sir    Henry,    211-212,    217-218, 
223,  225,  227,  229,  231,  253. 

Thomas,  210,  228,  247,  253. 

Islington,  martyrs  at,  282, 

Italy,  501. 

Ive,  Thomas,  170,  177-178,  184,  186. 

Iveson,  see  Everson. 

Jackson,  Ralph,  martyr,  278. 
Jacob,  John,  466. 
Jacobus  de  Voragine,  99. 
James  IV.,  xv,  99. 

v.,  xvi,  XXX,  41,  60,  67-68,  301. 

Jedworth,  48-50. 
Jefifes,  Abel,  475. 
Jenkins,  David,  xxxiv«.,  445,  457-463, 

473-474- 
Jeremiah  quoted,  71,  179,  401. 
Jermey,  Sir  Thomas,  13. 
Jerningham,  Sir  Henry,  222,  230,  363. 

Sir  John,  13,  117. 

Jeronimo,  135. 

Jerusalem,  286,  460. 

Jesuits,  the,  xxxiii-xxxiv,  443,451-474. 

Jews,  the,  73. 

Joel  quoted,  84. 

John,  Saint,  quoted,  71,  172,  267. 

Johnson,  Peter,  404. 

Dr.  Samuel,  xxxiv. 

Jones,  Richard,  419. 
Joseph,  197. 
Josephus  quoted,  83. 
Judas,  453,  470. 
Judd,  Sir  Andrew,  244. 

Keele,  Parson,  125. 

Kelso,  145. 

Kemp,  Sir  Thomas,  244,  256. 

Ker,  Dandy,  93. 

Kers,  the,  147. 

Keyes,  Captain,  321,  323. 

Keynes,  Edward,  466. 

Humphry,  466. 

Kiel,  437. 

Kinghom,  43,  47,  137,  157. 

Kingston-on-Thames,  244,  248, 


512 


Tudor  Tracts 


Kingston,  John,  288. 

Kipdorp,  Port,  434. 

Kirkham,  Sir  Robert,  13. 

Kirkland,  47. 

Kirkton,  Adam,  147. 

Kirkyetham,  49. 

Kitson,  Sir  Thomas,  13. 

Knevett,  Anthony,  190,  211,  215-216, 

223,  225-227,  253. 
William,  21 1,  215,  223,  225-226, 

253. 
Knight,  Stephen,  martyr,  266,  270. 
Knightley,  Sir  Richard,  480, 
Knowles  (Knollys),  Sir  Francis,  150. 
Isjiox  (Knockes)?  John,  94. 
Kyng,  George,  martyr,  274. 

Laking,  Sir  Thomas,  13. 

Lambe,  John,  224. 

Lambert,    Captain    Oswald,    324-325, 

327- 
Lambeth,  29,  30. 
Lamheyre,  363. 
Lancaster,  House  of,  37I-373' 
Landrecies,  178,  192. 
Lange,  M.  de,  3. 
Langres,  Bishop  of,  3. 
Langton,  Sir  Thomas,  14. 
Lashforde,  Joan,  275. 
Latimer,  Bishop  Hugh,  267,  274. 
Latmos,  Mt.,  74. 
Lauder,  141-142. 
Launder,  John,  272. 

(?  the  same),  283. 

Launson,  Elizabeth,  284. 

Laurence,  Henry,  martyr  at  Canterbury, 

273- 
Sir  Oliver,  149. 

Lauriston,  47. 

Lavaroche  (Laverock),  Hugh,  martyr, 

277- 
Lawrence,  three  martyrs  named,  270- 

271,  278. 
Lazarus,  198. 
Leadenhall  Street,  15,  20. 
Least,  John,  272. 
Lee,  Sir  Richard,  78,  137,  145. 
Leicester,  martyrs  at,  278. 

Earl  of,  see  Dudley,  Robert. 

Leith,  40-41,  44-46,  60,  86,  97,  124- 

125,  1365,7^.,  157. 
Lennox,  Earl  of,  152,  478. 
Leonard,  John,  256. 
Le  Petit,  J.  F.,  427. 
Lesly's  History  of  Scot /and,  xix  t?. 


Lesse,  John,  274. 

Lewes,  martyrs  at,  278,  281. 

Lichfield,  martyr  at,  282, 

Liege,  Bishop  of,  434. 

Lierre,  421,  436-438. 

Lille,  428. 

Limchouse,  170,  173,  184. 

Limoges,  Bishop  of,  3. 

Lincoln,  Bishop  of,  see  Wickham. 

Earl  of,  see  Clinton. 

Lingard's  History,  xxviii  «. 

Linton  Bridge,  90. 

Laird  of,  146. 

Lion, ,  martyr,  278. 

Lisieux,  Bishop  of,  3. 

Lisle,  Arthur  Plantagenet, Viscount,  19. 

Lady,  7. 

Lister,  Christopher,  martyr  of  Col- 
chester, 277. 

Lith,  Thomas,  452. 

Litleden,  147. 

Livy  quoted,  130. 

Lollards'  Tower,  the,  274-275. 

London  Bridge,  188,  241,  243,  345,  408. 

London  Little-Grace,  see  Bonner, 
Edmund. 

Longniddry,  95. 

Longueville,  Due  de,  3- 

Loretto  Chapel,  47. 

Lorraine,  Cardinal  of,  3,  4. 

Mary  of,  see  Mary. 

de  Pont,  Marquis  de,  3. 

Lothesby,  John,  280. 

Loudon,  Earl  of,  133. 

Lovelace,  Thomas,  256. 

Low  Countries,  see  Flanders. 

Lowmas,  John,  275. 

Loyola,  Ignatius,  452. 

Lucius,  King,  332. 

Ludgate,  17,  188-189,  250,  386,403. 

Lupus  quoted,  99. 

Luther,  x,  xiv,  482. 

Luttrell,  Sir  John,  I2I,  139. 

Lydcot,  Christopher,  462,  464. 

Lyford,  458,  462  n.,  473. 

Lygon,  Sir  Richard,  13. 

Lyn,  River,  90. 

Macdowell,  Alexander,  147. 

Machlen,  see  Mechlin. 

Macon,  Bishop  of,  3. 

Maestricht,  421,  434,  436-438,  446. 

Magdeburg,  xxxii. 

Magnus,  Saint,  185. 

Maidison,  Sir  Edward,  13. 


Index 


513 


Maidstone,  208-211,  214,  231,  253; 
martyrs  at,  280-281. 

Mainarde,  William,  281. 

Malary, ,  409. 

Malchus,  194. 

Malines,  see  Mechlin. 

Mailing,  217-218,  223-224,  227,  231. 

Malory,  Sir  William,  13. 

Mandane,  83. 

Manering,  Sir  Randolph,  13. 

Mangerton,  Laird  of,  80. 

Manners,  Elizabeth,  Countess  of  Rut- 
land, 481. 

John,  Earl  of  Rutland,  480,  482- 

483- 

John,  483. 

Theodosia,  Lady  Manners,  481. 

Sir  Thomas,  480-481. 

Manning,  Mrs.,  martyr,  280. 

Mansfield,  462,  466. 

Mantel, ,  253. 

Walter,  253. 

Marbottle,  49. 

Marcellus,  59. 

March  (Marsh),  George,  martyr,  184, 
271. 

Margaret,  Queen  of  James  iv.,  xv,  xxx. 

Maries,  the  Three,  15,  16. 

Marke,  313. 

Markham,  Sir  John,  195. 

Markle,  47. 

Markstone,  Laird  of,  146. 

Marshal,  The  Lord,  see  Grey,  William. 

Marshalsea,  the,  172,  175,  186. 

Martyrs,  Register  of,  259-288. 

Marven,  Sir  John,  150. 

Mary  i..  Queen  of  England,  xxi-xxviii, 
xxx,  xxxiii,  170  sqq.  ;  coronation  of, 
182-183;  behaviour  during  Wyatt's 
rebellion,  190-191  ;  marriage  of,  193, 
212,  239 ;  her  titles,  201  :  her  per- 
secutions, 179,  265  sqq.;  and  Calais, 
290  sqq.  ;  death  of,  331-332  ;  other 
references  to,  220  sqq.,  336,  362-363, 

396- 

Mary,  Queen  of  Scots,  xvi,  xviii,  xxx, 
xxxiv-xxxv,  68-69,  3d>  453;  her 
burial,  475-484. 

Mary  of  Lorraine,  Queen  Regent  of 
Scotland,  139,  336. 

Mase  (Mace),  John,  martyr  at  Colches- 
ter, 277. 

Mason,  Sir  John,  173,  174. 

Mass,  the,  160-169,  172. 

Massingberd, ,  315. 


Massingberd,  Sir  Thomas,  13. 

Matilda,  the  Empress,  xxiii. 

Matthew,  St. , quoted,  71-72,  74-75,  378. 

Maxwell,  Richard,  93. 

May,  the  island  of,  39. 

Mechlin,  433. 

Medes,  the,  83. 

Medusa,  98. 

Meinthorn,  147. 

Mellerstane,  Laird  of,  146. 

Melville,  Andrew,  481. 

Merchant    Adventurers    at    Antwerp, 

420,  423-424,  427,  441,  444-446. 
Mercurius  quoted,  83. 
Mering,  Margaret,  28>2. 
Mersington,  147. 
Merton,  Laird  of,  146. 
Methem,  Sir  Thomas,  12. 
Mewtys,  Sir  Peter,  78,  88,  123. 
Meyther,  Andrew,  147, 
Middlesex,  Sheriff  of,  170-172. 
Middleton,  Humphrey,  271. 
Milk  Castle,  152,  156. 
Milles,  Thomas,  278. 
Milner,  Simon,  281. 
Milton,  210,  211. 

Milwright,  ,  martyr,  277. 

Mimms,  341. 

Minge,  William,  martyr  at  Maidstone, 

271. 
Mirepoix,  M.  de,  3, 
Molse,  Prince  de,  3. 
Moncaldo,  Hugo  de,  488. 
Monde,  Sir  Thomas,  211,  213,  214. 
Mondragon,   Christophe   de,    Colonel, 

297-298,  324-325- 
Montagu,  Sir  Edward,  481. 

Elizabeth,  Lady,  481. 

Monteagle,  Lord,  13. 
Montigues,  M.  de,  3. 
Montmorency,  Anne  de,  3. 

Moore, ,  Clerk  of  the  Cheque,  187. 

Moorgate,  252. 
Morant,  William,  280. 
Mordaunt,  Elizabeth,  Lady,  481. 

Sir  John,  13. 

Lewis,  Lord,  479. 

More,  Henry,  184. 

Sir  Thomas,  148. 

Morgan  of  Salisbury  Court,  dicer,  185. 

Serjeant,  173-174. 

alias  Robyns,  Thomas,  196, 

Morgyson  (Margison),  8. 
Morice,  Sir  Christopher,  42,  44, 

Ralph,  XV  «.,  29,  35. 

K  1 


514 


Tudor  Tracts 


Mories,  Margery,  281. 
Morpeth,  80. 

Morris,  ,  1 17. 

Moutrell, ,  127. 

Mowbray,  Barbara,  48 1. 

Mowe,  Laird  of,  146. 

Moyle,  Sir  Thomas,  242,  244,  255. 

Mudwin,  Saint,  73. 

Mnnipsi>/ius,  174. 

Munday,  Anthony,  451,  453-455,  462, 

465,  469,  471-472. 
Murray  (Moray),  James  Stewart,  Earl 

of,  40. 
Musgrave,  Cuthbert,  135. 

Jack  of,  249. 

Musselburgh,  47,  64,  129,  138. 

battle  of,  see  Pinkie. 

Myddelton,  Sir  Geoffrey,  14. 

Mylnefeld,  48. 

Myssenden  (?  Missenden),  Sir  Thomas, 

13- 

Navarette,  436. 

Navarre,     Jean     d'Albret,     King     of, 

3.  4- 
Needham,  Sir  Robert,  13. 
Negro,  Sir  Pedro,  150. 
Nesle,  307,  308,  312. 
Netherlands,  see  Flanders. 
Nevers,  Comte  de,  3. 

Comte  Louis  de,  3. 

Neville,    Henry,    Lord    Abergavenny, 

209,  212,  214-218,  220-228,  231-232, 

235.  238,  242,  244-245. 

Sir  Thomas,  15 1. 

Newbattle  Abbey,  47. 
Newbury,  martyrs  at,  278. 
Newcastle-on-Tyne,  39,  64,  79,  80,  82, 

138,  150-151. 
Newgate   prison,    175-178,    180,    182, 

189,  240,  271,  274. 

market,  406. 

Newhaven  or  Newnam  (France),  61. 

Newman,  ,  ironmonger,  189. 

John,  martyr,  273. 

Newnam  Bridge,  6,  291,  293,  304-319, 

passim. 
Newton,  martyrs  at,  279. 
Nichols,  Richard,  martyr  at  Colchester, 

277. 

William,  283. 

Nicodemus,  172. 
Noel,  Sir  Andrew,  4S0. 

Lady,  481. 

Norfolk,  Duke  of,  see  Howard. 


Norham,  49. 

Normanriy,  14. 

Norris,  Sir  John,   13,   187,   190,   192, 

363- 
Norroy  king-at-arms,  139,  142. 
Northampton,  martyrs  at,  279. 

Marquis  of,  see  Parr. 

Northumberland,  Duke  of,  see  Dudley. 
Norwich  Nobody,  see  Hoplon,  John, 

martyrs  at,  28 1 -284. 

Harry,  327. 

Numitius,  157. 

Oberstein,  Count,  434-435,  442. 
Ogilvy,  Master  of,  133. 
Orange,  Prince  of,  see  William. 
Orleans,  Due  d',  see  Henry. 
Ormiston,  Laird  of,  141,  146. 

William,  of  Endmerden,  147. 

Ornaments,  Rubric,  xxxi. 

Orpington,  458,  471. 

Orwin,  Thomas,  502. 

Osmande,  Thomas,  martyr,  271. 

Oswold,  John,  277. 

Otford,  227. 

Otterburn,  49. 

Outings  Castle,  61. 

Ovid  quoted,  56,  98. 

Owen,  Dr.,  340. 

Oxford,  195,  409-418. 

Padua,  59. 

Paget,    William,    Lord,    54,    173-174, 

359- 
Painter,  George,  274. 

Gregory,  275. 

Ivan,  275. 

Pallas,  98. 

Palmer,    Sir    Henry,  298,    304,    322- 

324. 

Julius,  278. 

Sir  Thomas,  185. 

Papacy,  the,  ix-xi. 

Papist  practices,  72-73,  456,  501. 

Paris,  8,  300,  301,  420. 

Bishop  of,  3. 

judgment  of,  25. 

Parker,  Sir  Henry,  12. 

Parliament,  x,  xxxi,  xxxvi,  29,  30. 

Parr,  William,  Marquis  of  Northamp- 
ton, 261. 

Parrat,  Sir  John,  3S0,  383. 

Parret,  Thomas,  278. 

Parsons,  Robert,  xxxiii,  452. 

Partridge,  Sir  Miles,  89,  149,  1S5. 


Index 


515 


P.iston,  Clement,  120,  124. 

Paternoster  Row,  502. 

Patten    William,    Expedition   into 

Scotland,  xix  n.,  53-157. 
Pattingham,  Patrick,  273. 
Paul,  Saint,  quoted,  71,  74,  179,  267, 

336- 
Paul  IV.,  71. 
Paulet,  Sir  Amias,  420. 
William,  Marquis  of  Winchester, 

343,  352,  404- 
Payne,  John,  a  priest,  453-454, 47 1 -474. 
Pease  (Peaths)  Bridge,  85,  87,  lOl. 
Peckes  (Pikes),  William,  martyr,  284. 
Peckham,  Henry,  188,  225. 
Pembroke,    Marquess   of,  see   Boleyn, 

Anne. 

Earl  of,  see  Herbert,  William. 

Penial  Heugh,  loi,  126. 
Pensioners,  the  Gentlemen,  191-192. 
Perdue  (Pardue),  Nicholas,  martyr,  281. 
Perrenot,    Frederic,    Sieur    de    Cham- 

pagney,  422,  427,  434,  442. 
Perseus,  98. 

Perth,  see  Saint  John's  Town. 
Peter,  Saint,  77,  84,  177,  194,  336. 

. the  Exorcist,  99. 

Peterborough,  Bishop  of,  see  Howl  and. 

Dean  of,  see  Fletcher. 

Cathedral,  xxxv,  475-484. 

Peters,  John,  see  Colleton. 
Petre,  Sir  William,  360,  470. 

Lady,  470-472. 

Peyton,  315. 

Pharaoh,  82. 

Philibert,  Duke  of  Savoy,  316,  317. 

Philip  II., xxiii,  xxxv,  191-193,212,  254, 

290,   293,  300,   310,   319,   321,   331, 

363,  421,  425,  434,  492. 

Don,  120. 

de  Valois,  293. 

Phillipps,  J.  O.  Haliwell,  xxxvi  tt. 

Philpot,  John,  martyr,  267,  275. 

Phorcus,  98  n. 

Picardy,  61. 

Pickering,  Sir  William,  122. 

Picket  or  Pigot,  William,  martyr,  266, 

270. 
Piennes,  M.  de,  see  Fiennes. 
Pigot,  Robert,  martyr  of  Ely,  274. 
Pilkington,  James,  Bishop  of  Durham, 

xix,  407. 
Pinkie   Cleugh,    Battle   of,    105   sqq.  ; 

plans  of,   114-I19;  various  accounts 

of,  xix  «. 


Pittenweem,  47. 
Plato  quoted,  83,  3S4. 
Pliny  quoted,  59,  83. 
Plotinus  quoted,  83. 
Plutarch  quoted,  130. 

Pointer, ,  184. 

Pole  or  Poole,  Sir  Giles,  149. 

Policy,  Joan,  272. 

Polwiller's  regiment,  437. 

Pompey,  63. 

Ponde,  Henry,  martyr,  283. 

Pont  Remy,  M.  de,  3. 

Pope,  Sir  Thomas,  363. 

Porsean,  Comte  de,  3. 

Porsenna,  59. 

Potkins,  Mrs.  Alice,  279. 

Poynings,  Sir  Edward,  xvi. 

Sir  Thomas,  13. 

Poyntz,  Sir  Nicholas,  43. 
Prat  (Prayt),  Antoine  de,  3. 
Preau,  M.  de,  479. 

Preston,  ,  117,  130. 

Prestonpans,  47,  197. 

Proctor,  John,    Wyatt's   Rebelliony 

199-258  ;  notice  of,  xxiv  n. 
Protector,    the    Lord,    see     Seymour, 

Edward. 
Protestant,  earliest  use  of  the  term  in 

England,  xxiii  «.,  174,  179,  188. 
Psalms  quoted,  72,  179. 
Puritans,  the,  xxxi. 

QUEENSFERRY,  47. 

Quickwood,  47. 

Rabutin,  F.  de,  295. 

Radcliffe,  Anne,  Lady  Fitzwalter,  7, 

Henry,  Lord  Fitzwalterandsecond 

Earl  of  Sussex,  12,    109,  117,  120, 

173-175,  181,  193,  253,  343,  346. 

Sir  Humphrey,  186,  191. 

Robert,  first  Earl  of  Sussex,  12, 

19. 
Radwinter,  396. 
Ramsey,  Henry,  martyr,  280. 
Ranton  or  Raunton,  46-47. 
Ratcliff,  II. 
Ratcliffe,  see  Radcliffe. 
Raven,  the  Black,  printer's  sign,  502. 

John,  480. 

Ravensdale,  Thomas,  martyr  of  Bristol, 

279. 
Raymond  cited,  107. 
Raynoldes,  John,  224. 
Reade, ,  justice  of  the  peace,  462. 


5i6 


Tudor  Tracts 


Reading,  272. 

Record,   Robert,   mathematician,   180, 

195-196. 
Redborne,  341. 
Redesdale,  50. 
Reede,  Thomas,  277. 
Reformation,  the,  xiv-xv,  xx-xxi,  xxv. 
Regulus,  59. 
Reston,  84. 

Resurrection,  The,  printer's  sign,  169. 
Ribauld,  Jean  de,  xix  «.,  90,  92. 
Ricarbie,  Matthew,  martyr,  283. 
Rich,  Master,  494. 
Richmond,  354. 

Duke  of,  see  Henry. 

Riddell,  Laird  of,  146. 

Ridley,  Bishop,  274. 

Robartes,  John,  231,  256. 

Robyns,  alias  Morgan,  Thomas,  196. 

Rocheline,  Marquis  de,  3. 

Rochester,  211-2^'^,  passim. 

martyrs  at,  282. 

Sir  Robert,  181. 

Rochford,  Lady,  see  Boleyn. 

Rochpiot,  M.  de,  3. 

Rodas,  Jeronimo  de,  425,  436. 

Rogers,  John,  267,  270. 

Rome,   ix,  x,   xxii,  xxv,  xxxii,  59,  60, 

70,  287-288. 
Romero,  Julian,  436. 
Rookwood  ( Rockewood),  Nicholas, 25 1 . 
Rooth,  or  Roth,  Richard,  282. 
Roper,  Christopher,  210-21 1,  241,  256. 

George,  275. 

Thomas,  458,  467-473. 

William,  247. 

Roses,  Wars  of  the,  xxii,  xxiii. 

Ross  herald,  142. 

Roth,  or  Routh,  John,  martyr,  278. 

Rotherford,  Charles,  147. 

Rouen,  Archbishop  of,  3. 

Rough,  John,  282. 

Rowan,  Master  of,  133. 

Rowlet,  Sir  Ralph,  341. 

Roxburgh,  64,  145,  147-148,  151,  156. 

Roydon,  Thomas,  224,  256. 

Rush,  Sir  Thomas,  13. 

Russell,  Bridget,  Countess  of  Bedford, 

478,  480-483. 

Francis,  Lord  Russell,  173,  177. 

John,  Earl  of  Bedford,  39,   173- 

174,  177,  181. 
Russians,  the,  71. 
Rutland,    Earl    and    Countess   of,    see 

Manners. 


Ruysbank,  7,  290-291,  293,   304,   310- 

313.  316. 
Rycote,  360. 
Ryddell,  Peter,  79. 
Ryse,  Master,  xxvii  «,  332. 

Sadler,  Sir  Ralph,  78-79,  128,  148- 

149,  151. 
Saint  Albans,  273,  341. 
Saint  Andrew's,  Holborn,  xxiv  n. 
Saint  Andrews,  the  Lord  of,  3. 
Saint  Bartholomew,  Massacre  of,  xxxii. 
Saint  Clair,  Sir  John,  13. 
Saint  Clement's,  408. 
Saint  Fridewaide's,  Oxford,  418. 
Saint  George's  Fields,  280. 
Saint  Gilliam,  321. 
Saint  James's  Park,  249,  250. 
Saint  John's  Town  (Perth),  86,  141. 
Saint  John,  Catherine,   Lady  St.  John 

of  Bletso,  481. 
Lucy,  Lady  St.  John  of  Basing, 

480,  482. 
Saint  Leger,  Warham,  224-225,  256. 
Saint  Lo,  Sir  William,  341. 
Saint  Martin's,  London,  403,  406. 
Saint  Mary's,  Oxford,  409-418. 
Saint  Mynettes,  39,  47. 
Saint  Omer,  310. 
Saint  Paul's  Cathedral,  Burning  of  the 

Steeple,  xxxii,  182-183,  401-408. 
Saint  Paul's  Gate,  8. 

School,  17,  384. 

Wharf,  31. 

Saint  Pol,  Comte  de,  3. 
Saint  Quentin,  battle  of,  290, 
Salamander,  The,  41. 
Salentines,  the,  59. 
Saligues,  Captain,  314. 
Salisbury,  martyrs  at,  276. 

Court,  London,  1S5,  196. 

Salmin,  Sir  Francis,  150. 

Samuell,  Robert,  martyr,  273. 

Sandgate,  290,  306-307,  310-312. 

Sandingfield,  4. 

Sandon,  Sir  William,  13. 

Saragossa,  59. 

Satwell,  Thomas,  460,  463,  466,  474. 

SauUe,  Captain,  315. 

Saunders,  Laurence,  martyr,  267,  270. 

Savage,  Captain  John,  324,  330. 

Savile,  Sir  George,  479. 

Sir  Henry,  13. 

i  Mary,  Lady,  481. 

Savoy,  Duke  of,  see  Philibert. 


Index 


517 


Scaevola,  59. 

Scarlett,  Robert,  xxxv  «. ,  477  «. 

Scheldt,  the,  433. 

Scipio,  59. 

Scotland,  xv-xx,  37  sqq.,  55-157. 

Scots  Guards  in  P'rance,  5. 

methods  of  fighting,  111-112. 

Searles,  George,  martyr,  278. 

Seaton  (Seton),  45,  64. 

George,  Lord,  45. 

Segar,  Sir  William,  480. 

Segrave,  117. 

Selve,  Odet  de,  xviii  ;;. ,  xix  n. 

Sempill,  Master  of,  127,  133. 

Senarpont,  M.  de,  322. 

Sensare,  Comte  de,  3. 

Sentleger,  see  Saint  Leger. 

Seres,  William,  printer,  169,  401. 

Sesforth,  see  Cesforth. 

Sevenoaks,  211,  216,  22y2Zii,. 

Seymour,  Edward,  Earl  of  Hertford, 
Duke  of  Somerset,  and  Lord  Pro- 
tector, xviii-xxii,  xxiv  n.  ;  his  expedi- 
tions against  Scotland,  37-157;  pro- 
clamations to  the  Scots,  76,  82 ;  his 
dream,  82-83  !  cause  of  his  ruin,  185, 

195.  338,  344- 

Sir  Edward,  of  Berry  Pomeroy, 

117,  120,  149. 

Thomas,    Lord    High   Admiral, 

xxviii,  344. 

Sheldon, ,  175. 

Shelley,    Sir    Edward,   78,    116,    118, 

130. 
Shenton,  47. 
Shepherd,    Luke,   John    Bon    and 

Mastr:  Parson,  xxi«.,  160-169,  194- 

195- 

Shitterdun,  Nicholas,  martyr,  271. 

Shrewsbury,  Earl  of,  see  Talbot. 

Sidney,  Sir  Henry,  215. 

Simson,  John,  martyr,  271. 

Sinclair,  Oliver,  47. 

Sion  House,  195. 

Six  Articles,  Statute  of,  xxi,  29,  32. 

Skelton,  John,  xxi  n. 

Skipwith,  Sir  William,  150. 

Skraysburg,  50. 

Slade,  John,  284. 

Sleche,  William,  277. 

Smith,  Richard,  martyr,  274. 

Dr.  Richard,  410-418. 

Robert,  273. 

Smithfield,  265,  272,  275,  280,  282. 
Snod,  Annis,  275. 


Soale,  Joan,  275. 

Socrates,  83. 

Solway  Moss,  battle  of,  xvi,  60,  67. 

Somerset,  Duke  of,  see  Seymour. 

Herald,  87,  137,  144. 

Soper  Lane,  377. 

Southam,  Robert,  martyr,  283. 

Southwark,      186,      241,      245,     248, 

467. 
Southwell,      Sir     Richard,      173-175, 

190. 
Sir  Robert,   209,   211,   215-216, 

218,  222,  227-228,  231-232,  238,  242, 

244,  245. 
Southworth,  Sir  John,  150. 
Spain,  xiv,  xxii-xxiii,  xxv,  66. 
Kings      of,      see      Charles      v., 

Philip  II. 
Spanish  Armada,  see  Armada. 
Sparrow,  William,  martyr,  282. 
Spencer,  John,  martyr  of  Colchester, 

277. 

Richard,  martyr  of  Salisbury,  276. 

Speryne,  John,  181. 

Spurge,  Richard,  martyr,  276. 

Spurvose,  Saunders,  147. 

Standard,  the,  16,  17,  379. 

Stanhouse,  47. 

Stanley,  Mrs.  Agnes,  martyr,  280. 

117. 

Edward,  third  Earl  of  Derby,  4, 

12,  19,  353- 
Stephen,  Saint,  267. 

King,  407. 

Stepney,  184-186. 

Stere,  William,  martyr,  273. 

Stevens,  George,  martyr  of  Lewes,  281. 

Thomas,  Jesuit,  452. 

Stirling,  44,  86,  139. 
Stocks  Market,  the,  177. 
Strange,  Sir  Nicholas,  150. 

Stranguish, ,  405. 

Stratford-at-Bow,  186,  272. 
Strelley,  Sir  Anthony,  151. 

Sir  Nicholas,  13,  81. 

Streter,  Robert,  martyr,  274. 

Stroud  (Kent),  229. 

Sturley,  see  Strelley. 

Sturtle  (  =  Thirtell),  Thomas,  martyr, 

280. 
Sturton,  Lord,  44. 

Sir  Charles,  150. 

Suetonius  quoted,  83. 

Suffolk,  Dukes  of,  see  Brandon,  Charles, 

and  Grey,  Henry. 


5i8 


Tudor  Tracts 


Sussex,  Earls  of,  see.  Radcliffe. 

Sutton,  Sir  Henry,  13. 

Swallow,  The,  4. 

Swan,  Thomas,  222,  229. 

Swiss  Guards,  5. 

Switzerland,  xx. 

Sybil,  John,  224. 

Symon,    ,    martyr    of    Norwich, 

2S3. 
Symson,  Cuthbert,  265,  283. 
Synlawes,  50. 
Syntercase,  307. 
Syphax,  59. 
Syth,  Saint,  73. 

Talbot,  Anne,  Lady,  481. 

Francis,  Earl  of  Shrewsbury,  40, 

360.  _ 

Sir  John,  150. 

Tande,  Comte  de,  3. 

Tankerfleld,  George,  martyr,  273. 

Tantallon  Castle,  90. 

Taunton,  E.  L.,  xxxiv  n. 

Tauthrie  laces,  73. 

Tawe,  Mr.  Justice,  186. 

Tay,  River,  141. 

Taylor,  Rowland,  267,  270. 

■ Walter,  224. 

Temple  Bar,  18,  250,  3S9,  391,  395, 
408. 

Gate,  191. 

Tencin,  Guerin  de,  xxvi  n. 

Tergoes,  421. 

Teviot,  the,  145. 

Teviotdale,  45,  50,  60,  146,  156. 

Thermes,  M.  de,  301. 

Thesterfelles,  47. 

Thetford,  martyrs  at,  273. 

Thomas,  St.  (Becket),  99. 

Thorborow,  Sir  William,  150. 

Thornton,  siege  of,  87-89,  156. 

Thorpe,  John,  318. 

Throgmorton  or  Thockmorton,  Cle- 
ment, 188-189. 

Job,  188. 

Sir  John,  180. 

Sir  Nicholas,  181. 

Thurston,  Mrs.,  2S2-283. 

Thynne,  Sir  John,  149. 

Tilbury,  492. 

Timmes,  William,  276. 

Tingle,  ,  martyr,  274. 

Tomkins,  Thomas,  martyr,  271. 

Tonbridge,  211,  215-216. 

Tonnore,  Comte  de,  3. 


Tottill,    or   Tottle,    Richard,  xxix  «., 

395- 
Tournon,  Cardinal,  3. 
Tower  of  London,   11-12,   14-15,   171, 

173,  176,   181,   237,  242,  250,  252- 

255.  338,  341  sqq-,  363-  391,  457, 

464,  466-467,  469. 
Tower  Street,  391. 
Townley,  Sir  Richard,  150 
Trafford,  Sir  Edmund,  13. 
Tranent,  47. 
Trapren,  47. 
Tree,  Mrs.,  278. 
Treport,  91. 

Trevenion,  Sir  Hugh,  14. 
Trismegistus,  83. 
Trotter,  Tom,  87. 
Troy,  61. 

Tucke,  John,  211,  241,  256. 
Tudor,  Owen,  xxvii. 
Tully,  see  Cicero. 
Tunstall,  Sir  Marmaduke,  13. 
Tutson,  John,  martyr,  275. 
Tuttesham,  Thomas,  224. 
Tuttie,  James,  martyr,  274. 
Tweed,  River,  145,  151. 
Twysell,  49. 
Tyler,  Thomas,  2S4. 
Tylmouth,  49. 
Tyndale,  Sir  John,  13. 

WiUiam,  174. 

Tyne,  River,  90. 
Tynedale,  50. 
Tynemouth,  39. 
Tyrell,  Sir  John,  13. 

Udall,  Nicholas,  xiii ;?.,  20  sqq. 

Uncumber,  Saint,  73. 

Underesk,    64,      102,      106- 107,     125, 

141. 
Underhill,     Edward,     Narrative, 

xxi  «.,  xxii  «.,  xxiii,  xxiv  «.  ,170-198. 

Guildford,  181. 

Thomas,  170. 

Unicorn,  The,  41. 

Unton  or  Umpton,  Sir  Thomas,  13. 

Utrecht,  428. 

Uvedale,  Sir  William,  13. 

Valdez,  Francesco  de,  436. 

Pedro  de,  485,  487. 

Valenciennes,  428. 
Valerius  quoted,  59,  83,  130. 
Vandeville,  M.  de,  316. 
Vane,  Henry,  93. 


Index 


519 


Vane,  Sir  Ralph,  78,  10S-109,  122,  127, 

148-149. 
Van  Einden,  Cornells,  427,  439. 
Vargas,  Alonzo  de,  436. 
Vaux,  Nicholas,  Lord,  13. 
Vendome,  Due  dc,  3,  4. 
Venge,  Edward,  475. 
Venice,  14,  421. 
Verdugo,  Colonel,  442. 
Verney,  Sir  Edmund,  151. 
Vienne,  Archbishop  of,  3. 
Villars,  Comte  de,  3. 
Ville,  Sir  Alonzo  de,  150. 
Virgil  quoted,  62. 
Viridomax,  59. 


Wade,  Armagil,  63. 

Christopher,  martyr,  272. 

Waelhem,  433. 
Wake,  Master,  324. 
Waldegrave,  Sir  Edward,  181. 

Sir  William,  12, 

Walden,  273. 
Wales,  xvi. 
Walldyke,  Lord,  149. 
Walliford  Field,  64. 
Wallop,  Lady,  7. 
Walmesey,  Laird  of,  146. 
Walsingham,  martyr  at,  273. 

Sir  Francis,  420,  422,  453. 

Warburton,  Sir  Peter,  13. 
Ware,  martyr  at,  273. 
Warham,  Archbishop,  xiii. 
Warren,  John,  271. 

,  his  widow,  272. 

Warwick,  Earl  of,  see  Dudley,  John. 

Watton,  see  Wotton. 

Webb,   John,    martyr   of  Canterbury, 

275- 

Weblin,  William,  462,  466. 
Weldon,  Anthony,  224-225. 
Wemyss,  Laird  of,  127,  133. 
Wendif  (  =  Wendy),  Dr.  Thomas,  340, 

358. 
Wentworth,  Thomas,  Lord,  xxvi,  150, 

173,  290  sqq.  ;  his  letters,  302,  303, 

306,  308. 
West,  Sir  George,  14. 
Westercraig,  47. 
Weston,  Sir  Francis,  13. 
Wharton,  Thomas,  Lord,  152. 
White,  Edward,  printer,  491,  497. 
Nicholas,  martyr  at  Canterbury, 

2S1. 


White,  Rawlins,  martyr,  271. 

Sir  Thomas,  243. 

Whitechapel,  193. 

Whitehall,  18,  19,  240,  248,  251,  255. 

Whitwell,  Thomas,  275. 

Whod,  Thomas,  pastor  of  Lewes,  278. 

Wickham,  William,  Bishop  of  Lincoln, 

479,  482. 
Wight,  see  White  and  Wreighte. 
Wilford,  Sir  James,  78,  122,  150. 
William,  Prince  of  Orange,  421,  433, 

442. 
Williams,  Sir  John,  Lord  Williams  of 

Thame,  339,  353-355.  359,  360. 
IVillonghby^  The  Mary,  138. 
Willoughby,  Charles,  Lord  Willoughby 

of  Parham,  479. 

Sir  Hugh,  122. 

Sir  John,  13. 

Wilson,  Mrs.,  281. 

Dr.  Thomas,  421,  425-426. 

Wimmes,  see  Wemyss. 

Winchester,  192-193  ;  martyrs  at,  284- 

Marquis  of,  see  Paulet. 

Bishop  of,  see  Gardiner. 

Place,  Southwark,  241. 

Windebank,  Richard,  315,  321. 
Windsor,  354. 

Sir  Anthony,  13. 

Sir  William,  13. 

Wingfield,  Sir  Richard,  122. 
Winnibank,  see  Windel  ank. 

Winter ,  martyr,  275. 

Sir  William,  405. 

Wiseman,  John,  martyr,  275. 

Justice,  462,  464. 

Witheiington,  Sir  John,  50. 
Withers,  Matthew,  2S4. 
Wittenberg,  x. 

Wodehouse, ,  1 1 7. 

Sir  William,  78. 

Wolfe,  John,  491,  497. 

Reynold,  printer,  51, 

Wolsey,  Cardinal,  ix,  x,  xv. 

William,  martyr  of  Ely,  274. 

Wood  Street,  186,  193. 
Woodhouse,  see  Wodehouse. 
Woodman,  Richard,  martyr,  at  Lewes, 

281. 
Woodstock,  352,  355,  358-360. 
Worcester,  martyrs  at,  175. 
Worde,  Wynkyn  de,  printer,  8,  19. 
Wotton,  Thomas,  224. 
Wreighte  (  =  Wight),  Stephen,  martyr, 

284. 


520 


Tudor  Tracts 


Wrighte,  Richard,  majrtyr,  273. 

Wrotham,  224-225,  227. 

Wyatt,  Sir  Thomas,  xxiv,  xxviii,  i{ 

189,  191,  199-257,  339,  341,  344. 
Wye,  martyrs  at,  2S0. 

Henry,  martyr,  278. 

Wynter,  see  also  Winter. 
Gilbert,  171. 


Yaldam,  225. 
Yare,  the,  147, 


Yate,  Edward,  468-459,  461-462,  464, 

466,  470,  473. 
Yeman,  Richard,  284. 
Yeomen  of  the  Guard,  31. 
Yester,  the  Laird  of,  127,  133. 
York,  Edward  Lee,  Archbishop  of,  14. 

House  of,  371-373- 

Place,  18. 

Young, ,  a  dicer,  185. 

Yren, ,  martyr  at  Colchester,  277, 

ZlERIKZEE,  421,  435.436. 


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